Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History最新文献_第2页

On Involving Labor in Labor Studies 论劳动研究中的劳动问题

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015641

Sally M. Miller

引用次数: 0

Work in Progress and/or Recently Completed 正在进行和/或最近完成的工作

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0147547900015775

引用次数: 0

ILW volume 8 and Front matter ILW第8卷和前部很重要

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0147547900015593

引用次数: 0

Revolutionary and Counter-Revolutionary Thought in Habsburg Hungary, 1914–1918 匈牙利哈布斯堡王朝的革命与反革命思想，1914-1918

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0147547900015660

R. Allen

(A panel under this title was held at the Duquesne History Forum at Duquesne University in Pittsburgh on October 31, 1974. Gabor Verities spoke on "Count Istvan Tisza and the Preservation of the Old Order;" Peter Pastor on "The Democratic Alternative: The Revolutionary Beliefs of Michael Karolyi:"' and Samuel Goldberger on "Ervin Szabo and the Tasks of the Hungarian Transformation: Economic Backwardness in Revolutionary Perspective." Richard E. Allen was the commentator.)

(1974年10月31日，在匹兹堡迪肯大学的迪肯历史论坛上举行了这个专题讨论会。Gabor Verities就“Istvan Tisza伯爵和旧秩序的维护”发表了讲话;彼得·帕斯特的《民主选择:迈克尔·卡洛伊的革命信仰》和塞缪尔·戈德伯格的《欧文·萨博和匈牙利转型的任务:革命视角下的经济落后》。理查德·e·艾伦(Richard E. Allen)为评论员。)

引用次数: 0

Working Class Culture in Germany: A Review Essay 德国工人阶级文化:一篇评论文章

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015690

W. Weber

For all the broadening of research into the modern working class during the last ten years, little work has appeared on the working class within European culture. While scholars have made the commonsense discovery that workers had their own lives to lead as well as unions and parties to advance, few have explored the ways in which working-class people amused themselves or related to cultural institutions. The Archiv fur Sozialgeschichte has fortunately devoted most of its hefty 768 page volume for 1974 (Bonn: Verlag Neue Gesellschaft) to this subject. Almost half of its space comprises reviews (interesting topical ones, luckily enough), but seven of its nine articles concern cultural dimensions of German socialism between 1914 and 1933. Hanno Mbbius explores the One-Mark Novels, Christoph Rtilcker the literary coverage of Vorwarts, and Rolf Busch worker poets during World War One. Herbert Scherer discusses the socialist theater movement, Horst Ueberhorst workers' sports, Vernon L. Lidtke workers' songs and Ulrich Linse investigates the socialist student revolution of 1918-1919. Also included are articles by Wolfgang Schieder on the Trier Pilgrimage of 1844 and by Jens Flemming on farm workers' organizations. The significance of the seven articles for the development of German Social Democracy must be seen through the particular dynamics of the social history of culture. This field has emerged as a spin-off from work in other fields not just on culture itself but also on politics and society in general — and has suffered from the derivative nature of such interests. Too often historians have viewed the social structure of a cultural field only insofar as it related to one of these other lines of study, and the result has been some serious misconceptions and enormous gaps of knowledge. Little work of any depth has been done on audiences theatrical, literary, musical or on the institutional structures of the arts. Books abound on the press's reactions to events but what do we know about the internal workings of newspapers or the people who read them? Especially frustrating has been the indifference of cultural historians to the occupational bases and social roles of artists, for many studies leave one guessing just how these figures earned their living. Finally, the analytical tools used on many cultural topics are frequently laiden with heavy assumptions and value judgements which obscure more than they dissect. Culture has always been dear to historians' hearts, and they therefore have too often approached it with clumsily affectionate hands. The articles in the Archiv are successful primarily in the last respect: analytical distance. The authors share a revisionistic perspective of a Marxist sort which provides them a healthy skepticism toward the so powerful cultural tradition of the 19th century a tradition they show social democrats accepted pretty completely and communists found themselves powerless to change. Linse, Mbbius, and RUlcher parti

近十年来，对现代工人阶级的研究越来越广泛，但关于欧洲文化中的工人阶级的研究却很少。虽然学者们有一个常识性的发现，即工人们有自己的生活要过，也有工会和政党要前进，但很少有人探索工人阶级是如何自娱自乐的，或者是如何与文化机构建立联系的。幸运的是，社会科学档案馆(archiiv fur Sozialgeschichte)在其1974年768页的厚卷中(波恩:Verlag Neue Gesellschaft)的大部分内容都是关于这个主题的。几乎一半的篇幅都是评论(幸运的是有趣的话题)，但九篇文章中有七篇是关于1914年至1933年间德国社会主义的文化维度。汉诺·姆比乌斯探讨了“一马克小说”，克里斯托夫·里蒂尔克探讨了“前进报”的文学报道，以及罗尔夫·布希在第一次世界大战期间的工人诗人。赫伯特·谢勒讨论了社会主义戏剧运动，霍斯特·尤伯霍斯特工人运动，弗农·l·利特克工人歌曲，乌尔里希·林斯调查了1918-1919年的社会主义学生革命。还包括由沃尔夫冈席德在1844年的特里尔朝圣和延斯弗莱明对农场工人组织的文章。七条对于德国社会民主党发展的意义，必须通过社会文化史的特殊动态来看待。这一领域不仅是在文化领域，而且在政治和整个社会领域，作为其他领域工作的副产品而出现的，并受到这些利益的衍生性质的影响。历史学家常常只把某一文化领域的社会结构与其他研究领域的某一学科联系起来看待它，其结果是产生了一些严重的误解和巨大的知识空白。关于观众、戏剧、文学、音乐或艺术的制度结构，几乎没有深入的研究。关于媒体对事件的反应的书有很多，但我们对报纸的内部运作或读者了解多少呢?尤其令人沮丧的是，文化历史学家对艺术家的职业基础和社会角色漠不关心，因为许多研究让人猜测这些人物是如何谋生的。最后，在许多文化主题上使用的分析工具经常被沉重的假设和价值判断所覆盖，这些假设和价值判断掩盖了比它们剖析的更多的东西。文化在历史学家的心中一直是珍贵的，因此他们常常用笨拙的深情之手来接近它。档案中的文章主要在最后一个方面取得了成功:分析距离。作者分享了一种马克思主义的修正主义观点，这使他们对19世纪如此强大的文化传统持一种健康的怀疑态度，他们表明社会民主主义者完全接受了这种传统，而共产主义者发现自己无力改变。林斯、姆比乌斯和鲁切尔在讨论社会民主主义和共产主义作家对欧洲文化中资产阶级定义的个人主义的态度时，尤其运用了技巧娴熟、不具争议性的概念工具。令人耳目一新的是，几乎所有的撰稿人都很少沉溺于令人绝望的言辞，也很少把严格的社会分类强加于他们的研究对象。然而，这些文章在讨论作家的专业基础方面是最薄弱的。这些人物在书中经常以默默无闻的理论家的身份出现，因为人们很少能找到他们的职业或职业模式的简短引用。即使这类信息很少，零零碎碎的信息也可以加起来形成实质性的东西。这样的分析本可以起到更大的作用

{"title":"Working Class Culture in Germany: A Review Essay","authors":"W. Weber","doi":"10.1017/S0097852300015690","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0097852300015690","url":null,"abstract":"For all the broadening of research into the modern working class during the last ten years, little work has appeared on the working class within European culture. While scholars have made the commonsense discovery that workers had their own lives to lead as well as unions and parties to advance, few have explored the ways in which working-class people amused themselves or related to cultural institutions. The Archiv fur Sozialgeschichte has fortunately devoted most of its hefty 768 page volume for 1974 (Bonn: Verlag Neue Gesellschaft) to this subject. Almost half of its space comprises reviews (interesting topical ones, luckily enough), but seven of its nine articles concern cultural dimensions of German socialism between 1914 and 1933. Hanno Mbbius explores the One-Mark Novels, Christoph Rtilcker the literary coverage of Vorwarts, and Rolf Busch worker poets during World War One. Herbert Scherer discusses the socialist theater movement, Horst Ueberhorst workers' sports, Vernon L. Lidtke workers' songs and Ulrich Linse investigates the socialist student revolution of 1918-1919. Also included are articles by Wolfgang Schieder on the Trier Pilgrimage of 1844 and by Jens Flemming on farm workers' organizations. The significance of the seven articles for the development of German Social Democracy must be seen through the particular dynamics of the social history of culture. This field has emerged as a spin-off from work in other fields not just on culture itself but also on politics and society in general — and has suffered from the derivative nature of such interests. Too often historians have viewed the social structure of a cultural field only insofar as it related to one of these other lines of study, and the result has been some serious misconceptions and enormous gaps of knowledge. Little work of any depth has been done on audiences theatrical, literary, musical or on the institutional structures of the arts. Books abound on the press's reactions to events but what do we know about the internal workings of newspapers or the people who read them? Especially frustrating has been the indifference of cultural historians to the occupational bases and social roles of artists, for many studies leave one guessing just how these figures earned their living. Finally, the analytical tools used on many cultural topics are frequently laiden with heavy assumptions and value judgements which obscure more than they dissect. Culture has always been dear to historians' hearts, and they therefore have too often approached it with clumsily affectionate hands. The articles in the Archiv are successful primarily in the last respect: analytical distance. The authors share a revisionistic perspective of a Marxist sort which provides them a healthy skepticism toward the so powerful cultural tradition of the 19th century a tradition they show social democrats accepted pretty completely and communists found themselves powerless to change. Linse, Mbbius, and RUlcher parti","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"197 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124393954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Working Class History at the Princeton Davis Center 普林斯顿戴维斯中心的工人阶级历史

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0147547900015659

G. Cohen

引用次数: 0

Bronterre O'Brien's Correspondence with Thomas Allsop: New Evidence on the Decline of a Chartist Leader Bronterre O'Brien与Thomas Allsop的通信:关于一个宪章运动领袖衰落的新证据

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015689

Ray Faherty

differences, but also cultural conditioning. The role gerontologists assign to expectations and fears in magnifying health problems for older people has a devastating effect on the majority of the working class. How unique is the French experience? French retirement age is unusually young, which strikes a chord with the old culture of deterioration. The ideological bent of the French labor movement may have contributed to a distinctive approach. So, ironically, may the unusually high percentage of old people in the French population (the result of low birth rates) which caused young workers to push especially hard for a place. But overall the possibility of a similar working-class outlook toward aging seems high, and the possibility is sufficiently gloomy to require historical testing and remedies based thereupon. The time seems particularly propitious for a reassessment, now that French unions have begun to develop programs for dealing with the social needs of the elderly, following from the informal card-playing and reading groups that sprang up by the 1950s; now that French workers as individuals show signs of reconsidering earlier reactions; and now that, since the early 1960s, almost 45% of men over 65 are working at least parttime. Historians of the labor movement and of workers alike can join in this kind of endeavor, for in this area of behavior at least, mutual feedback has been extensive if unproductive. Let us hope that a serious consideration of a dismal but persistent past can allow old people themselves and those who have or should have responsibility for improving the framework of their lives to understand the basic impulse that they must come to grips with. It will certainly point up the need for serious attention beyond a periodic social security calculation of pension costs, in industrial societies where active workers will soon outnumber older workers by barely two to one. Historians, having dutifully followed the labor movement in largely ignoring this subject, must now play an active role in its elucidation.

差异，还有文化制约。老年病学家认为，期望和恐惧放大了老年人的健康问题，这对大多数工人阶级产生了毁灭性的影响。法国的经历有多独特?法国人的退休年龄出奇地年轻，这与旧文化的退化产生了共鸣。法国劳工运动的意识形态倾向可能促成了一种独特的方法。因此，具有讽刺意味的是，法国人口中异常高的老年人比例(低出生率的结果)可能会导致年轻工人特别努力地争取一个位置。但总的来说，工人阶级对老龄化持类似看法的可能性似乎很高，而且这种可能性非常渺茫，因此需要进行历史检验，并据此采取补救措施。随着20世纪50年代兴起的非正式的纸牌游戏和阅读小组，法国工会已经开始制定处理老年人社会需求的计划，现在似乎是重新评估的好时机;现在，作为个体的法国工人显示出重新考虑早期反应的迹象;而现在，自20世纪60年代初以来，65岁以上的男性中几乎有45%至少有兼职工作。研究劳工运动和工人的历史学家都可以加入到这种努力中来，因为至少在这一行为领域，相互反馈是广泛的，如果没有成效的话。让我们希望，对悲惨而持久的过去的认真考虑能够使老年人自己以及那些有责任或应该有责任改善他们生活框架的人理解他们必须掌握的基本冲动。它肯定会指出，除了定期对养老金成本进行社会保障计算之外，还需要认真关注这一问题。在工业社会，活跃工人的数量很快就会以不到2比1的比例超过老年工人。历史学家们一直忠实地追随劳工运动，在很大程度上忽视了这个问题，现在他们必须在阐明这个问题方面发挥积极作用。

{"title":"Bronterre O'Brien's Correspondence with Thomas Allsop: New Evidence on the Decline of a Chartist Leader","authors":"Ray Faherty","doi":"10.1017/S0097852300015689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0097852300015689","url":null,"abstract":"differences, but also cultural conditioning. The role gerontologists assign to expectations and fears in magnifying health problems for older people has a devastating effect on the majority of the working class. How unique is the French experience? French retirement age is unusually young, which strikes a chord with the old culture of deterioration. The ideological bent of the French labor movement may have contributed to a distinctive approach. So, ironically, may the unusually high percentage of old people in the French population (the result of low birth rates) which caused young workers to push especially hard for a place. But overall the possibility of a similar working-class outlook toward aging seems high, and the possibility is sufficiently gloomy to require historical testing and remedies based thereupon. The time seems particularly propitious for a reassessment, now that French unions have begun to develop programs for dealing with the social needs of the elderly, following from the informal card-playing and reading groups that sprang up by the 1950s; now that French workers as individuals show signs of reconsidering earlier reactions; and now that, since the early 1960s, almost 45% of men over 65 are working at least parttime. Historians of the labor movement and of workers alike can join in this kind of endeavor, for in this area of behavior at least, mutual feedback has been extensive if unproductive. Let us hope that a serious consideration of a dismal but persistent past can allow old people themselves and those who have or should have responsibility for improving the framework of their lives to understand the basic impulse that they must come to grips with. It will certainly point up the need for serious attention beyond a periodic social security calculation of pension costs, in industrial societies where active workers will soon outnumber older workers by barely two to one. Historians, having dutifully followed the labor movement in largely ignoring this subject, must now play an active role in its elucidation.","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"15 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"113932522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

Aging in the Working Class: An Exploratory Essay 工人阶级的老龄化:一篇探索性论文

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547900015672

P. Stearns

Older workers have received little attention from labor historians, their late lamented but only in passing. The contrast with at least partial knowledge of definable internal groups such as children, women, various skill levels and the like is striking. When mentioned, one o' two comments is typically made. The bluntest simply says that workers were dead or incapacitated by 45: this at once captures the horror of industrial capitalism and excuses any further study of the subject. The fact that it is entirely wrong, as the briefest glance at a census would indicate, is ignored. Approach two, applied particularly in comments on the early industrial period, berates employers for firing their older employees without support. The extent to which they actually did so has not, to my knowledge, been calculated, and again what happened to those dismissed is left to the imagination. We need to do better than this, for several reasons. By the second half of the nineteenth century, males over sixty-five formed up to 8% of all male manufacturing workers (specifically this was the case in France in 1906); over 60% of all male workers stayed on the job after 65. Even, then, to study the active work force involves attention to the older segment, and when one adds the minority retired or disabled the numbers become more significant still. But in urging study more is involved than a "let's fill a gap in social history" plea. Once we know the existence of a definable group of older workers we can begin to see certain potential pressures on the labor movement; how were the characteristics of old age, the tendency toward growing conservatism and distrust of youth, to be handled by movements that overtly stressed dynamism and waves of the future? In the French case, at least, and I believe quite generally, the labor movement was not up to the challenge. Still more important, a culture toward aging a particular set of fixed attitudes persists within the working class and while quite understandable, it is not healthy. It continues to be reflected in formal policies of the labor movement give them a pension and forget about them and it dominates the self-image of workers themselves. The historian can trace the origins of the culture and the causes of its durability; but he can step beyond his usual role and do more, evaluating the culture and indicating what might be done about it. In tracing the origins of retirement, for example, the historian adds to the impression that retirement must become more individual and flexible in its imposition. Precisely because aging has a discrete history and at the same time constitutes an agonizing contemporary problem, the historian can apply understanding of the phenomenon to social policy formulation. What follows, based on French working-class history, sketches some conclusions for France and suggests topics and research approaches applicable more generally. I view France as a case study, with some distinctive features due to the

年长的工人很少受到劳工历史学家的关注，他们已故的人曾为他们惋惜，但只是过眼而过。这与至少部分了解可定义的内部群体(如儿童、妇女、各种技能水平等)形成了鲜明对比。当被提及时，通常会做出一到两个评论。最愚蠢的说法只是说，工人在45岁之前就已经死亡或丧失了工作能力:这立即抓住了工业资本主义的恐怖，并为进一步研究这一主题提供了借口。只要看一眼人口普查就会发现，这是完全错误的，但这一事实却被忽视了。方法二(尤其适用于对早期工业时期的评论)严厉斥责雇主在没有支持的情况下解雇年长员工。据我所知，他们到底在多大程度上做到了这一点还没有被计算出来，那些被解雇的人的下场也只能靠想象了。出于几个原因，我们需要做得更好。到19世纪下半叶，65岁以上的男性占所有男性制造业工人的8%(特别是1906年法国的情况);超过60%的男性员工在65岁以后仍继续工作。即便如此，对活跃劳动力的研究也涉及到对老年人的关注，如果加上少数退休或残疾的人，这个数字就变得更加重要了。但在敦促研究中，涉及的不仅仅是“让我们填补社会历史的空白”的请求。一旦我们知道存在一个可定义的老年工人群体，我们就可以开始看到劳工运动面临的某些潜在压力;老年人的特点，日益保守的趋势和对年轻人的不信任，如何通过公开强调活力和未来浪潮的运动来处理?至少在法国的情况下，而且我相信在相当普遍的情况下，工人运动无法应对挑战。更重要的是，一种对待老龄化的文化——一套特定的固定态度——在工人阶级中持续存在，虽然可以理解，但这是不健康的。它继续反映在劳工运动的正式政策中给他们养老金，然后忘记他们，它主导了工人自己的自我形象。历史学家可以追溯文化的起源及其经久不衰的原因;但他可以超越自己通常的角色，做更多的事情，评估企业文化，并指出可能采取的措施。例如，在追溯退休的起源时，这位历史学家增加了这样一种印象，即退休必须变得更加个性化和灵活。正是因为老龄化有一个离散的历史，同时也构成了一个令人痛苦的当代问题，历史学家可以将对这一现象的理解应用于社会政策的制定。下文以法国工人阶级的历史为基础，概述了法国的一些结论，并提出了更普遍适用的主题和研究方法。我认为法国是一个案例研究，由于一些劳工领袖的特殊意识形态，它有一些独特的特点，但总体上代表了一个更广泛的过程;显然，它的典型性只能通过比较工作来检验。从逻辑上讲，我们可以从早期工业革命开始。精确的数据很难获得，因为任何年龄特异性的统计数据都要等到本世纪下半叶和本世纪初才会出现

{"title":"Aging in the Working Class: An Exploratory Essay","authors":"P. Stearns","doi":"10.1017/S0147547900015672","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0147547900015672","url":null,"abstract":"Older workers have received little attention from labor historians, their late lamented but only in passing. The contrast with at least partial knowledge of definable internal groups such as children, women, various skill levels and the like is striking. When mentioned, one o' two comments is typically made. The bluntest simply says that workers were dead or incapacitated by 45: this at once captures the horror of industrial capitalism and excuses any further study of the subject. The fact that it is entirely wrong, as the briefest glance at a census would indicate, is ignored. Approach two, applied particularly in comments on the early industrial period, berates employers for firing their older employees without support. The extent to which they actually did so has not, to my knowledge, been calculated, and again what happened to those dismissed is left to the imagination. We need to do better than this, for several reasons. By the second half of the nineteenth century, males over sixty-five formed up to 8% of all male manufacturing workers (specifically this was the case in France in 1906); over 60% of all male workers stayed on the job after 65. Even, then, to study the active work force involves attention to the older segment, and when one adds the minority retired or disabled the numbers become more significant still. But in urging study more is involved than a \"let's fill a gap in social history\" plea. Once we know the existence of a definable group of older workers we can begin to see certain potential pressures on the labor movement; how were the characteristics of old age, the tendency toward growing conservatism and distrust of youth, to be handled by movements that overtly stressed dynamism and waves of the future? In the French case, at least, and I believe quite generally, the labor movement was not up to the challenge. Still more important, a culture toward aging a particular set of fixed attitudes persists within the working class and while quite understandable, it is not healthy. It continues to be reflected in formal policies of the labor movement give them a pension and forget about them and it dominates the self-image of workers themselves. The historian can trace the origins of the culture and the causes of its durability; but he can step beyond his usual role and do more, evaluating the culture and indicating what might be done about it. In tracing the origins of retirement, for example, the historian adds to the impression that retirement must become more individual and flexible in its imposition. Precisely because aging has a discrete history and at the same time constitutes an agonizing contemporary problem, the historian can apply understanding of the phenomenon to social policy formulation. What follows, based on French working-class history, sketches some conclusions for France and suggests topics and research approaches applicable more generally. I view France as a case study, with some distinctive features due to the ","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127819770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Bronterre O'Brien's Correspondence with Thomas Allsop: New Evidence on the Decline of a Chartist Leader Bronterre O'Brien与Thomas Allsop的通信:关于一个宪章运动领袖衰落的新证据

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547900015684

Ray Faherty

differences, but also cultural conditioning. The role gerontologists assign to expectations and fears in magnifying health problems for older people has a devastating effect on the majority of the working class. How unique is the French experience? French retirement age is unusually young, which strikes a chord with the old culture of deterioration. The ideological bent of the French labor movement may have contributed to a distinctive approach. So, ironically, may the unusually high percentage of old people in the French population (the result of low birth rates) which caused young workers to push especially hard for a place. But overall the possibility of a similar working-class outlook toward aging seems high, and the possibility is sufficiently gloomy to require historical testing and remedies based thereupon. The time seems particularly propitious for a reassessment, now that French unions have begun to develop programs for dealing with the social needs of the elderly, following from the informal card-playing and reading groups that sprang up by the 1950s; now that French workers as individuals show signs of reconsidering earlier reactions; and now that, since the early 1960s, almost 45% of men over 65 are working at least parttime. Historians of the labor movement and of workers alike can join in this kind of endeavor, for in this area of behavior at least, mutual feedback has been extensive if unproductive. Let us hope that a serious consideration of a dismal but persistent past can allow old people themselves and those who have or should have responsibility for improving the framework of their lives to understand the basic impulse that they must come to grips with. It will certainly point up the need for serious attention beyond a periodic social security calculation of pension costs, in industrial societies where active workers will soon outnumber older workers by barely two to one. Historians, having dutifully followed the labor movement in largely ignoring this subject, must now play an active role in its elucidation.

差异，还有文化制约。老年病学家认为，期望和恐惧放大了老年人的健康问题，这对大多数工人阶级产生了毁灭性的影响。法国的经历有多独特?法国人的退休年龄出奇地年轻，这与旧文化的退化产生了共鸣。法国劳工运动的意识形态倾向可能促成了一种独特的方法。因此，具有讽刺意味的是，法国人口中异常高的老年人比例(低出生率的结果)可能会导致年轻工人特别努力地争取一个位置。但总的来说，工人阶级对老龄化持类似看法的可能性似乎很高，而且这种可能性非常渺茫，因此需要进行历史检验，并据此采取补救措施。随着20世纪50年代兴起的非正式的纸牌游戏和阅读小组，法国工会已经开始制定处理老年人社会需求的计划，现在似乎是重新评估的好时机;现在，作为个体的法国工人显示出重新考虑早期反应的迹象;而现在，自20世纪60年代初以来，65岁以上的男性中几乎有45%至少有兼职工作。研究劳工运动和工人的历史学家都可以加入到这种努力中来，因为至少在这一行为领域，相互反馈是广泛的，如果没有成效的话。让我们希望，对悲惨而持久的过去的认真考虑能够使老年人自己以及那些有责任或应该有责任改善他们生活框架的人理解他们必须掌握的基本冲动。它肯定会指出，除了定期对养老金成本进行社会保障计算之外，还需要认真关注这一问题。在工业社会，活跃工人的数量很快就会以不到2比1的比例超过老年工人。历史学家们一直忠实地追随劳工运动，在很大程度上忽视了这个问题，现在他们必须在阐明这个问题方面发挥积极作用。

{"title":"Bronterre O'Brien's Correspondence with Thomas Allsop: New Evidence on the Decline of a Chartist Leader","authors":"Ray Faherty","doi":"10.1017/S0147547900015684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0147547900015684","url":null,"abstract":"differences, but also cultural conditioning. The role gerontologists assign to expectations and fears in magnifying health problems for older people has a devastating effect on the majority of the working class. How unique is the French experience? French retirement age is unusually young, which strikes a chord with the old culture of deterioration. The ideological bent of the French labor movement may have contributed to a distinctive approach. So, ironically, may the unusually high percentage of old people in the French population (the result of low birth rates) which caused young workers to push especially hard for a place. But overall the possibility of a similar working-class outlook toward aging seems high, and the possibility is sufficiently gloomy to require historical testing and remedies based thereupon. The time seems particularly propitious for a reassessment, now that French unions have begun to develop programs for dealing with the social needs of the elderly, following from the informal card-playing and reading groups that sprang up by the 1950s; now that French workers as individuals show signs of reconsidering earlier reactions; and now that, since the early 1960s, almost 45% of men over 65 are working at least parttime. Historians of the labor movement and of workers alike can join in this kind of endeavor, for in this area of behavior at least, mutual feedback has been extensive if unproductive. Let us hope that a serious consideration of a dismal but persistent past can allow old people themselves and those who have or should have responsibility for improving the framework of their lives to understand the basic impulse that they must come to grips with. It will certainly point up the need for serious attention beyond a periodic social security calculation of pension costs, in industrial societies where active workers will soon outnumber older workers by barely two to one. Historians, having dutifully followed the labor movement in largely ignoring this subject, must now play an active role in its elucidation.","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116536385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The Annual International Labor History Conference (ITH) 国际劳工史年会(ITH)

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015616

Susanna L. Miller

Communist Parties." Antoni Czubinski, (Poland), "Revolution oder Reform in Mitteleuropa im XX. Jahrundert." A. I. Danilov, et. al., (U.S.S.R.), "History and Society." Tibor Erenyi, (Budapest), "Sozialistische Revolution und Burgerlich-Demokratische Reform in der Arbeiterbewegung der Zerfallenden Osterreich-Ungarischen Monarchic" Ronan Fanning, (Ireland), "Leadership and Transition from the Politics of Revolution to the Politics of Party: The Example of Ireland 1914-1939." Erich Gruner, (Switzerland), "The Labor Movement in Switzerland Confronted by the Question: Reform or Revolution." E. J. Hobsbawm, (England), "Revolution." Chr. R. Jansen and Erik Korr Johansen, (Denmark), "The Study of Unemployment. Remarks based on Unemployment Research in 19th Century Denmark." Janos Jemnitz, (Budapest), "Revolution and Reform in the West European Parties of the Second International." Jlirgen Kocka, (Federal Republic of Germany), "The Problem of Democracy and the Lower Middle Classes in the First Third of the 20th Century: Some Results and Perspectives of Research." E. Kolb, (Federal Republic of Germany), "Die Deutsche Arbeiterbewegung vor der Frage: Reform oder Revolution, 1914-1919." Val R. Lorwin, (U.S.A.), "The Red and the Black: Socialist and Christian Labor Organization in Western Europe."

共产党。”Antoni Czubinski，(波兰)，《中欧的革命秩序改革》。Jahrundert。”A. I. Danilov等人，(苏联)，《历史与社会》。Tibor Erenyi，(布达佩斯)，“社会主义革命与德国民主改革在德国的革命与民主改革”，Ronan Fanning，(爱尔兰)，“领导与从革命政治到政党政治的过渡:以1914-1939年的爱尔兰为例”。埃里希·格鲁纳，(瑞士)，《面临问题的瑞士劳工运动:改革还是革命》。霍布斯鲍姆(英国)，《革命》。空空的。R. Jansen和Erik Korr Johansen，(丹麦)，《失业研究》。基于19世纪丹麦失业研究的评论。Janos Jemnitz，(布达佩斯)，“第二国际西欧政党的革命与改革”。Jlirgen Kocka，(德意志联邦共和国)，“20世纪前三分之一时期的民主与中下层阶级问题:一些研究结果和观点”。E. Kolb，(德意志联邦共和国)，《Die Deutsche Arbeiterbewegung vor der Frage:改革秩序革命，1914-1919》。瓦尔·r·洛温，(美国)，《红与黑:西欧的社会主义和基督教劳工组织》。

{"title":"The Annual International Labor History Conference (ITH)","authors":"Susanna L. Miller","doi":"10.1017/S0097852300015616","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0097852300015616","url":null,"abstract":"Communist Parties.\" Antoni Czubinski, (Poland), \"Revolution oder Reform in Mitteleuropa im XX. Jahrundert.\" A. I. Danilov, et. al., (U.S.S.R.), \"History and Society.\" Tibor Erenyi, (Budapest), \"Sozialistische Revolution und Burgerlich-Demokratische Reform in der Arbeiterbewegung der Zerfallenden Osterreich-Ungarischen Monarchic\" Ronan Fanning, (Ireland), \"Leadership and Transition from the Politics of Revolution to the Politics of Party: The Example of Ireland 1914-1939.\" Erich Gruner, (Switzerland), \"The Labor Movement in Switzerland Confronted by the Question: Reform or Revolution.\" E. J. Hobsbawm, (England), \"Revolution.\" Chr. R. Jansen and Erik Korr Johansen, (Denmark), \"The Study of Unemployment. Remarks based on Unemployment Research in 19th Century Denmark.\" Janos Jemnitz, (Budapest), \"Revolution and Reform in the West European Parties of the Second International.\" Jlirgen Kocka, (Federal Republic of Germany), \"The Problem of Democracy and the Lower Middle Classes in the First Third of the 20th Century: Some Results and Perspectives of Research.\" E. Kolb, (Federal Republic of Germany), \"Die Deutsche Arbeiterbewegung vor der Frage: Reform oder Revolution, 1914-1919.\" Val R. Lorwin, (U.S.A.), \"The Red and the Black: Socialist and Christian Labor Organization in Western Europe.\"","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125230620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0