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Reconsiderations of Reconciliation and Recognition 对和解与承认的反思
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-18 DOI: 10.1353/aca.2020.0005
M. Mccrossan
INDIGENOUS AND NON-INDIGENOUS SCHOLARS HAVE LONG RECOGNIZED the steadfast existence of structural and ideological barriers undermining the recognition of Indigenous rights – especially pre-existing rights to land and governance. Indigenous legal scholars, for instance, have regularly drawn attention to the intricate connection between Canadian law and colonialism, particularly the manner in which violence continues to be deployed through the Canadian legal system in relation to Indigenous women and alternate relationships to land.1 More recently, in this current era of rights “recognition” and “reconciliation” with Indigenous populations, scholars in such disparate fields as anthropology and political theory have offered incisive accounts of how liberal discourses of recognition and reconciliation have served to undercut Indigenous claims and sustain structures of domination by reconfiguring and reproducing settler-colonial assemblages of power – ultimately drawing Indigenous peoples further into the ambit of the state.2 Given the presumed efficacy and prominence of discourses of reconciliation in Canada today, such concerns continue to resonate. Indeed, the four texts reviewed in this essay not only continue to “unsettle” prominent national mythologies and conventional legal conceptions but also trace strategies of resistance and possibilities for establishing decolonial relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples: Arthur
土著和非土著学者早就认识到,结构性和意识形态障碍的存在削弱了对土著权利的承认,尤其是对土地权和治理权的承认。例如,土著法律学者经常提请注意加拿大法律与殖民主义之间的错综复杂的联系,特别是通过加拿大法律制度继续对土著妇女和与土地的替代关系施加暴力的方式最近,在这个与土著居民权利“承认”和“和解”的时代,人类学和政治理论等不同领域的学者提供了深刻的描述,说明承认和和解的自由话语如何通过重新配置和复制定居者-殖民地的权力组合来削弱土著的要求,并维持统治结构,最终将土著人民进一步纳入国家的范围鉴于今天加拿大和解话语的假定效力和突出地位,这种关切继续引起共鸣。事实上,本文回顾的四个文本不仅继续“扰乱”突出的民族神话和传统法律概念,而且还追踪了抵抗策略和在土著和非土著人民之间建立非殖民化关系的可能性:亚瑟
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引用次数: 0
The "Morals of Genealogy": Liberal Settler Colonialism, the Nova Scotia Archives, and the North American Ancestor-Hunters, 1890-1980 “家谱的道德”:自由殖民主义、新斯科舍省档案和北美祖先猎人,1890-1980
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-06 DOI: 10.1353/aca.2019.0010
I. Mckay
Abstract:La généalogie occupait une place importante dans la culture de la Nouvelle-Écosse des années 1890 aux années 1970. Pourtant, lorsque D.C. Harvey, l'archiviste provincial à compter de 1931, a défini les principaux objectifs des Archives publiques de la Nouvelle-Écosse, il a exclu la recherche généalogique des objectifs fondamentaux de ce « laboratoire historique ». Il menait une bataille perdue d'avance. Que cela lui ait plu ou non, l'institution qu'il dirigeait faisait partie d'un réseau mnémonique transnational à l'intérieur duquel les approches généalogiques devenaient de plus en plus influentes, et d'une province dont l'élite coloniale blanche avait des liens profonds avec la NouvelleAngleterre, l'épicentre de la généalogie populaire aux États-Unis.Abstract:Genealogy loomed large in the culture of Nova Scotia from the 1890s to the 1970s, yet when D.C. Harvey, the provincial archivist after 1931, defined the key purposes of the Public Archives of Nova Scotia, he excluded genealogical research from the core objectives of this "historical laboratory." He was fighting a losing battle. Like it or not, the institution he headed operated as part of a transnational mnemonic network within which genealogical approaches were becoming more influential and within a province whose White colonial elite had deep connections with New England – the epicentre of popular genealogy in the United States.
摘要:从19世纪90年代到70年代,家谱在新斯科舍省文化中占有重要地位。然而,当1931年起担任省档案管理员的D.C. Harvey确定了新斯科舍省公共档案馆的主要目标时,他将家谱研究排除在这个“历史实验室”的基本目标之外。他正在进行一场注定失败的战斗。说他无论喜欢与否,他领导机构助跨国网络的一部分,在此框架内flock方法变得越来越有影响力的精英,其中一省和白人殖民与NouvelleAngleterre浅,震中曾联系美国人民的家谱。摘要:19世纪90年代至70年代新斯科舍省文化的族谱研究,但当dc . Harvey, 1931年后的省档案管理员,定义了新斯科舍省公共档案的主要目的时,他排除了这个“历史实验室”的核心目标的族谱研究。我在战斗中失败了。不管是否如此,该机构一直作为一个跨国记忆网络的一部分运作,在这个网络中,系谱方法变得更有影响力,并且在一个白人殖民精英与新英格兰——美国流行系谱的中心——有着密切联系的省份内运作。
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引用次数: 0
New Voices in Regional Scholarship 地区奖学金的新声音
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-06 DOI: 10.1353/aca.2019.0014
S. Morton, A. Nurse, D. Wright
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引用次数: 0
The View from Jacob Street: Reframing Urban Renewal in Postwar Halifax 雅各布街的视角:战后哈利法克斯城市更新的重构
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-06 DOI: 10.1353/aca.2019.0009
Tina Loo
Abstract:En nous concentrant sur la période qui a suivi immédiatement l'étude de l'urbaniste Gordon Stephenson sur le réaménagement d'Halifax en 1957 et précédé le début de la relocalisation d'Africville en 1964, nous acquérons une compréhension différente de l'ampleur du transfert de population, de la façon dont l'effet combiné de la race et de la classe sociale a rendu des gens vulnérables au réaménagement urbain, et du pouvoir de l'administration municipale. La compréhension de ces premières initiatives de réaménagement nous amène également à porter un regard différent sur Africville. Les mesures prises par la Ville à cet endroit ont été façonnées par un changement d'attitudes envers le racisme et une tentative, certes inadéquate, de remédier à celui-ci en mettant l'accent sur l'une de ses manifestations les plus visibles : la ségrégation.Abstract:By focusing on the period immediately following planner Gordon Stephenson's redevelopment study of Halifax in 1957 and before the start of the Africville relocation in 1964, we gain a different appreciation of the scale of displacement, the interplay of race and class in shaping people's vulnerability to urban renewal, and the power of the municipal state. Understanding these early redevelopment efforts also provides us with a different perspective on Africville. The city's actions there were shaped by shifting attitudes towards racism and an attempt, albeit inadequate, to rectify it by focusing on one of its most visible manifestations – segregation.
文摘:重点时期,随后立即研究重新发展规划师Gordon Stephenson halifax 1957年和1964年搬迁到裔加拿大人开始之前,我们有不同的理解程度、人口转移的方式兼并与种族和阶级、城市改造,使得人们的脆弱和市政管理的权力。对这些早期重建计划的理解也让我们对Africville有了不同的看法。该市在这里采取的行动是由于对种族主义态度的改变,以及通过强调其最明显的表现之一——种族隔离——来纠正种族主义的不充分尝试。文摘:By Gordon重点为《马上planner作证期间Stephenson’s再发展study of 1957 Halifax in赶到the start of the in a different增益1964,we Africville安置评估量表》流离失所,the演讲者of race and class in people塑造的脆弱性市市区重建,and the power of the state。谅解these早期再发展努力also provides us with a different)据Africville视角。城市的行动是由于对种族主义的态度发生了转变,并试图通过关注种族主义最明显的表现之一——种族隔离来纠正种族主义,尽管这是不充分的。
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引用次数: 1
A Region in Retrospective: The History of Atlantic Canada, 2009-2019 回顾一个地区:加拿大大西洋的历史,2009-2019
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-06 DOI: 10.1353/aca.2019.0019
L. Mackinnon
REGION IS A SLIPPERY IDEA. From its earliest iteration at the turn of the century, David Russell Jack’s magazine Acadiensis concerned itself with the study of the Maritimes from a geographical perspective. With the revival of the journal in 1971, Newfoundland and Labrador were introduced as key areas of interest for scholars of the now-expanded Atlantic region. In the journal’s first essay, entitled “Acadiensis II,” Philip Bucker describes its focus as encompassing “not only the Maritime Provinces and Newfoundland, but also Gaspésia and Maine with further extensions into Central Canada and Northern New England.”1 The impetus for a journal dedicated to this area emerged out of a historiographical suspicion of nationally focused historical narratives that ignored regional concerns and produced a collective antipathy towards the sense, famously expressed by Frank Underhill, that “nothing, of course, ever happens” in the Maritimes.2 The assumption of a coherent Atlantic region that conforms with the boundaries of political geography has also inspired calls for political action. Jack, in the earliest years of the original Acadiensis, was a proponent of Maritime Union.3 Ernie Forbes argued in 1979 that the Maritime Rights Movement, the regional flavour of the social gospel, and working class activism in places like industrial Cape Breton revealed a radical sense of regionalism that emboldened various forms of resistance to structural decline.4 This vision of the Atlantic region has also invigorated calls for political action from more conservative perspectives. A future union of the region’s provinces, whether under a Maritime Union or Atlantic Union model, would – under this line of argument – reduce wasteful inefficiencies that go hand-in-hand with operating three (or four) distinct provinces. Why bother maintaining such
区域是一个难以捉摸的概念。大卫·罗素·杰克(David Russell Jack)的杂志《Acadiensis》自世纪之交创刊以来,就从地理角度研究海洋。随着1971年该杂志的复兴,纽芬兰和拉布拉多被介绍为现在扩大的大西洋地区学者感兴趣的关键领域。在期刊的第一篇题为“Acadiensis II”的文章中,Philip Bucker将其重点描述为“不仅包括沿海省份和纽芬兰,还包括加斯帕西亚和缅因州,并进一步扩展到加拿大中部和新英格兰北部”。1这本致力于这一领域的杂志的动力来自于一种史学上的怀疑,即以国家为中心的历史叙述忽视了地区问题,并产生了对弗兰克·昂德希尔(Frank Underhill)著名表达的那种感觉的集体反感,即“当然,什么都不会发生”。2大西洋地区与政治地理边界一致的假设也激发了对政治行动的呼吁。杰克,在最初的阿卡迪ensis的早期,是海事工会的支持者。Ernie Forbes在1979年认为,海事权利运动,社会福音的地方风味,以及像工业布雷顿角这样的地方的工人阶级行动主义,揭示了一种激进的地方主义意识,这种意识鼓励了各种形式的抵抗结构衰退这种对大西洋地区的展望也激发了从更保守的角度要求采取政治行动的呼声。根据这一论点,未来该地区各省的联盟,无论是在海事联盟还是大西洋联盟模式下,都将减少由于运营三个(或四个)不同省份而导致的浪费和效率低下。为什么要维护这些呢?
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking Access to the Past: History and Archives in the Digital Age 重新思考进入过去:数字时代的历史和档案
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-06 DOI: 10.1353/aca.2019.0018
T. Peace, G. Allen
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引用次数: 1
Against Prevailing Currents: The History of Them Days Magazine in Labrador 反对盛行的潮流:他们的历史杂志在拉布拉多
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-06 DOI: 10.1353/aca.2019.0013
Vicki S. Hallett
Abstract:Depuis plus de quatre décennies, la revue Them Days dépeint les gens du Labrador dans leurs propres mots grâce à la publication d'un numéro trimestriel et de nombreux livres sur le Labrador, ainsi qu'à la création d'un fonds d'archives publiques. Cet article s'intéresse principalement aux aspects historiques de la fondation de la revue et aux défis que ses fondateurs ont dû relever pour construire un stock de récits du Labrador qui représenteraient les cultures qui font l'originalité du Labrador et qui documenteraient un mode de vie considéré comme en déclin rapide. Il examine également comment les individus, les peuples et même les revues doivent continuellement négocier leur identité à travers des rapports de force dans un État de peuplement colonial.Abstract:For more than four decades, Them Days magazine has portrayed Labradorians in their own words through publishing a quarterly periodical and multiple books about Labrador as well as creating a public archive. This article will focus on the historical aspects of the magazine's inception and the challenges its creators faced as they built a storehouse of Labrador narratives that would represent the cultures that make Labrador unique and document a way of life considered to be in precipitous decline. It will also discuss how individuals, peoples, and even magazines must continually negotiate their identities through power relations in a settler-colonial state.
摘要:40多年来,《他们的日子》杂志一直用他们自己的语言描述拉布拉多人,出版了季刊和许多关于拉布拉多的书籍,并建立了一个公共档案基金。foundation)本文主要针对历史问题与挑战》杂志的创始人都不得不应对的拉布拉多建一个叙事存量占作物构成其独创性的拉布拉多和那些documenteraient生活方式被认为正在快速下滑。它还探讨了个人、民族甚至期刊如何在殖民国家中通过权力关系不断协商自己的身份。摘要:四十多年来,他们的日子杂志通过出版关于拉布拉多的季刊和多本书籍,以及创建一个公共档案,以他们自己的语言描绘了拉布拉多人。本文将重点讨论该杂志成立的历史方面,以及其创建者所面临的挑战,因为他们建立了一个拉布拉多叙事的仓库,代表了使拉布拉多独特的文化,并记录了一种被认为正在迅速衰落的生活方式。它还将讨论个人、民族甚至杂志如何通过殖民国家的权力关系不断协商其身份。
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引用次数: 0
Re-developing Underdevelopment: An Agenda for New Histories of Capitalism in the Maritimes 重新发展欠发达:海洋资本主义新历史的议程
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-06 DOI: 10.1353/aca.2019.0015
Fred Burrill
THINKING AND WRITING ABOUT MARITIME HISTORY has always been intensely personal for me.1 Although I have made my adult life in a different province, (largely) in a different language, and do my main academic work on an unrelated topic, there remains an integral part of me conditioned by having grown up in Upper Musquodoboit, Nova Scotia. Much of this, I suppose, is similar to what any of us feels when we look back: a childhood home lost, formative relationships broken up, old friends now gone. As bell hooks has written, “We are born and have our being in a place of memory.”2 But another part is a result of having experienced my early political awakenings in a household steeped in the radical regionalism of the 1980s, my central analyses shaped by that New Maritimes3 generation that adapted core-periphery frameworks to the regional context while denouncing the exploitation of the transient, Maritime “light infantry of capital.”4 This formulation, and therefore mine, was all about “our people,” “our culture,” and our “colonization” by Montreal, Ottawa, Boston, Toronto, and, later, the multinational corporations of the Alberta tar sands.5
对我来说,思考和写作海洋历史一直是一件非常个人化的事情虽然我在另一个省(很大程度上)用另一种语言度过了我的成年生活,并在一个不相关的主题上进行了我的主要学术研究,但我在新斯科舍省上马斯科多布伊特长大,这对我来说仍然是不可或缺的一部分。我想,这在很大程度上与我们任何人回首往事时的感受相似:童年失去了家,形成的关系破裂了,老朋友不见了。正如贝尔·胡克斯(bell hooks)所写的,“我们在记忆中出生并存在。但另一部分原因是我在一个沉浸在20世纪80年代激进地区主义的家庭中经历了早期的政治觉醒,我的核心分析是由新海事时代的一代人塑造的,他们根据地区背景调整了核心-边缘框架,同时谴责对短暂的、海事的“资本轻步兵”的剥削。这个提法,因此也是我的提法,都是关于“我们的人民”、“我们的文化”和我们被蒙特利尔、渥太华、波士顿、多伦多以及后来的阿尔伯塔油砂跨国公司“殖民”的问题
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引用次数: 2
Passer à l'agora : de la pertinence d'une histoire des sujets en action en Acadie 进入agora:阿卡迪亚行动主题历史的相关性
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-06 DOI: 10.1353/aca.2019.0016
P. Volpé
DEPUIS UNE DIZAINE D’ANNÉES, les rétrospections sur la production historiographique acadienne sont monnaie courante2. Des bilans critiques ont été rédigés3, des limites ont été soulevées mais, hormis quelques rares exceptions4, peu de projets prospectifs ont clairement été énoncés. Nous avons certes pu observer des plaidoyers en faveur d’une histoire politique – tantôt consubstantielle à une histoire culturelle et intellectuelle – ou sociale, selon les cas, mais il a bien souvent semblé se dégager de ces positions une attitude défensive où il importait davantage de se réclamer d’un champ pour préserver sa dénomination que de dessiner les contours d’une entreprise, d’une posture, d’une méthode, bref d’un projet historiographique. Ce n’est pas notre intention ici de revenir sur cette « attitude » – pour ne pas dire « ces débats » qui, eux, nourrissent la pensée critique – dont l’esprit qui s’en dégage nous paraît contraire à l’avancement des connaissances; comme si « un » champ pouvait répondre à toutes les questions de l’humanité : « la réalité historique, par essence multiforme, est forcément à entrée[s] multiple[s]5 ». D’autant plus que nous sommes d’avis, avec l’historien Martin Pâquet, que les frontières entre les champs sont beaucoup moins étanches qu’on ne le laisse souvent
在过去的十年里,对阿卡迪亚历史作品的回顾已经成为司空见惯的事。起草了关键的审查报告,提出了限制,但除了少数例外,很少有明确的前瞻性项目。我们的确看到认罪赞成政治历史—时而密不可分的一个故事或社会—文化和知识产权(视情况而定,但他似乎常常逃避这些防御性的态度立场时,他们需要更多的主张,为维护其名称的字段和画轮廓一家,一个姿势,一个项目的简短的史学方法的。在这里,我们无意回顾这种“态度”——更不用说培养批判性思维的“辩论”——在我们看来,这种态度的精神似乎与知识的进步背道而驰。仿佛“一个”领域可以回答人类的所有问题:“历史现实,本质上是多方面的,必然是多方面的。”更重要的是,我们同意历史学家Martin paquet的观点,即田地之间的边界远没有通常允许的那么紧密。
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引用次数: 1
Statues in Time: Canadian Days and Holidays 雕像在时间:加拿大的日子和节日
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-06 DOI: 10.1353/aca.2019.0020
C. Coates
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引用次数: 0
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