Pub Date : 1975-05-01DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015859
J. Hart
factory, did not present an acute problem. In sum, the slow yet steady pace of change appears to have made it possible to avoid the polarization and social conflict that characterized other industrializing villages closer to Paris, such as Axgenteuil, Bezons, or Saint-Denis. The session commentator raised the intriguing question of whether the price of social peace in Bonnieres was the ostracism of the Bretons and, later, the Belgians.
{"title":"Bebel and Socialism","authors":"J. Hart","doi":"10.1017/S0097852300015859","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0097852300015859","url":null,"abstract":"factory, did not present an acute problem. In sum, the slow yet steady pace of change appears to have made it possible to avoid the polarization and social conflict that characterized other industrializing villages closer to Paris, such as Axgenteuil, Bezons, or Saint-Denis. The session commentator raised the intriguing question of whether the price of social peace in Bonnieres was the ostracism of the Bretons and, later, the Belgians.","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"22 16","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120899681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-05-01DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015860
Daniel J. Walkowitz
what their collec-tive protest, and how did Jersey City differ from
他们的集体抗议是什么，泽西城与
{"title":"Working-Class Political Culture","authors":"Daniel J. Walkowitz","doi":"10.1017/S0097852300015860","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0097852300015860","url":null,"abstract":"what their collec-tive protest, and how did Jersey City differ from","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"118 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123253103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-05-01DOI: 10.1017/s0147547900015805
B. Moss
{"title":"Third Annual Meeting Study Group on European Labor and Working Class History","authors":"B. Moss","doi":"10.1017/s0147547900015805","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900015805","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128310355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-05-01DOI: 10.1017/s014754790001588x
R. Richey
In the summer of 1905, Moritz Bromme, a tubercular factory worker and devoted Social Democrat, closed his autobiography by writing that he did not regard himself "as a martyr of a special kind. I know very well that 1 have hundreds of thousands of suffering comrades who have things just as bad as 1, and that there are many hundred thousands more who have an even worse and harder struggle for existence than I." Bromme was only one of several hundred German workers who left behind autobiographical materials of various kinds during the last two centuries. They are invaluable sources of information on German working class history, and are particularly useful for the study of working class consciousness (or the lack of it). Quantitative studies can reveal a great deal about the lives of workers in the past, but autobiographies are one of the very few sources which present the workers' own perceptions of their lives, and their consciousness of themselves within society. In the following pages I will discuss briefly some of the problems of using these autobiographies, examine two recent collections of workers' life histories, and finally suggest some new uses to which they might be put by social historians. Depending upon the definition of the term, "autobiographies" of German artisans, factory, and farm laborers published since about 1750 number between 150 and 300, about fifty of which are book-length memoirs. Most of these have appeared during the last seventy-five years, and many of them were written or edited by socialists, and published under the auspices of the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). Only a few were written by working women. Obviously most of the authors were literate and quite articulate. All of which raises the question of how representative of the working class as a whole the authors of workers' autobiographies are. Clearly writing and publishing an autobiography was something very few German workers did, and this sets the authors apart from most of their fellows. However, worker autobiographers devote much attention to their childhood, education, religious training, descriptions of work life, pay, housing,-travel, the customs and routine of everyday life. Surely these were common concerns for most working people, and we can learn much about them from the workers' memoirs. It should be emphasized that the autobiographies can best be regarded as useful additions to, rather than substitutes for, demographic and other statistical studies of working class life.
{"title":"German Workers' Autobiographies as Social Historical Sources","authors":"R. Richey","doi":"10.1017/s014754790001588x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s014754790001588x","url":null,"abstract":"In the summer of 1905, Moritz Bromme, a tubercular factory worker and devoted Social Democrat, closed his autobiography by writing that he did not regard himself \"as a martyr of a special kind. I know very well that 1 have hundreds of thousands of suffering comrades who have things just as bad as 1, and that there are many hundred thousands more who have an even worse and harder struggle for existence than I.\" Bromme was only one of several hundred German workers who left behind autobiographical materials of various kinds during the last two centuries. They are invaluable sources of information on German working class history, and are particularly useful for the study of working class consciousness (or the lack of it). Quantitative studies can reveal a great deal about the lives of workers in the past, but autobiographies are one of the very few sources which present the workers' own perceptions of their lives, and their consciousness of themselves within society. In the following pages I will discuss briefly some of the problems of using these autobiographies, examine two recent collections of workers' life histories, and finally suggest some new uses to which they might be put by social historians. Depending upon the definition of the term, \"autobiographies\" of German artisans, factory, and farm laborers published since about 1750 number between 150 and 300, about fifty of which are book-length memoirs. Most of these have appeared during the last seventy-five years, and many of them were written or edited by socialists, and published under the auspices of the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). Only a few were written by working women. Obviously most of the authors were literate and quite articulate. All of which raises the question of how representative of the working class as a whole the authors of workers' autobiographies are. Clearly writing and publishing an autobiography was something very few German workers did, and this sets the authors apart from most of their fellows. However, worker autobiographers devote much attention to their childhood, education, religious training, descriptions of work life, pay, housing,-travel, the customs and routine of everyday life. Surely these were common concerns for most working people, and we can learn much about them from the workers' memoirs. It should be emphasized that the autobiographies can best be regarded as useful additions to, rather than substitutes for, demographic and other statistical studies of working class life.","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126156478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-05-01DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015951
D. Vélez
Germany. Middle class feminists suffered from the timidities inherent in German liberalism itself. The feminist platform advocated by socialists embraced the whole of economic, social and political life. It included women's vote, protective labor laws and an extensive maternity insurance for all women, municipal reforms to relieve women's domestic burdens such as communal eating and laundry services and day care centers, equal pay for equal work, educational reform to improve women's employment opportunities and reform of marriage law to promote equality between husbands and wives. Characteristic of socialist feminism, however, was its compatibility with the requirements of the class struggle as radical leaders, i.e., Zetkin, understood it. Reforms geared to ameliorating women's position which the leadership perceived as incompatible with the class struggle were rejected. The alliance of socialism and feminism restricted feminist options. The Dornemann biography omits a critical assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of the feminist tactics in the Social Democratic and later Communist movements. Many questions remain unexplored: the degree to which socialist women harmonized loyalty to class and to sex; feminist calculations which conditioned the Women's Movement's organizational and mobilization tactics; the extent to which Marxist ideology dampened specifically feminist offenses, and the presence of male antifeminism in the organized working class. An English biography of Clara Zetkin currently being prepared by Karen Honeycutt at Columbia University promises to answer these and similar questions more fully.
{"title":"Emilio Lamo de Espinosa. Política y Filosofia en Julián Besteiro . Madrid: Editorial Cuadernos para el Dialago, 1973.","authors":"D. Vélez","doi":"10.1017/S0097852300015951","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0097852300015951","url":null,"abstract":"Germany. Middle class feminists suffered from the timidities inherent in German liberalism itself. The feminist platform advocated by socialists embraced the whole of economic, social and political life. It included women's vote, protective labor laws and an extensive maternity insurance for all women, municipal reforms to relieve women's domestic burdens such as communal eating and laundry services and day care centers, equal pay for equal work, educational reform to improve women's employment opportunities and reform of marriage law to promote equality between husbands and wives. Characteristic of socialist feminism, however, was its compatibility with the requirements of the class struggle as radical leaders, i.e., Zetkin, understood it. Reforms geared to ameliorating women's position which the leadership perceived as incompatible with the class struggle were rejected. The alliance of socialism and feminism restricted feminist options. The Dornemann biography omits a critical assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of the feminist tactics in the Social Democratic and later Communist movements. Many questions remain unexplored: the degree to which socialist women harmonized loyalty to class and to sex; feminist calculations which conditioned the Women's Movement's organizational and mobilization tactics; the extent to which Marxist ideology dampened specifically feminist offenses, and the presence of male antifeminism in the organized working class. An English biography of Clara Zetkin currently being prepared by Karen Honeycutt at Columbia University promises to answer these and similar questions more fully.","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126493746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-05-01DOI: 10.1017/s0147547900015799
{"title":"ILW volume 16 and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0147547900015799","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900015799","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"69 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114690764","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-05-01DOI: 10.1017/S0147547900015908
R. Hunt, Richard N. Hunt's
This gracefully written, massively researched, and generally magnificent work is heralded by its author as the first of two volumes devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the political thought of Marx and Engels. Since the exposition of this volume frequently culminates in promissory notes for redemption in the next, final assessments of Hunt's conclusions will have to wait until the whole work is at hand. Nevertheless, this first part of the effort, concentrating on the political theories and practice of Marx and Engels through 1850, makes it abundantly clear that, as a consequence of Hunt's labors, conventional analyses of Marxian political theory will be radically transformed.
{"title":"THE POLITICAL IDEAS OF MARX AND ENGELS. Vol. MARXISM AND TOTALITARIAN DEMOCRACY, 1818-1850.","authors":"R. Hunt, Richard N. Hunt's","doi":"10.1017/S0147547900015908","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0147547900015908","url":null,"abstract":"This gracefully written, massively researched, and generally magnificent work is heralded by its author as the first of two volumes devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the political thought of Marx and Engels. Since the exposition of this volume frequently culminates in promissory notes for redemption in the next, final assessments of Hunt's conclusions will have to wait until the whole work is at hand. Nevertheless, this first part of the effort, concentrating on the political theories and practice of Marx and Engels through 1850, makes it abundantly clear that, as a consequence of Hunt's labors, conventional analyses of Marxian political theory will be radically transformed.","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131092359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-05-01DOI: 10.1017/s0147547900015878
Norbert J. Gossman
{"title":"The Origins of Modern British Radicalism: The Case for the Eighteenth Century","authors":"Norbert J. Gossman","doi":"10.1017/s0147547900015878","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900015878","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115272832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-05-01DOI: 10.1017/s0147547900015970
FULLER, Bernard (State University of New York, Binghamton) "Illinois and South Wales Coalminers, 188Os-192Os: A Comparative Study of Economic, Social, Political and Community Development." (Ph.D. dissertation; in progress; EDC-1976.) Study will be based on an analysis of the respective economic growth and development of the two coal fields; the reaction of the miners in trade union and political terms; the development of mining communities, including family structure; and the social and ethnic structure of the communities.
{"title":"Work in Progress and/or Recently Completed","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0147547900015970","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900015970","url":null,"abstract":"FULLER, Bernard (State University of New York, Binghamton) \"Illinois and South Wales Coalminers, 188Os-192Os: A Comparative Study of Economic, Social, Political and Community Development.\" (Ph.D. dissertation; in progress; EDC-1976.) Study will be based on an analysis of the respective economic growth and development of the two coal fields; the reaction of the miners in trade union and political terms; the development of mining communities, including family structure; and the social and ethnic structure of the communities.","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124066145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-05-01DOI: 10.1017/S009785230001594X
Jean H. Quataert
Clara Zetkin's life and career (1857-1933) spanned two distinct phases in socialist history. Her political maturation coincided with the heyday of Social Democracy and its commitment to mass parties and to the acquisition of political power through democratic means. Lenin's Bolshevik Revolution broke with both principles and, after 1917, Zetkin embraced his model of revolutionary action, his "dictatorship of the proletariat" and his shibboleth "from dictatorship to democracy." Luise Dornemann's revised biography of Clara Zetkin makes interesting reading precisely because her subject was such a remarkable figure. The list of Zetkin's political accomplishments is impressive. She participated in the founding of the Second International, rose to prominence in the German Social-Democratic Party (SPD), ran its Women's Movement, edited the only women's paper in the pre World War I German socialist movement, Gleichheit (Equality), and was the moving spirit behind the formation of the International Socialist Women's Movement in 1907. World War I found Zetkin in opposition to the majority socialist policy and a member of the Spartacus League (the forerunner of the German Communist Party). Her commitment to the new Russia as well as her international reputation among European socialists secured her a seat on the Executive Committee of the Third International and in 1921 she headed its West European Women's Bureau. There is a tragic side to Zetkin's career which parallels both the misplaced hopes and expectations of European socialism and the hardening of lines in Soviet Russia. Zetkin suffered both personal and political misfortune. The early death of her common law husband, Ossip, in 1889 and the murder of her very close friend and political mentor Rosa Luxemburg in 191.9 affected her profoundly. In the political realm, the German socialist war credit vote in August, 1914, the failure to institute meaningful change during the so-called German Revolution of 1918, the diminution of women's rights in Russia (about which the biography is silent) coincident with the drive for industrialization, and the growing fascist threat in Germany, contradicted all she had fought for. As a testimony to the depths of her political commitment, Zetkin returned from Russia to Germany in 1932, old and sick, to give an impassioned and courageous plea before the Reichstag against the fascist menace; she died nearly five months after Hitler assumed power in Germany. Dornemann's biography is weighted toward documenting Zetkin's radical credentials, as is to be expected in East German scholarship. The authoress stresses Zetkin's opposition to reformism and. opportunism in the SPD as well as her anti-militarist, anti-colonial and anti-imperialist stance. Oornemann gentiy criticizes Zetkin's equivocation and failure to follow Lenin's war-time call for an immediate and complete break with the "socialist-chauvinists", and her hesitancy to found an independent Marxist/Leninist Party in G
{"title":"Luise Dornemann, Clara Zetkin. Leben und Wirken (Berlin [Ost], 1973)","authors":"Jean H. Quataert","doi":"10.1017/S009785230001594X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S009785230001594X","url":null,"abstract":"Clara Zetkin's life and career (1857-1933) spanned two distinct phases in socialist history. Her political maturation coincided with the heyday of Social Democracy and its commitment to mass parties and to the acquisition of political power through democratic means. Lenin's Bolshevik Revolution broke with both principles and, after 1917, Zetkin embraced his model of revolutionary action, his \"dictatorship of the proletariat\" and his shibboleth \"from dictatorship to democracy.\" Luise Dornemann's revised biography of Clara Zetkin makes interesting reading precisely because her subject was such a remarkable figure. The list of Zetkin's political accomplishments is impressive. She participated in the founding of the Second International, rose to prominence in the German Social-Democratic Party (SPD), ran its Women's Movement, edited the only women's paper in the pre World War I German socialist movement, Gleichheit (Equality), and was the moving spirit behind the formation of the International Socialist Women's Movement in 1907. World War I found Zetkin in opposition to the majority socialist policy and a member of the Spartacus League (the forerunner of the German Communist Party). Her commitment to the new Russia as well as her international reputation among European socialists secured her a seat on the Executive Committee of the Third International and in 1921 she headed its West European Women's Bureau. There is a tragic side to Zetkin's career which parallels both the misplaced hopes and expectations of European socialism and the hardening of lines in Soviet Russia. Zetkin suffered both personal and political misfortune. The early death of her common law husband, Ossip, in 1889 and the murder of her very close friend and political mentor Rosa Luxemburg in 191.9 affected her profoundly. In the political realm, the German socialist war credit vote in August, 1914, the failure to institute meaningful change during the so-called German Revolution of 1918, the diminution of women's rights in Russia (about which the biography is silent) coincident with the drive for industrialization, and the growing fascist threat in Germany, contradicted all she had fought for. As a testimony to the depths of her political commitment, Zetkin returned from Russia to Germany in 1932, old and sick, to give an impassioned and courageous plea before the Reichstag against the fascist menace; she died nearly five months after Hitler assumed power in Germany. Dornemann's biography is weighted toward documenting Zetkin's radical credentials, as is to be expected in East German scholarship. The authoress stresses Zetkin's opposition to reformism and. opportunism in the SPD as well as her anti-militarist, anti-colonial and anti-imperialist stance. Oornemann gentiy criticizes Zetkin's equivocation and failure to follow Lenin's war-time call for an immediate and complete break with the \"socialist-chauvinists\", and her hesitancy to found an independent Marxist/Leninist Party in G","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130456778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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