Pub Date : 1975-11-01DOI: 10.1017/s009785230001577x
Worker Militancy and its Consequences, New Directions in Western Industrial Relations. Recognized authorities in the field of industrial relations evaluate recent labor unrest in seven European countries, Canada, and the U.S., including strikes, internal union controversies, domestic and international trade union developments, revisions in collective bargaining institutions, and changes in trade union behavior, philosophy, and strength. Contents include: Great Britain: toward the social contract; Italy: creating a new industrial relations system for the bottom; the Netherlands: from an ordered harmonic to a bargaining relationship; Belgium: collective bargaining and concertation mold: Sweden: labor reformism reshapes the system; France: elitist society inhibits articulated bargaining; U.S.: a time for reassessment. Industrialization and Labor in the Northern European Coalfield: A Comparative Regional Analysis. (In progress.) This is a longterm research project which will examine the social and political development of one economic region which stretches from northern France, through southeastern Belgium into the Ruhr Valley of Germany. The main focus of the study will be on the social structure, political behavior and popular culture of the working class in this region and on class relations between workers and the local middle classes. The study will in-tegrate secondary materials with a variety of local case studies based on such primary materials as census schedules, marriage registers, church records, company archives, police and strike records and newspapers. One of the main aims of the study will be to determine whether or not social and political development followed regional, economic, or national political lines. progress.) on how and why ethnic groups become occupationally typed: comparison with and This essay analyzes the Socialist Party's critique of the centralization of urban municipal government, as well as examining the social basis of voting behavior in a referendum that culminated in the adoption of the commission plan. Particular emphasis is placed on the differentiation between various working-class districts. It argues that second generation Americans living in the "zone of emergence" were more likely to support Socialists than were immigrants residing in the central residential core.
{"title":"Work in Progress and/or Recently Completed","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s009785230001577x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s009785230001577x","url":null,"abstract":"Worker Militancy and its Consequences, New Directions in Western Industrial Relations. Recognized authorities in the field of industrial relations evaluate recent labor unrest in seven European countries, Canada, and the U.S., including strikes, internal union controversies, domestic and international trade union developments, revisions in collective bargaining institutions, and changes in trade union behavior, philosophy, and strength. Contents include: Great Britain: toward the social contract; Italy: creating a new industrial relations system for the bottom; the Netherlands: from an ordered harmonic to a bargaining relationship; Belgium: collective bargaining and concertation mold: Sweden: labor reformism reshapes the system; France: elitist society inhibits articulated bargaining; U.S.: a time for reassessment. Industrialization and Labor in the Northern European Coalfield: A Comparative Regional Analysis. (In progress.) This is a longterm research project which will examine the social and political development of one economic region which stretches from northern France, through southeastern Belgium into the Ruhr Valley of Germany. The main focus of the study will be on the social structure, political behavior and popular culture of the working class in this region and on class relations between workers and the local middle classes. The study will in-tegrate secondary materials with a variety of local case studies based on such primary materials as census schedules, marriage registers, church records, company archives, police and strike records and newspapers. One of the main aims of the study will be to determine whether or not social and political development followed regional, economic, or national political lines. progress.) on how and why ethnic groups become occupationally typed: comparison with and This essay analyzes the Socialist Party's critique of the centralization of urban municipal government, as well as examining the social basis of voting behavior in a referendum that culminated in the adoption of the commission plan. Particular emphasis is placed on the differentiation between various working-class districts. It argues that second generation Americans living in the \"zone of emergence\" were more likely to support Socialists than were immigrants residing in the central residential core.","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"63 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128490637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015653
G. Cohen
{"title":"Working Class History at the Princeton Davis Center","authors":"G. Cohen","doi":"10.1017/S0097852300015653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0097852300015653","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129212676","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015665
R. Allen
(A panel under this title was held at the Duquesne History Forum at Duquesne University in Pittsburgh on October 31, 1974. Gabor Verities spoke on "Count Istvan Tisza and the Preservation of the Old Order;" Peter Pastor on "The Democratic Alternative: The Revolutionary Beliefs of Michael Karolyi:"' and Samuel Goldberger on "Ervin Szabo and the Tasks of the Hungarian Transformation: Economic Backwardness in Revolutionary Perspective." Richard E. Allen was the commentator.)
(1974年10月31日,在匹兹堡迪肯大学的迪肯历史论坛上举行了这个专题讨论会。Gabor Verities就“Istvan Tisza伯爵和旧秩序的维护”发表了讲话;彼得·帕斯特的《民主选择:迈克尔·卡洛伊的革命信仰》和塞缪尔·戈德伯格的《欧文·萨博和匈牙利转型的任务:革命视角下的经济落后》。理查德·e·艾伦(Richard E. Allen)为评论员。)
{"title":"Revolutionary and Counter-Revolutionary Thought in Habsburg Hungary, 1914–1918","authors":"R. Allen","doi":"10.1017/S0097852300015665","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0097852300015665","url":null,"abstract":"(A panel under this title was held at the Duquesne History Forum at Duquesne University in Pittsburgh on October 31, 1974. Gabor Verities spoke on \"Count Istvan Tisza and the Preservation of the Old Order;\" Peter Pastor on \"The Democratic Alternative: The Revolutionary Beliefs of Michael Karolyi:\"' and Samuel Goldberger on \"Ervin Szabo and the Tasks of the Hungarian Transformation: Economic Backwardness in Revolutionary Perspective.\" Richard E. Allen was the commentator.)","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132612306","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015720
David R. Montgomery
himself a Marxist; yet there is nothing here of the complex interaction of base and superstructure which is (or should be) the stuff of Marxist historiography. People and movements appear as the embodiments of doctrines, not as the products of social forces. Little trouble has been taken to explore the nature of German society and economy in the period in question, or to relate it to the problem under consideration, so it is scarcely surprising that the book sheds little or no light on the wider context of German history from 1863 to 1933. There are a few jejune, abstract and inaccurate assertions about industrialization, mainly culled from Marxist theory; but no hard information on how it really affected women. The challenge of writing a socialist history of women and their efforts to emancipate themselves has recently been taken up by many writers, most notably perhaps by the History Workshop school in Britain. It is safe to say that Dr. Thonnessen's book will be of no help to them in rising to this challenge.
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Pub Date : 1975-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015677
P. Stearns
Older workers have received little attention from labor historians, their late lamented but only in passing. The contrast with at least partial knowledge of definable internal groups such as children, women, various skill levels and the like is striking. When mentioned, one o' two comments is typically made. The bluntest simply says that workers were dead or incapacitated by 45: this at once captures the horror of industrial capitalism and excuses any further study of the subject. The fact that it is entirely wrong, as the briefest glance at a census would indicate, is ignored. Approach two, applied particularly in comments on the early industrial period, berates employers for firing their older employees without support. The extent to which they actually did so has not, to my knowledge, been calculated, and again what happened to those dismissed is left to the imagination. We need to do better than this, for several reasons. By the second half of the nineteenth century, males over sixty-five formed up to 8% of all male manufacturing workers (specifically this was the case in France in 1906); over 60% of all male workers stayed on the job after 65. Even, then, to study the active work force involves attention to the older segment, and when one adds the minority retired or disabled the numbers become more significant still. But in urging study more is involved than a "let's fill a gap in social history" plea. Once we know the existence of a definable group of older workers we can begin to see certain potential pressures on the labor movement; how were the characteristics of old age, the tendency toward growing conservatism and distrust of youth, to be handled by movements that overtly stressed dynamism and waves of the future? In the French case, at least, and I believe quite generally, the labor movement was not up to the challenge. Still more important, a culture toward aging a particular set of fixed attitudes persists within the working class and while quite understandable, it is not healthy. It continues to be reflected in formal policies of the labor movement give them a pension and forget about them and it dominates the self-image of workers themselves. The historian can trace the origins of the culture and the causes of its durability; but he can step beyond his usual role and do more, evaluating the culture and indicating what might be done about it. In tracing the origins of retirement, for example, the historian adds to the impression that retirement must become more individual and flexible in its imposition. Precisely because aging has a discrete history and at the same time constitutes an agonizing contemporary problem, the historian can apply understanding of the phenomenon to social policy formulation. What follows, based on French working-class history, sketches some conclusions for France and suggests topics and research approaches applicable more generally. I view France as a case study, with some distinctive features due to the
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Pub Date : 1975-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015732
A. Moote
Those who know of Natalie Davis' interest in the women, artisans, peasants and other unprivileged groups of early modern France will immediately recognize the relevance to European workingclass history of this sparkling book of essays. That relevance is partly one of pointing out the contrasts between the horizontally arranged "class" structure confronting nineteenthand twentiethcentury laborers on the one hand and, on the other, the early modern hierarchical society of "orders" that linked the lower, working orders vertically to their social superiors rather than horizontally in working solidarity. It is useful for all of us to look beyond our specialized fields time periods in this case in order to understand more deeply how the groups we study can act and cannot act, that is, what is unique about them. Yet, surprisingly, Natalie Davis' essays such as "Women On Top" and "Strikes and Salvation at Lyon" are almost equally relevant in showing the continuity of laboring and "lower, class" conditions, attitudes, and even potentiality for improvement over the centuries. This disturbing fact (disturbing academicians' scholarly assumptions as well as outraging their feelings that things should get better as time progresses) raises fundamental questions about what labor historians should study, how, and even why. As an "outsider" it seems to me that the issue is not only important but perhaps central to "modern" labor historians, and I note from the May 1975 Newsletter that in late nineteenth-century France skilled artisans held attitudes toward women, social reordering, and even economics strikingly similar to the situation of the French Revolutionary sansculottes (probably the later workers were more conservative) and to the menu peuple of Natalie Davis' sixteenth-century guilds (and without the flair for trenchant criticism of social norms found in Davis' "working class" carnivals, charivaris. and Misrule Abbeys). With questions about modern working-class studies in mind, let me turn to the eight essays. For the purposes of the Newsletter, and with apologies to the author for omitting much that is central to early modern historians, the studies can be grouped into three categories. First, there are three studies emphasizing treatment of and attitudes towards the lower orders by social superiors, among them humanists, Protestant and Catholic authorities, literary and medical specialists, urban business interests, and even Charles Perrault of Mother Goose folk tradition fame. Davis' "Poor relief, Humanism, and Heresy" shows that a preindustrial society even though torn religiously and losing the medieval religious and societal obligation to help the poor, could still come as close as
知道娜塔莉·戴维斯(Natalie Davis)对近代早期法国的妇女、工匠、农民和其他弱势群体感兴趣的人,会立即意识到这本精彩的随笔书与欧洲工人阶级历史的相关性。这种相关性在一定程度上指出了19世纪和20世纪劳动者所面临的水平排列的“阶级”结构与早期现代等级社会的“订单”之间的对比,“订单”将较低的工作订单垂直地与他们的社会上级联系起来,而不是在工作团结中水平地联系起来。在这种情况下,为了更深入地理解我们所研究的群体是如何行动的和不能行动的,也就是说,他们的独特之处是什么,我们所有人都应该超越我们的专业领域——在这个案例中,这是很有用的。然而,令人惊讶的是,娜塔莉·戴维斯(Natalie Davis)的文章《上位的女性》(Women On Top)和《里昂的罢工与拯救》(Strikes and Salvation at Lyon)在展示几个世纪以来劳动和“下层阶级”条件、态度,甚至是改善的潜力方面,几乎同样具有相关性。这一令人不安的事实(扰乱了学者们的学术假设,也激怒了他们认为情况会随着时间的推移而好转的想法)提出了一些根本性的问题:劳工历史学家应该研究什么,如何研究,甚至为什么研究。作为一个“局外人”,在我看来,这个问题不仅重要,而且可能是“现代”劳动历史学家的核心,我从1975年5月的《时事通讯》中注意到,在19世纪晚期的法国,熟练的工匠对女性、社会秩序重组、甚至连经济状况都与法国大革命时期的无裤男(可能后来的工人更保守)和娜塔莉·戴维斯(Natalie Davis) 16世纪行会的菜单人惊人地相似(而且没有戴维斯的“工人阶级”嘉年华(charivaris)中对社会规范的尖锐批评的天赋)。和《暴政修道院》)。带着对现代工人阶级研究的疑问,让我来看看这八篇论文。出于简报的目的,并向作者道歉,因为遗漏了许多对早期现代历史学家至关重要的内容,这些研究可以分为三类。首先,有三个研究强调社会上层对下层的待遇和态度,其中包括人文主义者,新教和天主教当局,文学和医学专家,城市商业利益,甚至是鹅妈妈民间传统名声的查尔斯佩罗。戴维斯的《穷人救济、人道主义和异端》表明,一个前工业社会,尽管宗教上四分五裂,失去了中世纪的宗教和社会义务来帮助穷人,仍然可能接近于
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Pub Date : 1975-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015628
Edward D. Beechert
Huataja, Lauri/Hentila, Seppo/Kalela, Jorma/Kettunen, Pauli/Saarinen, Hannes/Turtola, Jussi (all Helsinki): Die finnische Volksfrontpolitik und ihre Aktions-voraussetzungen in den 30er Jahren. Holtmann, Eberhard (Erlangen): Einheitsfront, Volksfront, Anti-nationalsozialistische Allianz. Perspektiven und Probleme der illegalen Arbeiteropposition in Osterreich 1933 bis 1938. Callesen, Gerd/Christiansen, Niels Finn/Srensen, Curt (Denmark): Klassenkampf und nationale Frage in der Zeit der II. Internationale (bis zum 1. Weltkrieg). Tych, Feliks (Warsaw): Klassenkampf und nationale Frage in der Zeit der II. Internationale. Mommsen, Hans (Bochum): Sozialistische Arbeiterbewegung und nationale Frage in der Periode der I. und II. Internationale. Lunjow, Ivan (Moscow): Einige Aspekte des Klassenkampfes und die nationale Frage in der Periode der II. Internationale.
{"title":"International Approaches to the Study of Labor History","authors":"Edward D. Beechert","doi":"10.1017/S0097852300015628","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0097852300015628","url":null,"abstract":"Huataja, Lauri/Hentila, Seppo/Kalela, Jorma/Kettunen, Pauli/Saarinen, Hannes/Turtola, Jussi (all Helsinki): Die finnische Volksfrontpolitik und ihre Aktions-voraussetzungen in den 30er Jahren. Holtmann, Eberhard (Erlangen): Einheitsfront, Volksfront, Anti-nationalsozialistische Allianz. Perspektiven und Probleme der illegalen Arbeiteropposition in Osterreich 1933 bis 1938. Callesen, Gerd/Christiansen, Niels Finn/Srensen, Curt (Denmark): Klassenkampf und nationale Frage in der Zeit der II. Internationale (bis zum 1. Weltkrieg). Tych, Feliks (Warsaw): Klassenkampf und nationale Frage in der Zeit der II. Internationale. Mommsen, Hans (Bochum): Sozialistische Arbeiterbewegung und nationale Frage in der Periode der I. und II. Internationale. Lunjow, Ivan (Moscow): Einige Aspekte des Klassenkampfes und die nationale Frage in der Periode der II. Internationale.","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122793131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015744
J. Laslett
This is a carefully researched and elegantly written monograph on what remains, despite all the work that has been done on it, one of the most fascinating and treacherous questions in British working class history. How was it that the Labour Party, which in 1910 was little more than a pressure group on the Liberal left, had by January 1924 become a mass party capable of forming a government? The question continues to fascinate because, revolutionary coups apart, no working class party has ever moved so rapidly from a minority sect to a position of power than the British Labour Party. It is also treacherous because, with a rapidly changing situation to contend with, with only a handful of war-time by-elections to serve as electoral guides, and with a vast range of variables to choose from including World War One, the Russian Revolution, and post-war industrial disputes the historian must draw up his balance sheet extremely carefully if he is not to oversimplify. Dr. McKibbon is nothing if not bold. Within the space of little more than 250 pages he sets out to "explain the decline of the Liberal Party and its supersession by the Labour Party, to examine the character of the Labour Party by looking at it as a mass party, and to look at the part played by ideology and class consciousness in its growth". On the first point he strikes some shrewd blows against the Trevor Wilson-Samuel Beer school of thought by arguing that since the Liberals had recovered from a previous split between Gladstone and Joseph Chamberlain in the 1880's, and since Labour was itself badly divided over the issue of the First World War, the Liberal decline cannot be attributed to internal conflicts, or to antagonism towards state interference alone. Here the author may well be on strong ground, although he muddies the waters somewhat by equating Labour's opposition to conscription during the war with Liberal antagonism to collectivisn generally. This did not mean, as Dr. McKibbon seems to imply on p. 238, that on other matters Labour was not more receptive to state intervention than the Liberals. On the second point, the author also puts us into his debt by taking considerably further the researches of a younger group of scholars such as Roy Gregory and Stanley Pierson into the developing internal structure of Labour as a national party. His main argument here is that since the Liberal break-up was not the main reason for Labour's rise, it is to be found, instead, "in the nature of the relationship between the Labour Party and the trade-unions on the one hand, and between the trade-unions and the industrial working classes on the other", (p. 241). He is particularly effective in documenting the role of trades union leaders, and of Arthur Henderson, in moving the party from its old, pre-war status as a loose agglomeration of unions, trades councils and socialist societies into a cohesive national organization capable of fighting elections in most constituencies. It was these
{"title":"Ross McKibbon, The Evolution of the Labour Party, 1910–1924. (New York, Oxford University Press, 1975), 261 pp.","authors":"J. Laslett","doi":"10.1017/S0097852300015744","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0097852300015744","url":null,"abstract":"This is a carefully researched and elegantly written monograph on what remains, despite all the work that has been done on it, one of the most fascinating and treacherous questions in British working class history. How was it that the Labour Party, which in 1910 was little more than a pressure group on the Liberal left, had by January 1924 become a mass party capable of forming a government? The question continues to fascinate because, revolutionary coups apart, no working class party has ever moved so rapidly from a minority sect to a position of power than the British Labour Party. It is also treacherous because, with a rapidly changing situation to contend with, with only a handful of war-time by-elections to serve as electoral guides, and with a vast range of variables to choose from including World War One, the Russian Revolution, and post-war industrial disputes the historian must draw up his balance sheet extremely carefully if he is not to oversimplify. Dr. McKibbon is nothing if not bold. Within the space of little more than 250 pages he sets out to \"explain the decline of the Liberal Party and its supersession by the Labour Party, to examine the character of the Labour Party by looking at it as a mass party, and to look at the part played by ideology and class consciousness in its growth\". On the first point he strikes some shrewd blows against the Trevor Wilson-Samuel Beer school of thought by arguing that since the Liberals had recovered from a previous split between Gladstone and Joseph Chamberlain in the 1880's, and since Labour was itself badly divided over the issue of the First World War, the Liberal decline cannot be attributed to internal conflicts, or to antagonism towards state interference alone. Here the author may well be on strong ground, although he muddies the waters somewhat by equating Labour's opposition to conscription during the war with Liberal antagonism to collectivisn generally. This did not mean, as Dr. McKibbon seems to imply on p. 238, that on other matters Labour was not more receptive to state intervention than the Liberals. On the second point, the author also puts us into his debt by taking considerably further the researches of a younger group of scholars such as Roy Gregory and Stanley Pierson into the developing internal structure of Labour as a national party. His main argument here is that since the Liberal break-up was not the main reason for Labour's rise, it is to be found, instead, \"in the nature of the relationship between the Labour Party and the trade-unions on the one hand, and between the trade-unions and the industrial working classes on the other\", (p. 241). He is particularly effective in documenting the role of trades union leaders, and of Arthur Henderson, in moving the party from its old, pre-war status as a loose agglomeration of unions, trades councils and socialist societies into a cohesive national organization capable of fighting elections in most constituencies. It was these","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126295842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S009785230001563X
L. Tilly
{"title":"Round Table on Labor and Economic Change","authors":"L. Tilly","doi":"10.1017/S009785230001563X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S009785230001563X","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127439784","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015719
R. Evans
{"title":"Werner Thönnessen, The Emancipation of Women. The Rise and Decline of the Women's Movement in German Social Democracy 1863–1933 (transl. Joris de Bres, Pluto Press, London, 1973)","authors":"R. Evans","doi":"10.1017/S0097852300015719","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0097852300015719","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":363865,"journal":{"name":"Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1975-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124949544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}