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Social Stigma and Perinatal Substance Use Services: Recognizing the Power of the Good Mother Ideal 社会耻辱和围产期物质使用服务:认识到好母亲理想的力量
Q3 SUBSTANCE ABUSE Pub Date : 2020-10-30 DOI: 10.1177/0091450920969200
Tracy R. Nichols, A. Welborn, Meredith R Gringle, Amy Lee
People who are diagnosed with a substance use disorder can experience stigmatizing interactions with health and social service providers, which may decrease both quality and continuity of care. For women with a substance-exposed pregnancy (SEP), this stigma can increase exponentially. Stigmatizing interactions can be difficult to identify due to social sanctions against expressing stigmatizing attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors and because stigma often resides in accepted cultural norms. Examining discourses around care provision can serve to identify instances of social stigma as well as illuminate the cultural norms in which they are embedded. Using data from a seven-year grounded theory study on perinatal substance use service provision, this paper reports on the perceptions and experiences of service providers working with mothers who have an SEP and illustrates complexities behind stigmatizing patient-provider interactions. Data collected included observations at meetings, workshops, and conferences addressing best practices across the continuum of care for perinatal substance use as well as interviews and focus groups with providers. The construct of “good mothering,” or hegemonic motherhood, was identified as an important cultural norm that supported social stigma and was embedded in providers’ interactions with mothers with an SEP. Discursive elements found in providers’ descriptions of perinatal substance use service work are presented and highlight the role of hegemonic motherhood as a stigmatizing agent.
被诊断为药物使用障碍的人可能会经历与卫生和社会服务提供者的污名化互动,这可能会降低护理质量和连续性。对于有物质暴露妊娠(SEP)的妇女来说,这种耻辱感会呈指数级增加。由于对表达污名化态度、信仰和行为的社会制裁,以及污名化往往存在于公认的文化规范中,污名化互动可能很难识别。研究围绕护理提供的话语可以有助于识别社会污名的例子,并阐明它们所嵌入的文化规范。利用一项为期七年的围产期药物使用服务提供基础理论研究的数据,本文报告了服务提供者与患有SEP的母亲合作的看法和经历,并说明了污名化患者与提供者互动背后的复杂性。收集的数据包括在会议、研讨会和会议上发表的关于围产期药物使用连续护理最佳实践的意见,以及与提供者的访谈和焦点小组。“好母亲”或霸权母亲的概念被确定为一种重要的文化规范,支持社会污名化,并嵌入提供者与患有SEP的母亲的互动中。提供者对围产期药物使用服务工作的描述中发现了话语元素,并强调了霸权母亲作为污名化媒介的作用。
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引用次数: 22
Tough Times and the Ethnography of State Intimacies 艰难时期与国家亲密关系的民族志
Q3 SUBSTANCE ABUSE Pub Date : 2020-09-03 DOI: 10.1177/0091450920956395
N. Campbell
Backlit by the flickering nightly display of #NYTough, a beacon projected onto the massive Empire State Government Plaza in Albany, New York, I read these two ethnographic encounters during the COVID-19 lockdown, a surreal experience for a scholar of drug policy, treatment, and science. Meant to showcase New Yorkers’ resilience, the slogan beamed its polysemic “tough love” signal across one of former New York State Governor Nelson Rockefeller’s monumental architectural follies. Far more consequential a folly has been the 1973 Rockefeller Laws, “get tough” drug laws mimicked throughout the United States’ “little Rockefeller laws” (Maggio, 2006). The Rockefeller Laws fueled mass incarceration with lengthy mandatory minimum sentences, and went unreformed until 2009 (Office of the New York State Governor, 2009). These laws provoked a particularly masculinist style of #NYTough law enforcement over more than 40 years’ existence, ensnaring a wide swath of New Yorkers—particularly poor persons of color—within the purview of the criminal justice system (Kohler-Hausman 2010, 2017). Reform set in motion an “evolving process in which a shift from punishment to treatment is occurring alongside a growing demand for treatment providers to meet the requirements of the criminal justice system” (Riggs et al., 2014). While the distinctly nontherapeutic criminalization process—which the Rockefeller Laws exemplify—will remain with the disunited states for a long time to come, experiments in therapeutic jurisprudence have yielded a system of “drug courts,” in which judges may exercise a degree of autonomy in sanctioning, while fostering relationships of emotional dependency with “participants” into whose lives they intrude deeply (Kaye, 2020, p. 66). This essay considers two recent U.S.-based books that reveal the inner workings of drug courts and prison-based treatment programs, situating each within the larger stakes of feminist drug ethnography and historiography. The scope of this review essay widened beyond the contribution each book makes to the ethnographic record to encompass the broader question of how states—those “coldest of all cold monsters” (Nietzsche, 1892/1930, p. 56)—respond to “unloved” subjects who use drugs. My purpose is to
在每晚闪烁的#NYTough(投射在纽约奥尔巴尼大型帝国政府广场上的灯塔)的衬托下,我读到了新冠肺炎封锁期间的这两次人种学遭遇,对于一位研究药物政策、治疗和科学的学者来说,这是一次超现实的经历。为了展示纽约人的韧性,这句口号在前纽约州州长纳尔逊·洛克菲勒(Nelson Rockefeller)的一个不朽建筑愚蠢行为中传递了其多义的“坚韧的爱”信号。更重要的是1973年的洛克菲勒法律,该法律模仿了整个美国的“小洛克菲勒法律”(Maggio,2006)。洛克菲勒法律以冗长的强制性最低刑期助长了大规模监禁,直到2009年才得到修改(纽约州州长办公室,2009年)。这些法律在40多年的存在中引发了一种特别男性化的#NYTough执法风格,将大量纽约人——尤其是有色人种穷人——困在刑事司法系统的管辖范围内(Kohler Hausman 20102017)。改革启动了一个“从惩罚到治疗的不断演变的过程,同时对治疗提供者的需求不断增长,以满足刑事司法系统的要求”(Riggs等人,2014)。虽然洛克菲勒法律所体现的明显的非治疗性刑事定罪程序将在未来很长一段时间内继续存在于分裂的各州,但治疗法学的实验已经产生了一个“毒品法庭”系统,在这个系统中,法官可以在制裁方面行使一定程度的自主权,同时培养与“参与者”的情感依赖关系,他们深深地侵入了他们的生活(Kaye,2020,第66页)。本文考虑了美国最近出版的两本书,这两本书揭示了毒品法庭和监狱治疗项目的内部运作,将每一本书都置于女权主义毒品民族志和史学的更大利害关系中。这篇评论文章的范围超出了每本书对民族志记录的贡献,涵盖了更广泛的问题,即国家——那些“所有冷怪物中最冷的”(尼采,1892/1930,第56页)——如何应对吸毒的“不受欢迎”的受试者。我的目的是
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking “Change”: Introduction to a Special Focus 反思“改变”:一个特殊焦点的介绍
Q3 SUBSTANCE ABUSE Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/0091450920943446
D. Moore
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引用次数: 1
Change in Editorship of Contemporary Drug Problems 《当代毒品问题》编辑的变化
Q3 SUBSTANCE ABUSE Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/0091450920944002
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引用次数: 0
“Coming Out”: Stigma, Reflexivity and the Drug Researcher’s Drug Use “出柜”:耻辱、反射与药物研究者的药物使用
Q3 SUBSTANCE ABUSE Pub Date : 2020-08-31 DOI: 10.1177/0091450920953635
A. Ross, G. Potter, M. Barratt, J. Aldridge
Some personal experience of illicit drug use undoubtedly exists within the population of academic drug researchers. But it is rarely acknowledged, and even more rarely reflected upon, in their published work. This is understandable: criminal, professional and social sanctions may follow public admission of illicit activities. However, to not “come out” seems contrary to some core academic principles, such as transparency in data collection and reflexivity in the research process. Coming out may present researchers with an opportunity for improving knowledge of, and policies toward, drug use. In this article, we identify reasons for and against the public disclosure of drug use and the impact of such disclosure across a range of spheres, including research, teaching, policy influence and private lives. Reasons against coming out include the risks of undermining professional reputations and hence the ability to contribute to academic and policy debates, the threat of criminal justice sanctions, and impacts on loved ones. However, coming out can have academic benefit (i.e., improving our understanding of drugs, of people who use drugs, and of drug research) and contribute to activist goals (e.g., de-stigmatization of drug use and demarginalization of people who use drugs). Both the risks and benefits of public drug use disclosure have implications for how research and researchers may influence drug policy. Two key themes, stigma and reflexivity, underpin the discussion. We do not conclude with clear recommendations for drug-using drug researchers; to come out or to not come out is a personal decision. However, we argue that there is clear merit to further open discussion on the role of disclosure and reflection on personal drug use experience among those working in drug research and drug policy—where such reflection is relevant and where such researchers feel able to do so.
学术药物研究人员中无疑存在一些非法药物使用的个人经历。但在他们出版的作品中,这一点很少被承认,甚至很少被反思。这是可以理解的:公开承认非法活动后,可能会受到刑事、专业和社会制裁。然而,不“出柜”似乎违背了一些核心学术原则,例如数据收集的透明度和研究过程的自反性。问世可能会为研究人员提供一个提高药物使用知识和政策的机会。在这篇文章中,我们确定了公开披露药物使用的原因和反对理由,以及这种披露在一系列领域的影响,包括研究、教学、政策影响和私人生活。反对出柜的原因包括破坏职业声誉的风险,从而影响学术和政策辩论的能力,刑事司法制裁的威胁,以及对亲人的影响。然而,出柜可以带来学术上的好处(即,提高我们对药物、吸毒者和药物研究的理解),并有助于实现活动家的目标(例如,消除吸毒的污名化和吸毒者的边缘化)。公开披露药物使用的风险和收益对研究人员如何影响药物政策都有影响。污名化和反身性这两个关键主题是讨论的基础。最后,我们没有对药物使用研究人员提出明确的建议;出柜还是不出柜是个人的决定。然而,我们认为,在药物研究和药物政策工作人员中,进一步公开讨论披露和反思个人吸毒经历的作用是有明显价值的——在哪些情况下,这种反思是相关的,这些研究人员认为有能力这样做。
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引用次数: 20
“A Life Lived”: Collective Memory and White Racial Framing in Digital Opioid Overdose Obituaries “活着的生活”:集体记忆和数字阿片类药物过量讣告中的白人种族框架
Q3 SUBSTANCE ABUSE Pub Date : 2020-07-31 DOI: 10.1177/0091450920944238
Kevin Revier
With a rise in overdose deaths in the United States, opioid awareness has come in a variety of ways. One of these, as reporters suggest, is obituary writing. Obituaries are considered in news media as offering “brutally frank” depictions of addiction that “chronicle the toll of heroin.” Moreover, obituary sharing by parents and loved ones has increasingly taken place on digital platforms, memorial websites expanding the visibility of overdose death while facilitating the building of virtual grief communities. Not solely commemorating individual loss, obituaries thus contain symbolic power—they reflect dominant social values and shape collective memory. As such, overdose obituaries inform how opioid crisis is framed, represented, and addressed. From a qualitative content analysis of 533 opioid-related U.S. obituaries published on Legacy.com and ObitTree.com, I find that while obituaries reduce stigma associated with drug use, addiction, and overdose, they primarily tell white tales of addiction. In affording a white racial framing of drug addiction, obituary writing corresponds with a larger whitewashing of the opioid crisis while implicitly constructing symbolic boundaries between those memorialized, who are predominantly white and middle-class, and those who are deemed as raced and classed Others. Such storytelling, particularly when popularized in news media and made visible on digital platforms, contributes to ongoing systemic inequality in the prevailing drug war.
随着美国药物过量死亡人数的增加,人们对阿片类药物的认识以多种方式出现。正如记者所说,其中之一就是撰写讣告。新闻媒体认为,讣告对吸毒成瘾进行了“残酷坦率”的描述,“记录了海洛因的死亡人数”。此外,父母和亲人在数字平台上分享讣告的情况越来越多,纪念网站扩大了吸毒过量死亡的可见性,同时促进了虚拟悲伤社区的建立。因此,讣告不仅是为了纪念个人的损失,还包含着象征性的力量——它们反映了主导的社会价值观,塑造了集体记忆。因此,过量用药的讣告告知了阿片类药物危机是如何被构建、表现和解决的。通过对Legacy.com和ObitTree.com上发布的533篇与阿片类药物相关的美国讣告的定性内容分析,我发现,虽然讣告减少了与吸毒、成瘾和过量相关的污名,但它们主要讲述的是成瘾的白人故事。在为吸毒提供白人种族框架的过程中,讣告的写作与对阿片类药物危机的更大粉饰相对应,同时隐含地在那些被纪念的人(主要是白人和中产阶级)和那些被视为种族和阶级的人之间构建了象征性的界限。这种讲故事的方式,尤其是在新闻媒体上流行并在数字平台上可见时,助长了当前毒品战争中持续存在的系统性不平等。
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引用次数: 9
Governing Parental Drug Use in the UK: What’s Hidden in “Hidden Harm?” 英国父母吸毒管理:“隐性危害”中隐藏着什么
Q3 SUBSTANCE ABUSE Pub Date : 2020-07-13 DOI: 10.1177/0091450920941267
A. Whittaker, F. Martin, Anna Olsen, E. Wincup
In 2003, the UK Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs published Hidden Harm, the product of an inquiry that exposed the “problems” of parental drug use and its neglect by professionals. It outlined an extensive program of reforms designed to protect children from harm. Despite its far-reaching influence, it has rarely been subject to scrutiny, with analyses focusing on its impact instead. Drawing on Bacchi’s post-structuralist “What’s the Problem Represented to be” approach, we examine problematizations within Hidden Harm and their implications for the governance of family life. We illustrate how Hidden Harm produced a simplified version of parenting and child welfare within the context of drug use by largely equating drug use with “bad” parenting and child maltreatment and by ignoring the social determinants of health and the wider social ecology of family life. Using a tried-and-tested driver of policy change, Hidden Harm created a “scandal” about the lack of intervention by professionals that was used to justify and legitimize increased state intervention into the lives of parents who use drugs. Hidden Harm proposed simplistic “solutions” that centered on drug treatment, child protection and the responsibilization of professionals to govern “risky” parents. We argue these rationalities, subjectivities and strategies serve to marginalize and stigmatize families further and hide alternative approaches to understanding, representing and responding to the complex needs of children and families who are disproportionately affected by health and social inequalities. By uncovering what is hidden in Hidden Harm, we aim to stimulate further research and theoretically informed debate about policy and practice related to child welfare, parenting and family life within the context of drug use. We conclude with some ideas about how to reframe public discourse on parents who use drugs and their children, in tandem with collaborative responses to alleviate child poverty and inequalities.
2003年,英国滥用药物咨询委员会出版了《隐藏的危害》,这是一项调查的结果,该调查揭露了父母吸毒的“问题”及其被专业人士忽视的情况。它概述了一项旨在保护儿童免受伤害的广泛改革计划。尽管其影响深远,但它很少受到审查,而是将分析重点放在其影响上。借鉴巴奇的后结构主义“代表的问题是什么”方法,我们研究了“隐性伤害”中的问题化及其对家庭生活治理的影响。我们展示了“隐性伤害”是如何在吸毒的背景下产生简化版的育儿和儿童福利的,它在很大程度上将吸毒等同于“糟糕”的育儿和虐待儿童,并忽视了健康的社会决定因素和家庭生活的更广泛社会生态。Hidden Harm利用一个久经考验的政策变革驱动力,制造了一个关于专业人员缺乏干预的“丑闻”,该丑闻被用来证明国家对吸毒父母生活的更多干预是正当的和合法的。Hidden Harm提出了简单化的“解决方案”,重点是药物治疗、儿童保护和专业人员管理“危险”父母的责任。我们认为,这些理性、主观和策略有助于进一步边缘化和污名化家庭,并隐藏理解、代表和回应儿童和家庭复杂需求的替代方法,这些儿童和家庭受到健康和社会不平等的不成比例的影响。通过揭示隐藏在“隐性危害”中的内容,我们旨在激发对药物使用背景下与儿童福利、育儿和家庭生活相关的政策和实践的进一步研究和理论上的辩论。最后,我们提出了一些想法,即如何重新构建关于吸毒父母及其子女的公共话语,同时采取合作应对措施,缓解儿童贫困和不平等现象。
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引用次数: 7
Do Online Illicit Drug Market Exchanges Afford Rationality? 网上毒品交易是否合理?
Q3 SUBSTANCE ABUSE Pub Date : 2020-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/0091450920934186
Andrew Childs, R. Coomber, M. Bull
Rational choice perspectives have been the dominant models used for conceptualizing the nature of exchanges in illicit drug markets, but various critiques have found these abstracted assumptions inadequate for understanding concrete illicit drug market activity. Considerably less, however, is known about key aspects of rationality in exchanges within online drug markets. Recognizing the inadequacies of an underlying homo economicus, we instead conceive drug market exchanges as complex assemblages, noting how exchanges are reconstructed in online spaces, and technological affordances may facilitate elements of rationality in drug exchanges. Adopting these notions allows us to argue that aspects of rationality can potentially contribute to an understanding of exchange practices in online markets, and that online channels can afford assumptions of utility-maximization, rich market information to guide decision-making, and anonymity in the exchange. In addition, consideration is given to the structural variability of online illicit drug markets, and that the affordance of rationality should be considered across a spectrum of applicability that takes into account the specifics of each dimension of online drug market (i.e. drug cryptomarkets, illicit online pharmacies, and “app-based” drug markets).
理性选择视角一直是概念化非法药物市场交易性质的主要模型,但各种批评都发现,这些抽象的假设不足以理解具体的非法药物市场活动。然而,人们对网上毒品市场交易中理性的关键方面知之甚少。认识到潜在的经济人的不足之处,我们转而将毒品市场交易所视为复杂的组合,注意到交易所是如何在网上空间重建的,技术可供性可能有助于毒品交易所的理性因素。采用这些概念可以让我们认为,理性的各个方面可能有助于理解在线市场中的交易实践,在线渠道可以提供效用最大化的假设、丰富的市场信息来指导决策,以及交易所的匿名性。此外,还考虑到在线非法药物市场的结构可变性,应在考虑到在线药物市场各个层面(即药物加密市场、非法在线药店和“基于应用程序”的药物市场)的具体情况的适用范围内考虑合理性的可供性。
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引用次数: 11
“Accidental Intimacies”: Reconsidering Bodily Encounters Between Police and Young People Who Use Drugs “偶然的亲密关系”:重新考虑警察和吸毒的年轻人之间的身体接触
Q3 SUBSTANCE ABUSE Pub Date : 2020-06-10 DOI: 10.1177/0091450920929101
M. Selfridge, Lisa M. Mitchell, A. Greer, S. Macdonald, B. Pauly
Youth who use drugs (YWUD) are likely to encounter the police and experience victimization within those encounters. Negative experiences of police among youth can dramatically undermine youths’ trust in police, making them unlikely to ask for help when they need it. In this article, we use Rance and Fraser’s concept of “accidental intimacies” between staff and people who inject drugs arising in encounters within supervised consumption sites. Their exploration of Sarah Ahmed’s work on the social productivity of emotions argues that new subjectivities that counter or transform stigma and shame surrounding drug use can occur from the space between individuals. For Ahmed “emotions do things, and work to align individuals with collectives—[linking] bodily space with social space—through the very intensity of their attachments.” During 2017–2018, 38 youth (aged 16–30 years) who use drugs in three cities in British Columbia, Canada, were interviewed to explore their encounters (both positive and negative) with police and how these influenced their perceptions of police. In this article, we assert that the dynamic of “we” and “them,” of the YWUD and police, is constituted in part through the powerful emotions created and confirmed by negative bodily encounters where the bodies of youth and police collide through physical and/or verbal contact. The repetition of emotions and objectification through stigma within their communities force some youth to repeatedly confront harmful subjectivities. Rance and Fraser’s work provides possibilities for shifting these stigmatizing subjectivities. For change to occur, addressing the historical and present realities that impact YWUD will help facilitate and enhance more respectful communication and interactions between YWUD and police. Bodily encounters may also present opportunities for both YWUD and police to reflect on the subjectivities that reinforce and are shaped by their negative interactions with one another. Incremental change may be possible as we find new meanings in youths’ understanding of and compassion for police and their work.
青少年使用毒品(YWUD)可能会遇到警察,并在这些遭遇中遭受伤害。青少年对警察的负面经历会极大地破坏他们对警察的信任,使他们在需要帮助的时候不太可能寻求帮助。在这篇文章中,我们使用了Rance和Fraser的“意外亲密关系”的概念,即工作人员和注射毒品的人在受监管的消费场所相遇时产生的“意外亲密关系”。他们对莎拉·艾哈迈德(Sarah Ahmed)关于情绪的社会生产力的研究表明,新的主体性可以从个人之间的空间中产生,这种主体性可以抵消或改变围绕吸毒的耻辱和羞耻感。对艾哈迈德来说,“情感会发挥作用,并通过强烈的依恋将个人与集体联系起来——将身体空间与社会空间联系起来。”在2017-2018年期间,对加拿大不列颠哥伦比亚省三个城市的38名吸毒青年(16-30岁)进行了采访,以探讨他们与警察的接触(积极和消极)以及这些接触如何影响他们对警察的看法。在这篇文章中,我们断言“我们”和“他们”之间的动态,YWUD和警察之间的动态,部分是通过负面的身体接触所产生和证实的强烈情感构成的,在这种身体接触中,青少年和警察的身体通过身体和/或语言接触发生碰撞。在他们的社区中,通过耻辱而重复的情绪和客观化迫使一些年轻人反复面对有害的主观性。兰斯和弗雷泽的工作为改变这些污名化的主观性提供了可能性。为了实现变革,解决影响青武联的历史和现实问题将有助于促进和加强青武联与警方之间更加尊重的沟通和互动。身体接触也可能为YWUD和警察提供机会,反思他们相互之间的负面互动所强化和塑造的主体性。随着我们在年轻人对警察及其工作的理解和同情中找到新的意义,渐进的变化是可能的。
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引用次数: 9
County-Level Differences in Support for Recreational Cannabis on the Ballot 在选票上支持休闲大麻的县一级差异
Q3 SUBSTANCE ABUSE Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/0091450920925581
Lindsey Beltz, C. Mosher, J. Schwartz
Cannabis is traversing an extraordinary journey from an illicit substance to a legal one, due in part to an unprecedented wave of bottom-up law reform through successful citizen ballot initiatives. Yet, even in states that have legalized recreational cannabis, there is substantial geographic variability in support of cannabis legalization. Geographic variability in voter support for cannabis legalization is impactful (e.g., county moratoriums/bans) yet poorly understood. This paper demonstrates the consequences of county-level population demographics, sociopolitical factors, and community differences in experience with criminalization of cannabis possession for understanding county-level variation in support of recreational cannabis law reform on (un)successful ballot measures in California (2010), Colorado (2012), Washington (2012), and Oregon (2014). OLS regression analyses of nearly 200 counties indicate that differences in racial and ethnic composition (% Black, Hispanic), political affiliation (% Republican), past criminalization, gender composition, and higher education level of residents all predict county-level variation in support for liberalization of cannabis law. Stronger Republican political leanings and/or higher percentages of Black or Hispanic residents were associated with reduced support, whereas higher education, male sex composition, and greater past criminalization were associated with increased support for cannabis legalization across counties. Religiosity and rurality were inconsequential as predictors of county-level voting patterns favoring recreational cannabis. The substantial geographic variability in voter support for cannabis legalization has significant implications for policy implementation and effectiveness.
大麻正在经历从非法物质到合法物质的非凡历程,部分原因是通过成功的公民投票倡议,自下而上的法律改革浪潮前所未有。然而,即使在娱乐性大麻合法化的州,支持大麻合法化的地理差异也很大。选民对大麻合法化支持的地理差异是有影响的(例如,县暂停/禁止),但人们知之甚少。本文展示了县级人口统计、社会政治因素和持有大麻定罪经验的社区差异的后果,以了解加利福尼亚州(2010年)、科罗拉多州(2012年)、华盛顿州(2012年)和俄勒冈州(2014年)在支持娱乐性大麻法律改革(不)成功的投票措施方面的县级差异。对近200个县的OLS回归分析表明,种族和民族构成(黑人、西班牙裔百分比)、政治归属(共和党百分比)、过去的犯罪记录、性别构成和居民的高等教育水平的差异,都预测了支持大麻法律自由化的县级差异。更强的共和党政治倾向和/或更高的黑人或西班牙裔居民比例与支持率下降有关,而高等教育、男性性别构成和更多的犯罪前科与各县对大麻合法化的支持率上升有关。宗教虔诚度和乡村性作为县级投票模式支持娱乐性大麻的预测因素并不重要。选民对大麻合法化的支持存在巨大的地域差异,这对政策的执行和有效性具有重大影响。
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引用次数: 3
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Contemporary Drug Problems
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