Pub Date : 2023-03-07DOI: 10.1177/00438200231154273
S. Asongu, N. Odhiambo
The potential for information technology penetration in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is very high compared to other regions. Unfortunately, productivity levels in the area are also deficient. This study investigates the importance of information technology in influencing the effect of foreign direct investment (FDI) on total factor productivity (TFP) dynamics. The focus is on 25 countries in SSA. Information technology is measured with mobile phone and internet penetration, while the engaged TFP productivity dynamics are TFP, real TFP, welfare TFP, and real welfare TFP. The empirical evidence is based on the Generalized Method of Moments. The findings show that except regressions about real TFP growth for which the estimations do not pass post-estimation diagnostic tests, it is apparent that information technology modulates FDI to positively influence TFP dynamics (i.e., TFP, welfare TFP, and welfare real TFP). Policy and theoretical implications are discussed.
{"title":"FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT, INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY, AND TOTAL FACTOR PRODUCTIVITY DYNAMICS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA","authors":"S. Asongu, N. Odhiambo","doi":"10.1177/00438200231154273","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231154273","url":null,"abstract":"The potential for information technology penetration in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is very high compared to other regions. Unfortunately, productivity levels in the area are also deficient. This study investigates the importance of information technology in influencing the effect of foreign direct investment (FDI) on total factor productivity (TFP) dynamics. The focus is on 25 countries in SSA. Information technology is measured with mobile phone and internet penetration, while the engaged TFP productivity dynamics are TFP, real TFP, welfare TFP, and real welfare TFP. The empirical evidence is based on the Generalized Method of Moments. The findings show that except regressions about real TFP growth for which the estimations do not pass post-estimation diagnostic tests, it is apparent that information technology modulates FDI to positively influence TFP dynamics (i.e., TFP, welfare TFP, and welfare real TFP). Policy and theoretical implications are discussed.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"469 - 506"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46311537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-05DOI: 10.1177/00438200231160775
S. Khorana, W. Kerr
With Brexit done and the desire to alter U.S. trade policy in the wake of the election of President Donald Trump, both British Prime Minister Boris Johnson and President Trump were optimistic that a trade agreement between the United Kingdom and the United States could be swiftly negotiated. This proved not to be the case despite the efforts of both leaders. We use an Open Economy Politics lens to examine the political and economic forces at work in both the United Kingdom and the United States during the tenure of the Trump administration that led to the initiative being stillborn and why the original optimism was misplaced.
{"title":"THE STILLBORN UNITED KINGDOM‒UNITED STATES TRADE AGREEMENT","authors":"S. Khorana, W. Kerr","doi":"10.1177/00438200231160775","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231160775","url":null,"abstract":"With Brexit done and the desire to alter U.S. trade policy in the wake of the election of President Donald Trump, both British Prime Minister Boris Johnson and President Trump were optimistic that a trade agreement between the United Kingdom and the United States could be swiftly negotiated. This proved not to be the case despite the efforts of both leaders. We use an Open Economy Politics lens to examine the political and economic forces at work in both the United Kingdom and the United States during the tenure of the Trump administration that led to the initiative being stillborn and why the original optimism was misplaced.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"252 - 283"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45616648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-03DOI: 10.1177/00438200231154296
Sidita Kushi
When do Western powers intervene militarily on behalf of suffering strangers? Political elites’ perceptions of international conflicts may alter options for third-party management. Examining the precedent-setting case of the Kosovo Crisis via multi-language fieldwork, NATO archives, and content analysis, I discuss how Kosovo moved from the periphery of Western attention to becoming the litmus test of the Western security response. Contrary to literature that focuses on humanitarian norms or geopolitical interests as drivers of this NATO intervention, I argue that the Kosovo Crisis “earned” a humanitarian military intervention due to shifting favorable conflict perceptions, which encouraged Western institutional involvement. Such interactions between perceptions and intervention may apply to other global crises.
{"title":"JUST ANOTHER CIVIL WAR?","authors":"Sidita Kushi","doi":"10.1177/00438200231154296","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231154296","url":null,"abstract":"When do Western powers intervene militarily on behalf of suffering strangers? Political elites’ perceptions of international conflicts may alter options for third-party management. Examining the precedent-setting case of the Kosovo Crisis via multi-language fieldwork, NATO archives, and content analysis, I discuss how Kosovo moved from the periphery of Western attention to becoming the litmus test of the Western security response. Contrary to literature that focuses on humanitarian norms or geopolitical interests as drivers of this NATO intervention, I argue that the Kosovo Crisis “earned” a humanitarian military intervention due to shifting favorable conflict perceptions, which encouraged Western institutional involvement. Such interactions between perceptions and intervention may apply to other global crises.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"284 - 322"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43293844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00438200221150905
E. Norman
Welcome to the first 2023 issue of volume 186 of World Affairs! I am delighted to present to our readers a very full lineup of articles, commentaries, and a letter to the editor in this issue—all spanning a wide range of extremely pressing topics in current affairs. These include: the Paris Agreement and climate change responsibilities, the Ukraine war, human rights violations and the UN Human Rights Council, gray zone warfare, and Moscow’s anti-Western turn, among others. The first two in-depth articles this time examine and problematize the place of legal technicalities and their interpretation in international agreements and organizations and how these can often affect government policy adversely. In “The UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review as a Rhetorical Battlefield of Nations,” Schimmel (2023) questions the efficacy of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in providing sufficient incentives for countries to bring their policies more in line with international human rights law. Taking the case of Saudi Arabia, and moving well beyond it, the author offers a compelling set of arguments showing that many states that habitually violate human rights as a matter of policy use the UPR strategically and rhetorically as mechanism to defend, downplay, and deny their continuing human rights violations. While Schimmel acknowledges the value and positive aspects of the UPR in detail, his findings suggest that, at best, it has not
{"title":"NOTE FROM THE EDITOR","authors":"E. Norman","doi":"10.1177/00438200221150905","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221150905","url":null,"abstract":"Welcome to the first 2023 issue of volume 186 of World Affairs! I am delighted to present to our readers a very full lineup of articles, commentaries, and a letter to the editor in this issue—all spanning a wide range of extremely pressing topics in current affairs. These include: the Paris Agreement and climate change responsibilities, the Ukraine war, human rights violations and the UN Human Rights Council, gray zone warfare, and Moscow’s anti-Western turn, among others. The first two in-depth articles this time examine and problematize the place of legal technicalities and their interpretation in international agreements and organizations and how these can often affect government policy adversely. In “The UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review as a Rhetorical Battlefield of Nations,” Schimmel (2023) questions the efficacy of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in providing sufficient incentives for countries to bring their policies more in line with international human rights law. Taking the case of Saudi Arabia, and moving well beyond it, the author offers a compelling set of arguments showing that many states that habitually violate human rights as a matter of policy use the UPR strategically and rhetorically as mechanism to defend, downplay, and deny their continuing human rights violations. While Schimmel acknowledges the value and positive aspects of the UPR in detail, his findings suggest that, at best, it has not","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"4 - 9"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46341877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-20DOI: 10.1177/00438200231155168
Shivani Thakur
Bringing together an array of contributors, in COVID-19 Collaborations: Researching Poverty and Low-Income Family Life During the Pandemic, editors Kayleigh Garthwaite, Rosalie Warnock, Anna Tarrant, Maddy Power, and Ruth Patrick present a poignant collection of pandemic experiences. This very current compilation serves as both a guide for navigating the next crisis and an informative analysis of the pandemic’s effects. In the United Kingdom, there are about 14.5 million individuals who are poor and a comparable number receive public assistance. That represents about 22 percent of the population. However, when it comes to making decisions about public policy and engaging in debate, the works collected in this volume underline that this group of people is all too frequently seen as a single homogeneous mass. COVID-19 Collaborations examines the lives of people who are classified as being of “poor income,” assessing their performance before the epidemic when the lockdown was at its worst and following the transition to the “new normal” in 2021. The book does this by refuting the generalizations that are prevalent in public discourse about people with low earnings and confronts the reality of the stigmatization this group endures. The focus of the collection is the “COVID-19 and Family members on a Low Income: Investigating Together” collective, that is simply one part of the wider “Covid Realities” research initiative—which was supported by the Nuffield Foundation to record the experiences of families with low incomes during the pandemic. Over 4,000 parents and caregivers from all around the United Kingdom participated in this federation.
{"title":"BOOK REVIEW: COVID-19 Collaborations: Researching Poverty and Low-Income Family Life during the Pandemic","authors":"Shivani Thakur","doi":"10.1177/00438200231155168","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231155168","url":null,"abstract":"Bringing together an array of contributors, in COVID-19 Collaborations: Researching Poverty and Low-Income Family Life During the Pandemic, editors Kayleigh Garthwaite, Rosalie Warnock, Anna Tarrant, Maddy Power, and Ruth Patrick present a poignant collection of pandemic experiences. This very current compilation serves as both a guide for navigating the next crisis and an informative analysis of the pandemic’s effects. In the United Kingdom, there are about 14.5 million individuals who are poor and a comparable number receive public assistance. That represents about 22 percent of the population. However, when it comes to making decisions about public policy and engaging in debate, the works collected in this volume underline that this group of people is all too frequently seen as a single homogeneous mass. COVID-19 Collaborations examines the lives of people who are classified as being of “poor income,” assessing their performance before the epidemic when the lockdown was at its worst and following the transition to the “new normal” in 2021. The book does this by refuting the generalizations that are prevalent in public discourse about people with low earnings and confronts the reality of the stigmatization this group endures. The focus of the collection is the “COVID-19 and Family members on a Low Income: Investigating Together” collective, that is simply one part of the wider “Covid Realities” research initiative—which was supported by the Nuffield Foundation to record the experiences of families with low incomes during the pandemic. Over 4,000 parents and caregivers from all around the United Kingdom participated in this federation.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"510 - 513"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48790191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-16DOI: 10.1177/00438200231155197
E. J. Szandzik
This article analyzes Clinton's decision to intervene in Bosnia in 1995. The methodology used is a historical analysis of primary and secondary source material and an interpretation of that material. The available evidence shows that after not intervening in Rwanda, Clinton evolved toward a more assertive foreign policy. Clinton eventually fought against pressures to employ a containment strategy in Bosnia, pushed to lift the arms embargo on the Bosnian Muslims, and strike at the Bosnian Serbs. After multiple failed attempts at diplomacy to accomplish these goals, Clinton managed to achieve his objectives through indirect methods. He set the stage for a major military offensive against Bosnian Serb forces before the massacre at Srebrenica, which is an important correction to the traditional narrative on the topic. Clinton then initiated a massive U.S.-led bombing campaign, achieved military objectives, negotiated a peace agreement, and deployed U.S. troops to enforce the peace agreement.
{"title":"PRESIDENT CLINTON'S INTERVENTION INTO BOSNIA, 1995","authors":"E. J. Szandzik","doi":"10.1177/00438200231155197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231155197","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes Clinton's decision to intervene in Bosnia in 1995. The methodology used is a historical analysis of primary and secondary source material and an interpretation of that material. The available evidence shows that after not intervening in Rwanda, Clinton evolved toward a more assertive foreign policy. Clinton eventually fought against pressures to employ a containment strategy in Bosnia, pushed to lift the arms embargo on the Bosnian Muslims, and strike at the Bosnian Serbs. After multiple failed attempts at diplomacy to accomplish these goals, Clinton managed to achieve his objectives through indirect methods. He set the stage for a major military offensive against Bosnian Serb forces before the massacre at Srebrenica, which is an important correction to the traditional narrative on the topic. Clinton then initiated a massive U.S.-led bombing campaign, achieved military objectives, negotiated a peace agreement, and deployed U.S. troops to enforce the peace agreement.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"323 - 352"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46104410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-12DOI: 10.1177/00438200231154279
N. Schimmel
{"title":"BOOK REVIEW: 1000 Years of Joys and Sorrows","authors":"N. Schimmel","doi":"10.1177/00438200231154279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200231154279","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"507 - 509"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41444468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-08DOI: 10.1177/00438200221147936
A. Amini, Mohammad Abedi, Elnaz Nesari, Ehsan Daryadel, M. Kolahi, H. Mianabadi, J. Fisher
Article 8 of the Paris Agreement introduces obligations upon the Parties to the Agreement “with respect to Loss and Damage associated with adverse impacts of climate change.” According to Paragraph 52 of the Conference of the Parties’ Decision, Article 8 is not a basis for liability or compensation. Therefore, the problem is whether violation of obligations leads to a state responsibility. Using a dogmatic method, this research contends that “recognizing the significance of averting, minimizing, and addressing Loss and Damage” means acceptance of responsibility for a breach of obligations. Although the means of seeking reparation would not be compensation, States are obliged to eliminate sources of damage and take precautionary measures to address loss and damage. Notwithstanding this, placing the issue of loss and damage under the Agreement into a separate article can reflect to a great extent the significance of the matter.
{"title":"THE PARIS AGREEMENT'S APPROACH TOWARD CLIMATE CHANGE LOSS AND DAMAGE","authors":"A. Amini, Mohammad Abedi, Elnaz Nesari, Ehsan Daryadel, M. Kolahi, H. Mianabadi, J. Fisher","doi":"10.1177/00438200221147936","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221147936","url":null,"abstract":"Article 8 of the Paris Agreement introduces obligations upon the Parties to the Agreement “with respect to Loss and Damage associated with adverse impacts of climate change.” According to Paragraph 52 of the Conference of the Parties’ Decision, Article 8 is not a basis for liability or compensation. Therefore, the problem is whether violation of obligations leads to a state responsibility. Using a dogmatic method, this research contends that “recognizing the significance of averting, minimizing, and addressing Loss and Damage” means acceptance of responsibility for a breach of obligations. Although the means of seeking reparation would not be compensation, States are obliged to eliminate sources of damage and take precautionary measures to address loss and damage. Notwithstanding this, placing the issue of loss and damage under the Agreement into a separate article can reflect to a great extent the significance of the matter.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"46 - 80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46505671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.1177/00438200221135638
Andreas Umland
A number of para-academic tendencies in Russian social science helped prepare the Ukraine war. In addition to propaganda and disinformation campaigns by the Kremlin, an intellectual deformation of the Russian elite by the Manichean ideas of such theorists as Lev Gumilyov and Aleksandr Dugin is partly responsible for Russia's increasing secession from Europe. Post-Soviet public discourse has become infected with an array of speculative, often conspiratorial, and sometimes occultist or racist theories. Their proponents have crowded out acknowledged social scientists and historians from intellectual and media debates. This parallel public discourse has been developing since the beginning of glasnost, 35 years ago, and became one of the determinants of Russia's attack on Ukraine in 2014.
{"title":"COMMENTARY – HISTORICAL ESOTERICISM AS A COGNITION METHOD","authors":"Andreas Umland","doi":"10.1177/00438200221135638","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221135638","url":null,"abstract":"A number of para-academic tendencies in Russian social science helped prepare the Ukraine war. In addition to propaganda and disinformation campaigns by the Kremlin, an intellectual deformation of the Russian elite by the Manichean ideas of such theorists as Lev Gumilyov and Aleksandr Dugin is partly responsible for Russia's increasing secession from Europe. Post-Soviet public discourse has become infected with an array of speculative, often conspiratorial, and sometimes occultist or racist theories. Their proponents have crowded out acknowledged social scientists and historians from intellectual and media debates. This parallel public discourse has been developing since the beginning of glasnost, 35 years ago, and became one of the determinants of Russia's attack on Ukraine in 2014.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"210 - 225"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47286727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-08DOI: 10.1177/00438200221141101
T. Azad, M. W. Haider, Muhammad Sadiq
This study examines the dynamics of gray zone warfare by analyzing its conceptualization in the literature and through its practice in several recent examples. Ever-increasing changes in the characteristics of contemporary warfare have complicated the security environment of the 21st century. Modern warfare inclines toward non-kinetic dimensions based on the principles of hybridity, soft power, and ambiguity. This changing nature of warfare has been defined and categorized in diverse ways, leading to numerous perspectives revealing more confusion than clarity. The terms “hybrid warfare,” “gray zone warfare,” “unrestricted warfare,” and “ambiguous warfare” have received unprecedented attention in recent years. A key contemporary challenge is to differentiate between war and peace because gray zone warfare occupies the space in between both these situations. Many contemporary conflicts are neither black nor white; instead, they fall in the middle of the two: the gray zone. These factors underscore the significance of evaluating and understanding the concept of gray zone warfare. The United States considers Russia, China, and Iran as revisionist states that employ gray zone warfare in various domains to challenge the United States-led world order. South Asia is also a manifested playground of gray zone warfare. The research further distinguishes between gray zone warfare and hybrid warfare and proposes strategies for countering this threat.
{"title":"UNDERSTANDING GRAY ZONE WARFARE FROM MULTIPLE PERSPECTIVES","authors":"T. Azad, M. W. Haider, Muhammad Sadiq","doi":"10.1177/00438200221141101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221141101","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the dynamics of gray zone warfare by analyzing its conceptualization in the literature and through its practice in several recent examples. Ever-increasing changes in the characteristics of contemporary warfare have complicated the security environment of the 21st century. Modern warfare inclines toward non-kinetic dimensions based on the principles of hybridity, soft power, and ambiguity. This changing nature of warfare has been defined and categorized in diverse ways, leading to numerous perspectives revealing more confusion than clarity. The terms “hybrid warfare,” “gray zone warfare,” “unrestricted warfare,” and “ambiguous warfare” have received unprecedented attention in recent years. A key contemporary challenge is to differentiate between war and peace because gray zone warfare occupies the space in between both these situations. Many contemporary conflicts are neither black nor white; instead, they fall in the middle of the two: the gray zone. These factors underscore the significance of evaluating and understanding the concept of gray zone warfare. The United States considers Russia, China, and Iran as revisionist states that employ gray zone warfare in various domains to challenge the United States-led world order. South Asia is also a manifested playground of gray zone warfare. The research further distinguishes between gray zone warfare and hybrid warfare and proposes strategies for countering this threat.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"81 - 104"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43067264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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