Abstract:Cet article examine l'échec de la mission jésuite à Port-Royal, en Acadie, en 1613 dans l'optique du discours pamphlétaire anti-jésuite alors populaire en France. Après l'effondrement de la colonie, son propriétaire, Jean de Poutrincourt, écrivit un factum anonyme expliquant en détail comment deux missionnaires jésuites, Pierre Briard et Enemond Massé, conspirèrent contre la France pour causer la perte de l'établissement. Bien que les faits rapportés dans le factum soient inexacts, le litige démontre que, dans le contexte de la politique catholique française consécutive aux guerres de religion, les débats européens sur le catholicisme et la Réforme se transportèrent de l'autre côté de l'Atlantique dans les premières années de la Nouvelle-France.Abstract:This article examines the collapse of the Jesuit mission to Port Royal, Acadia, in 1613 through the lens of anti-Jesuit pamphleteering popular in France. After the colony's collapse, its proprietor, Jean de Poutrincourt, wrote an anonymous Factum explaining in detail how two Jesuit missionaries, Pierre Biard and Enemond Massé, conspired against France to bring down the settlement. Although the Factum is not factually accurate, in the context of French Catholic politics in the aftermath of the Wars of Religion the dispute demonstrates the transfer of European debates over Catholicism and the Reformation across the Atlantic in New France's earliest years.
摘要:本文从当时在法国流行的反耶稣会小册子的角度，考察了1613年耶稣会在阿卡迪亚的罗亚尔港传教的失败。殖民地崩溃后，殖民地的主人让·德·布特林库尔(Jean de Poutrincourt)写了一份匿名的事实报告，详细解释了两名耶稣会传教士皮埃尔·布里亚德(Pierre Briard)和敌人masse如何密谋反对法国，导致殖民地的损失。虽然她的这些事实不准确、政策的争议表明,在法国的天主教宗教战争之后,欧洲各国讨论关于天主教和大西洋对岸的改革正在疾驰在早年Nouvelle-France。文摘:这篇文章在圣母耶稣会团to the collapse皇家港、迪亚1613 in through the lens of anti-Jesuit pamphleteering popular in France。apres la colonapse，它的所有者，Jean de Poutrincourt，写了一个匿名的事实，详细解释了两个耶稣会传教士，Pierre Biard和Enemond masse，密谋反对法国，以破坏定居点。虽然这一事实并非事实准确，但在宗教战争后法国天主教政治的背景下，这一争端显示了欧洲关于天主教和宗教改革的辩论在新法国早期跨越大西洋的转移。
{"title":"\"A 'Bon François' Desirous of the Glory of the King\": Intra-Catholic Anti-Jesuitism and the Collapse of the Port Royal Mission, 1610-1613","authors":"Joseph Wachtel","doi":"10.1353/aca.2020.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2020.0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Cet article examine l'échec de la mission jésuite à Port-Royal, en Acadie, en 1613 dans l'optique du discours pamphlétaire anti-jésuite alors populaire en France. Après l'effondrement de la colonie, son propriétaire, Jean de Poutrincourt, écrivit un factum anonyme expliquant en détail comment deux missionnaires jésuites, Pierre Briard et Enemond Massé, conspirèrent contre la France pour causer la perte de l'établissement. Bien que les faits rapportés dans le factum soient inexacts, le litige démontre que, dans le contexte de la politique catholique française consécutive aux guerres de religion, les débats européens sur le catholicisme et la Réforme se transportèrent de l'autre côté de l'Atlantique dans les premières années de la Nouvelle-France.Abstract:This article examines the collapse of the Jesuit mission to Port Royal, Acadia, in 1613 through the lens of anti-Jesuit pamphleteering popular in France. After the colony's collapse, its proprietor, Jean de Poutrincourt, wrote an anonymous Factum explaining in detail how two Jesuit missionaries, Pierre Biard and Enemond Massé, conspired against France to bring down the settlement. Although the Factum is not factually accurate, in the context of French Catholic politics in the aftermath of the Wars of Religion the dispute demonstrates the transfer of European debates over Catholicism and the Reformation across the Atlantic in New France's earliest years.","PeriodicalId":36377,"journal":{"name":"Regioni","volume":"1 1","pages":"34 - 57"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82395345","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
John R.H. Matchim, “Towards a ‘Total Welfare’ Approach: Duncan Newhauser, the International Grenfell Association, and Rural-Remote Health Care in Labrador and Swedish Lapland, 1950s-1970s,” Acadiensis 49, no. 2 (Autumn/automne 2020): 172-184. Towards a “Total Welfare” Approach: Duncan Neuhauser, the International Grenfell Association, and Rural-Remote Health Care in Labrador and Swedish Lapland, 1950s-1970s
John R.H. Matchim，“走向‘全面福利’方法:Duncan Newhauser，国际格伦费尔协会，以及拉布拉多和瑞典拉普兰的农村-偏远医疗保健，1950 -1970年，”Acadiensis 49, no。2(2020年秋季/秋季):172-184。走向“全面福利”方法:邓肯·诺伊豪泽，国际格伦费尔协会，以及拉布拉多和瑞典拉普兰的农村-偏远医疗保健，1950 -1970
{"title":"Towards a \"Total Welfare\" Approach: Duncan Neuhauser, the International Grenfell Association, and Rural-Remote Health Care in Labrador and Swedish Lapland, 1950s-1970s","authors":"J. Matchim","doi":"10.1353/aca.2020.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2020.0015","url":null,"abstract":"John R.H. Matchim, “Towards a ‘Total Welfare’ Approach: Duncan Newhauser, the International Grenfell Association, and Rural-Remote Health Care in Labrador and Swedish Lapland, 1950s-1970s,” Acadiensis 49, no. 2 (Autumn/automne 2020): 172-184. Towards a “Total Welfare” Approach: Duncan Neuhauser, the International Grenfell Association, and Rural-Remote Health Care in Labrador and Swedish Lapland, 1950s-1970s","PeriodicalId":36377,"journal":{"name":"Regioni","volume":"1 1","pages":"172 - 184"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89122986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A HISTORY OF LAW IN CANADA, VOLUME ONE: BEGINNING TO 1866 is a major achievement in Canadian legal history and the culmination of five decades of work.1 The book is an end to an era of legal history writing in Canada, as its authors look behind to the work that has been done, pulling together the strands of doctrinal, social, intellectual, and professional histories of law, crime, and the courts. The book is also a beginning to a new era, as its authors show paths to where the field can go next and – sometimes intentionally, sometimes not – identify the flaws in what we, Canadian legal historians, have done so far. Canadian legal historians will justly start their work with this book for a generation or more to come.2 The seeds of modern Canadian legal history first sprouted in 1973 when University of Toronto law professor Richard Risk published the first of four articles on law and the economy in 19th century Upper Canada/Canada West/ Ontario and a broader “prospectus” for Canadian legal history.3 In 1979, a group of lawyers, judges, and others, including historian Peter Oliver at York University, founded the Osgoode Society for Legal History. The Osgoode Society has published, previous to A History of Law in Canada, some 112 volumes. This is not every book in English-language Canadian legal history published since 1981, but it is such a large portion that the series commands
{"title":"Harvesting and Replanting the Field: On the Achievements of A History of Law in Canada","authors":"J. Muir","doi":"10.1353/aca.2020.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2020.0018","url":null,"abstract":"A HISTORY OF LAW IN CANADA, VOLUME ONE: BEGINNING TO 1866 is a major achievement in Canadian legal history and the culmination of five decades of work.1 The book is an end to an era of legal history writing in Canada, as its authors look behind to the work that has been done, pulling together the strands of doctrinal, social, intellectual, and professional histories of law, crime, and the courts. The book is also a beginning to a new era, as its authors show paths to where the field can go next and – sometimes intentionally, sometimes not – identify the flaws in what we, Canadian legal historians, have done so far. Canadian legal historians will justly start their work with this book for a generation or more to come.2 The seeds of modern Canadian legal history first sprouted in 1973 when University of Toronto law professor Richard Risk published the first of four articles on law and the economy in 19th century Upper Canada/Canada West/ Ontario and a broader “prospectus” for Canadian legal history.3 In 1979, a group of lawyers, judges, and others, including historian Peter Oliver at York University, founded the Osgoode Society for Legal History. The Osgoode Society has published, previous to A History of Law in Canada, some 112 volumes. This is not every book in English-language Canadian legal history published since 1981, but it is such a large portion that the series commands","PeriodicalId":36377,"journal":{"name":"Regioni","volume":"52 1","pages":"208 - 221"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89580754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
DURING THE 1960s THE PROVINCE OF NEW BRUNSWICK embarked upon a reform agenda that made the rest of Canada take notice. To combat a stark disparity in public services between Englishand French-speaking New Brunswickers, Acadian premier Louis Robichaud brought in wide-reaching changes to health, education, and social welfare. To extend equitable social services to the small province’s rural residents, especially New Brunswick’s Acadian population in the province’s north and southeast, the Program of Equal Opportunity (EO) was devised by politicians and implemented by bureaucrats and technocrats.1 Unlike traditional bureaucrats, technocrats at mid-century drew on their training in the physical and social sciences such as public administration and economics for the development of public policy regimes. Many observers in the 1960s noted that Louis Robichaud “revolutionized” New Brunswick’s government and sociopolitical order.2 Equal Opportunity established government centralization to standardize the quality of public services; accessibility to social welfare programs was a key concern for government officials. Reaction to EO among the province’s anglophone elite was rank. Newspaperman Michael Wardell wrote that EO was “frankly based on Swedish socialism.” Later in the same editorial, he opined that the reforms posed were “disastrous to human liberties.”3 Wardell, the editor of Fredericton’s major daily and a regional magazine, the Atlantic Advocate, was contemptuous of
{"title":"Bringing the Commune to Canada: A Technocrat's Swedish Study Tour and the New Brunswick Program of Equal Opportunity","authors":"Bliss White","doi":"10.1353/aca.2020.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2020.0016","url":null,"abstract":"DURING THE 1960s THE PROVINCE OF NEW BRUNSWICK embarked upon a reform agenda that made the rest of Canada take notice. To combat a stark disparity in public services between Englishand French-speaking New Brunswickers, Acadian premier Louis Robichaud brought in wide-reaching changes to health, education, and social welfare. To extend equitable social services to the small province’s rural residents, especially New Brunswick’s Acadian population in the province’s north and southeast, the Program of Equal Opportunity (EO) was devised by politicians and implemented by bureaucrats and technocrats.1 Unlike traditional bureaucrats, technocrats at mid-century drew on their training in the physical and social sciences such as public administration and economics for the development of public policy regimes. Many observers in the 1960s noted that Louis Robichaud “revolutionized” New Brunswick’s government and sociopolitical order.2 Equal Opportunity established government centralization to standardize the quality of public services; accessibility to social welfare programs was a key concern for government officials. Reaction to EO among the province’s anglophone elite was rank. Newspaperman Michael Wardell wrote that EO was “frankly based on Swedish socialism.” Later in the same editorial, he opined that the reforms posed were “disastrous to human liberties.”3 Wardell, the editor of Fredericton’s major daily and a regional magazine, the Atlantic Advocate, was contemptuous of","PeriodicalId":36377,"journal":{"name":"Regioni","volume":"14 1","pages":"185 - 195"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86938495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Writing about the modern state is notoriously difficult.1 Historians have both to come to grips with the immensity of its coercive and administrative apparatus and to not lose sight of the complexities, failings, and incoherencies of the various social groups and individuals that make up this leviathan. The Canadian example, to borrow a phrase from Suzanne Morton’s excellent biography of social worker Jane Wisdom, makes for a particularly “messy case file” – the growth of the liberal welfare state under conditions of capitalism and colonialism necessitates that any critical scholar grapple with the contradictory legacies of genuine good will and immense harm.2 Where there are discordant notes in the vast chorus of voices contributing to the historiography of the Canadian state, then, they are often to be found in the register of disagreements about the relative weight that should be placed on intention or impact, a debate carried out in the language of hegemony, legibility, biopower, and governmentality.3 But if this lexicon conjures up for graduate students such as myself visions of the “1990s” section of our comprehensive reading lists, recent arguments playing themselves out in the pages of this
{"title":"On Good Intentions: A Critical Note on Recent Studies of State Planning in Canada","authors":"Fred Burrill","doi":"10.1353/aca.2020.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2020.0006","url":null,"abstract":"Writing about the modern state is notoriously difficult.1 Historians have both to come to grips with the immensity of its coercive and administrative apparatus and to not lose sight of the complexities, failings, and incoherencies of the various social groups and individuals that make up this leviathan. The Canadian example, to borrow a phrase from Suzanne Morton’s excellent biography of social worker Jane Wisdom, makes for a particularly “messy case file” – the growth of the liberal welfare state under conditions of capitalism and colonialism necessitates that any critical scholar grapple with the contradictory legacies of genuine good will and immense harm.2 Where there are discordant notes in the vast chorus of voices contributing to the historiography of the Canadian state, then, they are often to be found in the register of disagreements about the relative weight that should be placed on intention or impact, a debate carried out in the language of hegemony, legibility, biopower, and governmentality.3 But if this lexicon conjures up for graduate students such as myself visions of the “1990s” section of our comprehensive reading lists, recent arguments playing themselves out in the pages of this","PeriodicalId":36377,"journal":{"name":"Regioni","volume":"31 1","pages":"171 - 180"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79970191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Cet article examine l'expérience éphémère mais révélatrice de la Nova Scotia Cricket League (NSCL) et montre que le cricket était un sport complexe et profondément enraciné chez les colons en Nouvelle-Écosse avant 1914. Même si au 19e siècle le cricket dans la province avait été pratiqué dans des cadres sociaux largement coupés les uns des autres – par l'élite et les militaires, des clubs dans les régions rurales et les petites villes ou des équipes de travailleurs des mines de charbon – la NSCL représenta un effort visant à amener une plus grande intégration du sport. Des joueurs de diverses conditions sociales partageaient régulièrement la surface de jeu. Malgré le déclin que le cricket finit par connaître dans la région, la NSCL a fourni pendant quelque temps un lieu où s'accordaient les différences sociales.Abstract:This article examines the short but indicative lifespan of the Nova Scotia Cricket League (NSCL), showing that in Nova Scotia prior to 1914 cricket was a complex and deeply rooted settler sport. Although 19th-century cricket in the province had developed in largely disconnected social frameworks – elite and military cricket, rural and small town clubs, and working class teams on the coalfields – the NSCL represented an effort to bring about greater integration. Players from diverse social backgrounds routinely shared the playing surface. Despite cricket's eventual decline in the region, for a time the NSCL provided a venue for the negotiation of social differences.
{"title":"The Life and Times of the Nova Scotia Cricket League, 1906-1914","authors":"J. Reid","doi":"10.1353/aca.2020.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2020.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Cet article examine l'expérience éphémère mais révélatrice de la Nova Scotia Cricket League (NSCL) et montre que le cricket était un sport complexe et profondément enraciné chez les colons en Nouvelle-Écosse avant 1914. Même si au 19e siècle le cricket dans la province avait été pratiqué dans des cadres sociaux largement coupés les uns des autres – par l'élite et les militaires, des clubs dans les régions rurales et les petites villes ou des équipes de travailleurs des mines de charbon – la NSCL représenta un effort visant à amener une plus grande intégration du sport. Des joueurs de diverses conditions sociales partageaient régulièrement la surface de jeu. Malgré le déclin que le cricket finit par connaître dans la région, la NSCL a fourni pendant quelque temps un lieu où s'accordaient les différences sociales.Abstract:This article examines the short but indicative lifespan of the Nova Scotia Cricket League (NSCL), showing that in Nova Scotia prior to 1914 cricket was a complex and deeply rooted settler sport. Although 19th-century cricket in the province had developed in largely disconnected social frameworks – elite and military cricket, rural and small town clubs, and working class teams on the coalfields – the NSCL represented an effort to bring about greater integration. Players from diverse social backgrounds routinely shared the playing surface. Despite cricket's eventual decline in the region, for a time the NSCL provided a venue for the negotiation of social differences.","PeriodicalId":36377,"journal":{"name":"Regioni","volume":"1 1","pages":"122 - 69"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89343495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"La carte de Beaubassin en 1686","authors":"Jacques Gagnon","doi":"10.1353/aca.2020.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2020.0004","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36377,"journal":{"name":"Regioni","volume":"19 1","pages":"151 - 157"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90667612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Forcés de fuir Marblehead, au Massachusetts, à la fin d'avril 1775, Thomas Robie, sa femme, Mary Bradstreet Robie, et leurs quatre enfants furent parmi les premiers Loyalistes à débarquer en Nouvelle-Écosse. L'arrivée de milliers d'autres Loyalistes en 1783 entraîna des difficultés généralisées dans la région, mais la souffrance collective fournit également à Mary Bradstreet Robie et à ses deux filles l'occasion d'apporter une contribution à la communauté loyaliste et d'affirmer leur volonté au sein de la famille. La présente étude de la famille Robie démontre que les femmes loyalistes n'étaient pas simplement une source de soutien au foyer, pas plus qu'elles n'étaient résignées à s'exiler en suivant passivement les maris et les pères de famille.Abstract:Forced to flee Marblehead, Massachusetts, in late April 1775, Thomas Robie, his wife Mary Bradstreet Robie, and their four children were among the earliest Loyalist refugees to land in Nova Scotia. The arrival of thousands more Loyalists in 1783 brought widespread hardship to the region, but the collective suffering also provided Mary Bradstreet Robie and her two daughters the opportunity to contribute to the Loyalist community and assert their will within the family. This study of the Robie family demonstrates that Loyalist women were not simply domestic figures of support nor were they resigned to exile as passive followers of husbands and fathers.
{"title":"\"Gilded Misery\": The Robie Women in Loyalist Exile and Repatriation, 1775-1790","authors":"G. O'brien","doi":"10.1353/aca.2020.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2020.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Forcés de fuir Marblehead, au Massachusetts, à la fin d'avril 1775, Thomas Robie, sa femme, Mary Bradstreet Robie, et leurs quatre enfants furent parmi les premiers Loyalistes à débarquer en Nouvelle-Écosse. L'arrivée de milliers d'autres Loyalistes en 1783 entraîna des difficultés généralisées dans la région, mais la souffrance collective fournit également à Mary Bradstreet Robie et à ses deux filles l'occasion d'apporter une contribution à la communauté loyaliste et d'affirmer leur volonté au sein de la famille. La présente étude de la famille Robie démontre que les femmes loyalistes n'étaient pas simplement une source de soutien au foyer, pas plus qu'elles n'étaient résignées à s'exiler en suivant passivement les maris et les pères de famille.Abstract:Forced to flee Marblehead, Massachusetts, in late April 1775, Thomas Robie, his wife Mary Bradstreet Robie, and their four children were among the earliest Loyalist refugees to land in Nova Scotia. The arrival of thousands more Loyalists in 1783 brought widespread hardship to the region, but the collective suffering also provided Mary Bradstreet Robie and her two daughters the opportunity to contribute to the Loyalist community and assert their will within the family. This study of the Robie family demonstrates that Loyalist women were not simply domestic figures of support nor were they resigned to exile as passive followers of husbands and fathers.","PeriodicalId":36377,"journal":{"name":"Regioni","volume":"149 1","pages":"39 - 68"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73465337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:À partir d'un recensement nominatif de la population mi'kmaq effectué en 1708 et des registres de la paroisse catholique du village acadien de Port-Royal, cet article revoit les relations entre Acadiens et Mi'kmaq au début du 18e siècle. Ensemble, ces sources mettent en lumière la reproduction chez les Mi'kmaq dans les environs de l'établissement européen ainsi que les réseaux familiaux et sociaux qui reliaient ces deux sociétés. Elles révèlent que les relations entre les Acadiens et les Mi'kmaq étaient plus étroites chez certains que chez d'autres. Il s'agissait de relations complexes déterminées par les conditions locales, qui variaient selon la géographie, l'histoire familiale, et l'activité économique.Abstract:Using a nominal census taken of the Mi'kmaq in 1708 and the Catholic parish records from the Acadian community of Port Royal, this paper revisits Acadian-Mi'kmaw relations at the beginning of the 18th century. Taken together, these sources illuminate Mi'kmaw reproduction in the areas around European settlement as well as family and social networks that linked these two societies. They reveal that the relationship between the Acadians and Mi'kmaq was stronger for some than for others. These were complex relationships determined by local conditions that varied depending on geography, family history, and economic activity.
{"title":"A Reluctant Engagement: Alliances and Social Networks in Early-18th-Century Kespukwitk and Port Royal","authors":"T. Peace","doi":"10.1353/aca.2020.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2020.0000","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:À partir d'un recensement nominatif de la population mi'kmaq effectué en 1708 et des registres de la paroisse catholique du village acadien de Port-Royal, cet article revoit les relations entre Acadiens et Mi'kmaq au début du 18e siècle. Ensemble, ces sources mettent en lumière la reproduction chez les Mi'kmaq dans les environs de l'établissement européen ainsi que les réseaux familiaux et sociaux qui reliaient ces deux sociétés. Elles révèlent que les relations entre les Acadiens et les Mi'kmaq étaient plus étroites chez certains que chez d'autres. Il s'agissait de relations complexes déterminées par les conditions locales, qui variaient selon la géographie, l'histoire familiale, et l'activité économique.Abstract:Using a nominal census taken of the Mi'kmaq in 1708 and the Catholic parish records from the Acadian community of Port Royal, this paper revisits Acadian-Mi'kmaw relations at the beginning of the 18th century. Taken together, these sources illuminate Mi'kmaw reproduction in the areas around European settlement as well as family and social networks that linked these two societies. They reveal that the relationship between the Acadians and Mi'kmaq was stronger for some than for others. These were complex relationships determined by local conditions that varied depending on geography, family history, and economic activity.","PeriodicalId":36377,"journal":{"name":"Regioni","volume":"61 1","pages":"38 - 5"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78323507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Cet article explore les origines du réacteur nucléaire de Point Lepreau, dans le Sud du Nouveau-Brunswick, et s'intéresse particulièrement aux stratégies d'entreprise des deux sociétés d'État les plus directement concernées : la Commission d'Énergie électrique du Nouveau-Brunswick (CEENB) et Énergie atomique du Canada limitée (EACL). Bien que leur décision en faveur du nucléaire ait été de plus en plus contestée au sein de l'État fédéral, les dirigeants de la CEENB déployèrent des efforts vigoureux pour maintenir leur programme nucléaire et, ce faisant, prirent des risques supplémentaires. Au moment de la décision finale, en 1974, ils allèrent de l'avant en dépit des augmentations imprévues des coûts de construction estimatifs et de l'absence de partenaires potentiels.Abstract:This article explores the origins of the Point Lepreau nuclear reactor in southern New Brunswick, with a focus on the corporate strategies of the two state enterprises most directly involved: the New Brunswick Electric Power Commission (NBEPC) and Atomic Energy of Canada Limited (AECL). Although their nuclear decision was increasingly challenged from within the federal state, NBEPC officials worked aggressively to maintain their nuclear timeline and took on additional risks in the process. At the final decision point in 1974, they proceeded notwithstanding unforeseen increases in estimated construction costs and without potential partners.
{"title":"Nuclear Power Decision-Making in New Brunswick, 1971-1975","authors":"Andrew G. Secord","doi":"10.1353/aca.2020.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aca.2020.0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Cet article explore les origines du réacteur nucléaire de Point Lepreau, dans le Sud du Nouveau-Brunswick, et s'intéresse particulièrement aux stratégies d'entreprise des deux sociétés d'État les plus directement concernées : la Commission d'Énergie électrique du Nouveau-Brunswick (CEENB) et Énergie atomique du Canada limitée (EACL). Bien que leur décision en faveur du nucléaire ait été de plus en plus contestée au sein de l'État fédéral, les dirigeants de la CEENB déployèrent des efforts vigoureux pour maintenir leur programme nucléaire et, ce faisant, prirent des risques supplémentaires. Au moment de la décision finale, en 1974, ils allèrent de l'avant en dépit des augmentations imprévues des coûts de construction estimatifs et de l'absence de partenaires potentiels.Abstract:This article explores the origins of the Point Lepreau nuclear reactor in southern New Brunswick, with a focus on the corporate strategies of the two state enterprises most directly involved: the New Brunswick Electric Power Commission (NBEPC) and Atomic Energy of Canada Limited (AECL). Although their nuclear decision was increasingly challenged from within the federal state, NBEPC officials worked aggressively to maintain their nuclear timeline and took on additional risks in the process. At the final decision point in 1974, they proceeded notwithstanding unforeseen increases in estimated construction costs and without potential partners.","PeriodicalId":36377,"journal":{"name":"Regioni","volume":"224 1","pages":"123 - 150"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78800621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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