Pub Date : 2020-11-26DOI: 10.1177/0034644620973927
Christopher L. Atkinson, Clifford P. McCue, Jesse D. Saginor
This research examines the complex interactions underlying disparity studies. While communities do frequently encounter disparity in public procurement, the commissioning of a disparity study may not ultimately solve the pressing challenges that hinder access to public contracts. Instead, disparity studies promise a politically palatable “quick fix” for a societal problem. In doing so, disparity studies may satisfy a legal basis, but their content and recommendations may fail to achieve their intended rationale. This failure ultimately raises serious questions about the legal merit of these studies and their methods, the growth of a cottage industry, and the benefit of the study for underserved groups. The greatest failure is that disparity studies may ultimately exacerbate, rather than resolve, a government’s ability to reduce chronic, and often historical, challenges to inclusion.
{"title":"The Best Disparity, or Lack Thereof, That Money Can Buy","authors":"Christopher L. Atkinson, Clifford P. McCue, Jesse D. Saginor","doi":"10.1177/0034644620973927","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0034644620973927","url":null,"abstract":"This research examines the complex interactions underlying disparity studies. While communities do frequently encounter disparity in public procurement, the commissioning of a disparity study may not ultimately solve the pressing challenges that hinder access to public contracts. Instead, disparity studies promise a politically palatable “quick fix” for a societal problem. In doing so, disparity studies may satisfy a legal basis, but their content and recommendations may fail to achieve their intended rationale. This failure ultimately raises serious questions about the legal merit of these studies and their methods, the growth of a cottage industry, and the benefit of the study for underserved groups. The greatest failure is that disparity studies may ultimately exacerbate, rather than resolve, a government’s ability to reduce chronic, and often historical, challenges to inclusion.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"29 1","pages":"228 - 250"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86992647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-23DOI: 10.1177/0034644620968104
Darrick Hamilton
In his 2017 presidential address to the National Economic Association (NEA), Professor Darrick Hamilton warned that treating economics as a morally neutral “science,” and the discipline’s limited attention to structural barriers and overemphasis individual agency, has resulted in bad economics, and bad policy particularly as it relates to racial disparity.
{"title":"The Moral Burden on Economists: Darrick Hamilton’s 2017 NEA Presidential Address","authors":"Darrick Hamilton","doi":"10.1177/0034644620968104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0034644620968104","url":null,"abstract":"In his 2017 presidential address to the National Economic Association (NEA), Professor Darrick Hamilton warned that treating economics as a morally neutral “science,” and the discipline’s limited attention to structural barriers and overemphasis individual agency, has resulted in bad economics, and bad policy particularly as it relates to racial disparity.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"2016 1","pages":"331 - 342"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86353361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-16DOI: 10.1177/0034644620969903
S. Seguino, N. Brooks
Many states now require law enforcement to collect race data on traffic stops, but there has been little research on the use of that data to inform public policy or reform efforts at the agency level. This article addresses that lacuna by presenting results from the first statewide analysis of Vermont traffic stop data. Racial threat theory, a subset of stratification theory, would predict that policing in a predominantly white state like Vermont would exhibit lower racial disparities than states with a more racially diverse population because the “threat” to white dominance is less. The results contradict that prediction. Vermont, despite its reputation as a liberal state, is not different from other states in exhibiting wide racial disparities in policing. And yet, analysis and dissemination of race data in policing, by providing an evidentiary basis for citizen claims of racial bias, contributed to action on the part of the state legislature and government to address racial discrimination not only in policing but also in the broader criminal justice system. We report on those reform efforts and on the actions taken by three reform-minded law enforcement agencies to reduce and eliminate unjustifiable racial disparities in policing.
{"title":"Driving While Black and Brown in Vermont: Can Race Data Analysis Contribute to Reform?","authors":"S. Seguino, N. Brooks","doi":"10.1177/0034644620969903","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0034644620969903","url":null,"abstract":"Many states now require law enforcement to collect race data on traffic stops, but there has been little research on the use of that data to inform public policy or reform efforts at the agency level. This article addresses that lacuna by presenting results from the first statewide analysis of Vermont traffic stop data. Racial threat theory, a subset of stratification theory, would predict that policing in a predominantly white state like Vermont would exhibit lower racial disparities than states with a more racially diverse population because the “threat” to white dominance is less. The results contradict that prediction. Vermont, despite its reputation as a liberal state, is not different from other states in exhibiting wide racial disparities in policing. And yet, analysis and dissemination of race data in policing, by providing an evidentiary basis for citizen claims of racial bias, contributed to action on the part of the state legislature and government to address racial discrimination not only in policing but also in the broader criminal justice system. We report on those reform efforts and on the actions taken by three reform-minded law enforcement agencies to reduce and eliminate unjustifiable racial disparities in policing.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"6 1","pages":"42 - 73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79496161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-06DOI: 10.1177/0034644620967003
Saqib Amin, Nawaz Ahmad
This article is an attempt to explain the complex relationship of ethnic diversity and its participation in informal economy by utilizing the data of 187 countries of the world. How ethnic diversity, whether in any shape linguistic or religious may enhance the size and development of informal economy. The outcome of the study reveals the significant role of ethnic diversity for the development of informal economy.
{"title":"Diversity and Informal Economy: An International Perspective","authors":"Saqib Amin, Nawaz Ahmad","doi":"10.1177/0034644620967003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0034644620967003","url":null,"abstract":"This article is an attempt to explain the complex relationship of ethnic diversity and its participation in informal economy by utilizing the data of 187 countries of the world. How ethnic diversity, whether in any shape linguistic or religious may enhance the size and development of informal economy. The outcome of the study reveals the significant role of ethnic diversity for the development of informal economy.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"2 1","pages":"206 - 227"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89697770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-30DOI: 10.1177/0034644620966033
Stephen Cornell, M. Jorgensen
This article presents the concept of social inclusion as a means of addressing problems of poverty and social welfare and reviews the place of social inclusion in U.S. policies toward Indigenous peoples within U.S. boundaries. We argue that there are a number of problems with the present policy application of social inclusion to Indigenous peoples in the United States, including external conceptions of needs, individualization, an orientation to distributional as opposed to positional politics, and the conditionality of inclusion. We review some of the ways that Indigenous peoples are challenging the assumptions that underlie inclusionary policy goals. We then consider how a revised concept of social inclusion that comprehends the distinctiveness of Indigenous aspirations for self-determination, nationhood, and collective self-government might benefit not only Native Americans but the United States itself and how it might contribute to a postracial America. Our argument throughout is not with social inclusion as an ideal but with the particular version of it that has characterized late 20th and early 21st century policy toward Native peoples in the United States.
{"title":"Indigenous Nations in Postracial America: Rethinking Social Inclusion","authors":"Stephen Cornell, M. Jorgensen","doi":"10.1177/0034644620966033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0034644620966033","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents the concept of social inclusion as a means of addressing problems of poverty and social welfare and reviews the place of social inclusion in U.S. policies toward Indigenous peoples within U.S. boundaries. We argue that there are a number of problems with the present policy application of social inclusion to Indigenous peoples in the United States, including external conceptions of needs, individualization, an orientation to distributional as opposed to positional politics, and the conditionality of inclusion. We review some of the ways that Indigenous peoples are challenging the assumptions that underlie inclusionary policy goals. We then consider how a revised concept of social inclusion that comprehends the distinctiveness of Indigenous aspirations for self-determination, nationhood, and collective self-government might benefit not only Native Americans but the United States itself and how it might contribute to a postracial America. Our argument throughout is not with social inclusion as an ideal but with the particular version of it that has characterized late 20th and early 21st century policy toward Native peoples in the United States.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"46 1","pages":"111 - 129"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89505085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-30DOI: 10.1177/0034644620964914
N. Chiteji
This article extends the existing literature about the consequences that having a prison record has on formerly incarcerated men’s labor market outcomes by projecting forward to think about what the diminished labor market prospects may mean for men when they reach retirement age. We find that formerly incarcerated men have little wealth accumulated by their late 40s and 50s, that they have limited access to on-the-job pensions, and that some may not even be able to rely on Social Security when they are old. The article uses data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY79) and focuses most of its attention on the plight of Black men and Latino men, as this is the subset of the population that was particularly affected by the nation’s mass incarceration policies of the late 20th century. The implications of the findings for Black and Brown men’s prospects during old age are discussed, as are the implications for the way that policy scholars think about race, aging, and public policy.
{"title":"Wealth and Retirement: Pondering the Fate of Formerly Incarcerated Men During the Golden Years","authors":"N. Chiteji","doi":"10.1177/0034644620964914","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0034644620964914","url":null,"abstract":"This article extends the existing literature about the consequences that having a prison record has on formerly incarcerated men’s labor market outcomes by projecting forward to think about what the diminished labor market prospects may mean for men when they reach retirement age. We find that formerly incarcerated men have little wealth accumulated by their late 40s and 50s, that they have limited access to on-the-job pensions, and that some may not even be able to rely on Social Security when they are old. The article uses data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY79) and focuses most of its attention on the plight of Black men and Latino men, as this is the subset of the population that was particularly affected by the nation’s mass incarceration policies of the late 20th century. The implications of the findings for Black and Brown men’s prospects during old age are discussed, as are the implications for the way that policy scholars think about race, aging, and public policy.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"9 1","pages":"151 - 189"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90107710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-30DOI: 10.1177/0034644620966029
Luke Petach, A. Pena
We contend that the rise of mass incarceration in the United States can be framed through the lens of stratification economics, which views race- and class-based discrimination as a rational attempt on behalf of privileged groups to preserve their relative status and the material benefits which that status confers. Using the first (to our knowledge) local-level data set on incarceration rates by race, we explore the relationship between income inequality, poverty, and incarceration at the commuting zone level from 1950 to the present. Consistent with Michelle Alexander’s hypothesis that expansion of the penal system and the rise of “tough on crime” policy were efforts by privileged groups to drive a wedge into working-class political coalitions formed out of the Civil Rights Movement, we find that labor markets with greater inequality experienced larger increases in the overall incarceration rate. Furthermore, we find that relative rates of poverty play a key role in explaining differential effects of mass incarceration across race. Areas where White poverty rates were large relative to non-White poverty rates experienced no significant change in White incarceration, but an expansion of non-White incarceration. These findings have implications for policies related to economic and judicial systems.
我们认为，美国大规模监禁的增加可以通过分层经济学的视角来解释，分层经济学认为，基于种族和阶级的歧视是代表特权群体维护其相对地位和这种地位所带来的物质利益的理性尝试。利用第一个(据我们所知)按种族划分的地方一级监禁率数据集，我们探索了1950年至今通勤区收入不平等、贫困和监禁率之间的关系。米歇尔·亚历山大(Michelle Alexander)的假设是，刑罚制度的扩大和“严厉打击犯罪”政策的兴起是特权群体的努力，目的是在民权运动(Civil Rights Movement)后形成的工人阶级政治联盟中制造楔子。我们发现，不平等程度越高的劳动力市场，总体监禁率的上升幅度越大。此外，我们发现相对贫困率在解释种族间大规模监禁的不同影响方面起着关键作用。在白人贫困率高于非白人贫困率的地区，白人监禁率没有显著变化，但非白人监禁率有所上升。这些发现对与经济和司法制度有关的政策具有影响。
{"title":"Local Labor Market Inequality in the Age of Mass Incarceration","authors":"Luke Petach, A. Pena","doi":"10.1177/0034644620966029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0034644620966029","url":null,"abstract":"We contend that the rise of mass incarceration in the United States can be framed through the lens of stratification economics, which views race- and class-based discrimination as a rational attempt on behalf of privileged groups to preserve their relative status and the material benefits which that status confers. Using the first (to our knowledge) local-level data set on incarceration rates by race, we explore the relationship between income inequality, poverty, and incarceration at the commuting zone level from 1950 to the present. Consistent with Michelle Alexander’s hypothesis that expansion of the penal system and the rise of “tough on crime” policy were efforts by privileged groups to drive a wedge into working-class political coalitions formed out of the Civil Rights Movement, we find that labor markets with greater inequality experienced larger increases in the overall incarceration rate. Furthermore, we find that relative rates of poverty play a key role in explaining differential effects of mass incarceration across race. Areas where White poverty rates were large relative to non-White poverty rates experienced no significant change in White incarceration, but an expansion of non-White incarceration. These findings have implications for policies related to economic and judicial systems.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"37 1","pages":"7 - 41"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74520135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-29DOI: 10.1177/0034644620968095
N. Chiteji, Arthur H. Goldsmith, David J. Pate
This essay introduces the reader to the papers in this special volume about criminal justice reform.
这篇文章向读者介绍了这本关于刑事司法改革的专著中的论文。
{"title":"Introduction to the RBPE Special Issue on Criminal Justice Reform titled “Criminal Justice Reform: 2020 and Beyond”","authors":"N. Chiteji, Arthur H. Goldsmith, David J. Pate","doi":"10.1177/0034644620968095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0034644620968095","url":null,"abstract":"This essay introduces the reader to the papers in this special volume about criminal justice reform.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"5 1","pages":"3 - 6"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84618697","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-28DOI: 10.1177/0034644620967002
M. Chandler, Laurens G. Van Sluytman, M. T. Tirmazi, Minli Liao
Black or African American men face disproportionate rates of incarceration and poor health outcomes. Recent changes in sentencing policy have allowed individuals to return to communities after substantial periods of incarceration. Returning citizens often reenter with numerous challenges: housing, employment, medical assistance, and transportation. Analyses were conducted using multivariable logistic regression to examine the relationship between health care utilization for returning men and need (chronic health conditions), predisposing (age, race, marital status, education, and housing situation), enabling (income, health coverage, employment status, and education) factors. Findings indicated that men 50 and above years (odds ratio [OR] = 1.83, 95% confidence interval [CI] = [1.04, 3.24]), Black or African American men (OR = 4.66, 95% CI = [2.35, 9.22]), those with college education (OR = 1.97, CI [1.07, 3.63]) and those having health coverage (OR = 3.34, CI [2.18, 5.11]) were more likely to utilize health care. These findings suggest the need for a greater need to establish linkages to community-based care during reentry planning. This is particularly relevant for reentering citizens who are not eligible for Medicare due to age or whose linkage to employer bases insurance is limited due to work history, employment discrimination, or education.
{"title":"The Road Home: Predictors of Health Care Utilization Among Older Returning African American Men","authors":"M. Chandler, Laurens G. Van Sluytman, M. T. Tirmazi, Minli Liao","doi":"10.1177/0034644620967002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0034644620967002","url":null,"abstract":"Black or African American men face disproportionate rates of incarceration and poor health outcomes. Recent changes in sentencing policy have allowed individuals to return to communities after substantial periods of incarceration. Returning citizens often reenter with numerous challenges: housing, employment, medical assistance, and transportation. Analyses were conducted using multivariable logistic regression to examine the relationship between health care utilization for returning men and need (chronic health conditions), predisposing (age, race, marital status, education, and housing situation), enabling (income, health coverage, employment status, and education) factors. Findings indicated that men 50 and above years (odds ratio [OR] = 1.83, 95% confidence interval [CI] = [1.04, 3.24]), Black or African American men (OR = 4.66, 95% CI = [2.35, 9.22]), those with college education (OR = 1.97, CI [1.07, 3.63]) and those having health coverage (OR = 3.34, CI [2.18, 5.11]) were more likely to utilize health care. These findings suggest the need for a greater need to establish linkages to community-based care during reentry planning. This is particularly relevant for reentering citizens who are not eligible for Medicare due to age or whose linkage to employer bases insurance is limited due to work history, employment discrimination, or education.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"1 1","pages":"74 - 92"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90850055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-13DOI: 10.1177/0034644620962811
N. Banks
This analysis discusses the lived experiences of Black American women as the basis for a new theoretical framework for understanding women’s unpaid work. Feminist economists have called attention to the invisibility of women’s unpaid work within the private household but have not adequately considered the unpaid, nonmarket work that women perform collectively to address urgent community needs that arise out of racial and ethnic group disparities. As such, racialized women’s unpaid, nonmarket work continues to be subject to invisibility. This analysis reconceptualizes Black women’s community activism as unpaid, nonmarket “work” and illustrates that the community is a primary site of nonmarket production by Black women and other racialized women. The community is an important site where racialized women perform unpaid, nonmarket collective work to improve the welfare of community members and address community needs not met by the public and private sectors. The analysis elevates the community to a site of production on par with the household, thereby calling for a paradigm shift in feminist economic conceptualizations of unpaid work. This new framework enables us to examine intersectional linkages across different sites of production—firms, households, and communities—where multiple forms of oppression operate in structuring peoples’ lives. Compared with additive models of gender and race, this intersectional approach more fully captures the magnitude of racialized women’s oppression.
{"title":"Black Women in the United States and Unpaid Collective Work: Theorizing the Community as a Site of Production","authors":"N. Banks","doi":"10.1177/0034644620962811","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0034644620962811","url":null,"abstract":"This analysis discusses the lived experiences of Black American women as the basis for a new theoretical framework for understanding women’s unpaid work. Feminist economists have called attention to the invisibility of women’s unpaid work within the private household but have not adequately considered the unpaid, nonmarket work that women perform collectively to address urgent community needs that arise out of racial and ethnic group disparities. As such, racialized women’s unpaid, nonmarket work continues to be subject to invisibility. This analysis reconceptualizes Black women’s community activism as unpaid, nonmarket “work” and illustrates that the community is a primary site of nonmarket production by Black women and other racialized women. The community is an important site where racialized women perform unpaid, nonmarket collective work to improve the welfare of community members and address community needs not met by the public and private sectors. The analysis elevates the community to a site of production on par with the household, thereby calling for a paradigm shift in feminist economic conceptualizations of unpaid work. This new framework enables us to examine intersectional linkages across different sites of production—firms, households, and communities—where multiple forms of oppression operate in structuring peoples’ lives. Compared with additive models of gender and race, this intersectional approach more fully captures the magnitude of racialized women’s oppression.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"76 1","pages":"343 - 362"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81036384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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