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Recent Literature on the IWW 关于世界产盟的最新文献
Pub Date : 1975-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015896
Robert M. Muccigrosso
Mass., 1972), 272-276. 3. Also see Ursula Munchow, "Das Bild des Arbeiters in der proletarischen Selbstdarstellung. Zur Bedeutung der friihen Arbeiterautobiografie," Weimarer Beitrage, 19 (1973), 1 10-135. 4. Popp's is one of the few full-length worker autobiographies by a woman and is available in English translation. Adelheid Popp, The Autobiography of a Working Woman (London: Fischer Unwin, 1912). 5. Robert Michels, "Psychologie der antikapitalistischen Massenbewegungen," in Grundriss der Sozial'dkonomik (Tubingen, 1926), vol. 9, pt. 1, 271-274; Cecilia Trunz, Der Autobiographien von deutschen Industriearbeitern (Freiburg i. Breisgau, 1934); Wolfram Fischer, Quellen zur Geschichte des deutschen Handwerks. Selbstzeugnisse seit der Reformationszeit (Gottingen, 1957); Richard Reichard, Crippled from Birth. German Social Democracy 1844-1870 (Ames, Iowa, 1969); Oron Hale, The Great Illusion 1900-1914 (New York, 1971), 43-46; Peter Stearns, "National Character and European Labor History," Journal of Social History, 3 (1970), 95-124; Neuman, "Industrialization and Sexual Behavior." 6. See John Burnett, ed., Useful Toil. Autobiographies of Working People from the 1820s to the 1920s (London: Penguin, 1974). Published in the United States as The Annals of Labour. Autobiographies of British Working Class People 1820-1920 (Bloomington: Indiana U.P., 1974).
Mass .)编号2723. 恩苏拉蒙州,"…现今无产阶级自画像的女性形象"根据最新的工人自传4. 流行歌手在一个情况下由一个女人产生的自传传中阿德尔海德·流行普,《女性工作的汽车生物工程》(伦敦:费希尔·乌温,1912)5. 罗伯特·米歇尔,《反资本主义大规模运动心理学》载于社会社会商学(图宾根,1926),第9篇,公元271—274塞西莉亚·康茨,德国工业工人的汽车传记1934年弗莱堡·布莱斯高沃尔夫拉姆,德国工业历史的渊源自宗教改革时期以来的自制证言(1957年哥廷);是理查·莱克德牧师1870年《德国社会》四十三、四十三彼得·史宾斯。诺曼的《工业和性行为》6. 湖畔John Burnett艾德犹他州分部1820年工作人员的自传》到20世纪20年代。(伦敦:美国工党的宣传<英国同事工作简介> 1820至1920年>
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引用次数: 0
Second Conference of the Western Society for French History 第二届西方法国历史学会会议
Pub Date : 1975-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0147547900015842
K. Offen
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引用次数: 0
The Russian Masses in the October Revolution 1917 1917年十月革命中的俄国群众
Pub Date : 1975-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547900015829
Frederick B. Chary
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引用次数: 0
The Voluntary Associations of German Social Democracy: Separation and Resistance 德国社会民主党志愿协会:分离与抵抗
Pub Date : 1975-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015835
Donald B. Pryce
Jointly sponsored by the AHA and the Association of Voluntary Action Scholars, this session at the Chicago convention featured two prominent historians with a long-standing interest in German Social Democracy, Vernon L. Lidtke (Johns Hopkins University) and William S. Allen (State University of New York, Buffalo.) Professor Lidtke's report, "Social Democratic Cultural Organizations in Imperial Germany," despite its title dealt with singing societies, particularly in Weinheim an der Weinstrasse. Although the subject matter at first seemed excessively narrow, the speaker used it to draw some broad and interesting inferences. These singing societies represented one case among many of the workers' exclusion from the established mainstream of German social life; they existed because workers were blackballed from existing middle-class groups. Consequently, these workers' societies reflected a sense of exclusion and exclusivity in their membership, in their singing repertoire of working class songs, and in the names of their societies, names such as "Lassale," "Freedom," "Progress," and "Forward." Lidtke's research did, however, reveal certain characteristics of integration into the larger society. Such society names as "Germania," or "Teutonia," evidenced a national consciousness. Folk songs, as well as folk costumes at song festivals, testified to a sense of local tradition; and the presence of non-workers in some societies revealed a dilution of the exclusive working class outlook. Sociability mattered a great deal, and it had little to do per se with exclusion or integration of the working class. Members joined to have a good time and quit when they lost enthusiasm. Most societies engaged skilled musicians as choir directors, and the more emphasis societies and directors placed on music, the more considerations of sociability and class receded into the background. The larger society of Germany reacted in varying ways to the workers' singing societies. On occasion, municipalities welcomed, even subsidized, songfests and parades (Nuremberg did so) while some cities (Breslau, e.g.) absolutely forbade public festivities. The conclusion, stated tentatively because the investigation did not warrant so sweeping a judgment, was that analysts dealing with organizations such as the SPD need a new analytical model to replace the simpler one used by such prominent investigators as Roth who analyzed the SPD in terms of its exclusion from the larger society. The case of the singing societies clearly reveals instances of exclusivity and class consciousness alongside instances of values shared with the larger society and certain characteristics such as musicianship and sociability which were neutral in terms of class relations. Mr. Lidtke proposed an alternative analytical model which would deal with the multiple points of contact between the SPD and the larger society, a model which can deal with the complex of integrations and exclusions.
由美国协会和自愿行动学者协会联合主办,芝加哥大会的这次会议邀请了两位对德国社会民主长期感兴趣的著名历史学家,弗农·l·利特克(约翰·霍普金斯大学)和威廉·s·艾伦(纽约州立大学布法罗分校)。利特克教授的报告《德意志帝国的社会民主主义文化组织》,尽管标题是关于歌唱社团的,尤其是在魏因海姆和魏因斯特拉斯。虽然这个主题起初似乎过于狭隘,但演讲者利用它得出了一些广泛而有趣的推论。这些歌唱协会代表了许多工人被排除在德国社会生活主流之外的一个例子;它们的存在是因为工人被现有的中产阶级排斥在外。因此,这些工人社团反映了一种排斥感和排他性,在他们的成员中,在他们的工人阶级歌曲的演唱曲目中,在他们的社团名称中,如“拉萨尔”、“自由”、“进步”和“前进”。然而,利特克的研究确实揭示了融入更大社会的某些特征。诸如“日耳曼尼亚”或“条顿尼亚”这样的社团名称证明了一种民族意识。民歌,以及歌会上的民俗服饰,证明了当地的传统;而在一些社会中,非工人阶级的存在也揭示了排外的工人阶级观念的淡化。社交性非常重要,它本身与工人阶级的排斥或融合关系不大。会员加入时玩得很开心,失去热情后就退出了。大多数社会都聘请熟练的音乐家担任唱诗班的指挥,而且社会和指挥越是强调音乐,社交能力和阶级的考虑就越是退居次要地位。德国社会对工人歌唱协会的反应各不相同。有时,市政当局会欢迎甚至补贴歌会和游行(纽伦堡就是这样做的),而有些城市(例如布雷斯劳)则绝对禁止公开庆祝活动。结论是暂时的,因为调查没有保证如此全面的判断,分析人士处理像社民党这样的组织需要一个新的分析模型,以取代像罗斯这样的杰出研究者使用的更简单的分析模型,罗斯从社民党被排除在更大的社会之外的角度来分析社民党。歌唱协会的案例清楚地揭示了排他性和阶级意识的例子,以及与更大社会共享的价值观的例子,以及某些特征,如音乐才能和社交能力,这些特征在阶级关系方面是中立的。利特克先生提出了另一种分析模型,该模型将处理社民党与更大社会之间的多个接触点,这种模型可以处理融合和排斥的复杂问题。
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引用次数: 0
Third Annual Western Meeting Study Group on European Labor and Working Class History 第三届年度西方会议欧洲劳工和工人阶级历史研究小组
Pub Date : 1975-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0097852300015793
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引用次数: 0
Third Annual Meeting Study Group on European Labor and Working Class History 第三届欧洲劳工和工人阶级历史研究小组年会
Pub Date : 1975-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S009785230001580X
B. Moss
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引用次数: 0
John Burnett, (ed.), The Annals of Labour: Autobiographies of British Working Class People 1820–1920 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1974), 364 pp. 约翰·伯内特(编),《劳动年鉴:1820-1920年英国工人阶级自传》(布卢明顿:印第安纳大学出版社,1974年),364页。
Pub Date : 1975-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015926
P. Stansky
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引用次数: 0
Second Conference of the Western Society for French History 第二届西方法国历史学会会议
Pub Date : 1975-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015847
K. Offen
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引用次数: 7
Alfaro Fernando Romeu, Las clases trabajadoras en España (1898–1930). Madrid: Taurus Ediciones, S.A. 1970. 221 pp. Alfaro Fernando Romeu,《西班牙工人阶级》(1898 - 1930)。马德里:金牛座Ediciones, S.A., 1970。221 pp。
Pub Date : 1975-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015963
Teófilo F. Ruiz
it was Besteiro who remained as representative of the defunct republic. Fated to die in prison, the moderate socialist academician responded to requests that he save himself with the phrase: "I shall remain here; what becomes of them shall become of me." The study is well documented and, given the methodological difficulties involved in trying to do justice to the ideas without sacrificing the man and his historical milieu, Lamo de Espinosa presents a critical analysis of a leader and a movement. At times the book dwells at great length on some very fine points of Besteiro's intellectual development. But it fails to give the same kind of indepth examination to Besteiro's leadership, or his interaction with other key figures of the times (e.g. Francisco Giner de los Rios, Fernando de los Rios). A clearer idea of Besteiro's activities as a member of parliament as well as an examination of his actions as head of the UGT (socialist labor union) are needed in order to see precisely how his philosophical-political development affected his actions. Also such an analysis would show how those political positions likewise influenced the evolution of his ideas. Lamos de Espinosa restricts himself to an explanation of how Besteiro's past explains the nature of his ideas at the time of his death. In this respect the author is successful.
贝斯泰罗仍然是这个已不复存在的共和国的代表。由于注定要死在监狱里,这位温和的社会主义院士回答了让他自救的请求:“我将留在这里;他们怎样,我也怎样。”这项研究文献详实,考虑到在不牺牲他本人及其历史背景的情况下,试图公正地评价他的思想存在方法论上的困难,拉莫·德·埃斯皮诺萨对一位领导人和一场运动进行了批判性的分析。这本书有时对贝斯特罗智力发展的一些非常精细的方面进行了详尽的论述。但它没有对贝斯泰罗的领导能力,或者他与当时其他关键人物(如弗朗西斯科·吉纳尔·德洛斯里奥斯、费尔南多·德洛斯里奥斯)的互动进行同样的深入研究。我们需要更清楚地了解Besteiro作为国会议员的活动,以及考察他作为UGT(社会主义工会)主席的行为,以便准确地了解他的哲学政治发展如何影响他的行为。这样的分析也会显示出这些政治立场是如何同样影响了他思想的演变。拉莫斯·德·埃斯皮诺萨将自己局限于解释贝斯特罗的过去如何解释他死时思想的本质。在这方面,作者是成功的。
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引用次数: 0
The Voluntary Associations of German Social Democracy: Separation and Resistance 德国社会民主党志愿协会:分离与抵抗
Pub Date : 1975-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547900015830
Vernon L. Lidtke, W. S. Allen
Jointly sponsored by the AHA and the Association of Voluntary Action Scholars, this session at the Chicago convention featured two prominent historians with a long-standing interest in German Social Democracy, Vernon L. Lidtke (Johns Hopkins University) and William S. Allen (State University of New York, Buffalo.) Professor Lidtke's report, "Social Democratic Cultural Organizations in Imperial Germany," despite its title dealt with singing societies, particularly in Weinheim an der Weinstrasse. Although the subject matter at first seemed excessively narrow, the speaker used it to draw some broad and interesting inferences. These singing societies represented one case among many of the workers' exclusion from the established mainstream of German social life; they existed because workers were blackballed from existing middle-class groups. Consequently, these workers' societies reflected a sense of exclusion and exclusivity in their membership, in their singing repertoire of working class songs, and in the names of their societies, names such as "Lassale," "Freedom," "Progress," and "Forward." Lidtke's research did, however, reveal certain characteristics of integration into the larger society. Such society names as "Germania," or "Teutonia," evidenced a national consciousness. Folk songs, as well as folk costumes at song festivals, testified to a sense of local tradition; and the presence of non-workers in some societies revealed a dilution of the exclusive working class outlook. Sociability mattered a great deal, and it had little to do per se with exclusion or integration of the working class. Members joined to have a good time and quit when they lost enthusiasm. Most societies engaged skilled musicians as choir directors, and the more emphasis societies and directors placed on music, the more considerations of sociability and class receded into the background. The larger society of Germany reacted in varying ways to the workers' singing societies. On occasion, municipalities welcomed, even subsidized, songfests and parades (Nuremberg did so) while some cities (Breslau, e.g.) absolutely forbade public festivities. The conclusion, stated tentatively because the investigation did not warrant so sweeping a judgment, was that analysts dealing with organizations such as the SPD need a new analytical model to replace the simpler one used by such prominent investigators as Roth who analyzed the SPD in terms of its exclusion from the larger society. The case of the singing societies clearly reveals instances of exclusivity and class consciousness alongside instances of values shared with the larger society and certain characteristics such as musicianship and sociability which were neutral in terms of class relations. Mr. Lidtke proposed an alternative analytical model which would deal with the multiple points of contact between the SPD and the larger society, a model which can deal with the complex of integrations and exclusions.
由美国协会和自愿行动学者协会联合主办,芝加哥大会的这次会议邀请了两位对德国社会民主长期感兴趣的著名历史学家,弗农·l·利特克(约翰·霍普金斯大学)和威廉·s·艾伦(纽约州立大学布法罗分校)。利特克教授的报告《德意志帝国的社会民主主义文化组织》,尽管标题是关于歌唱社团的,尤其是在魏因海姆和魏因斯特拉斯。虽然这个主题起初似乎过于狭隘,但演讲者利用它得出了一些广泛而有趣的推论。这些歌唱协会代表了许多工人被排除在德国社会生活主流之外的一个例子;它们的存在是因为工人被现有的中产阶级排斥在外。因此,这些工人社团反映了一种排斥感和排他性,在他们的成员中,在他们的工人阶级歌曲的演唱曲目中,在他们的社团名称中,如“拉萨尔”、“自由”、“进步”和“前进”。然而,利特克的研究确实揭示了融入更大社会的某些特征。诸如“日耳曼尼亚”或“条顿尼亚”这样的社团名称证明了一种民族意识。民歌,以及歌会上的民俗服饰,证明了当地的传统;而在一些社会中,非工人阶级的存在也揭示了排外的工人阶级观念的淡化。社交性非常重要,它本身与工人阶级的排斥或融合关系不大。会员加入时玩得很开心,失去热情后就退出了。大多数社会都聘请熟练的音乐家担任唱诗班的指挥,而且社会和指挥越是强调音乐,社交能力和阶级的考虑就越是退居次要地位。德国社会对工人歌唱协会的反应各不相同。有时,市政当局会欢迎甚至补贴歌会和游行(纽伦堡就是这样做的),而有些城市(例如布雷斯劳)则绝对禁止公开庆祝活动。结论是暂时的,因为调查没有保证如此全面的判断,分析人士处理像社民党这样的组织需要一个新的分析模型,以取代像罗斯这样的杰出研究者使用的更简单的分析模型,罗斯从社民党被排除在更大的社会之外的角度来分析社民党。歌唱协会的案例清楚地揭示了排他性和阶级意识的例子,以及与更大社会共享的价值观的例子,以及某些特征,如音乐才能和社交能力,这些特征在阶级关系方面是中立的。利特克先生提出了另一种分析模型,该模型将处理社民党与更大社会之间的多个接触点,这种模型可以处理融合和排斥的复杂问题。
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Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History
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