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Work in Progress and/or Recently Completed 正在进行和/或最近完成的工作
Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s009785230001577x
Worker Militancy and its Consequences, New Directions in Western Industrial Relations. Recognized authorities in the field of industrial relations evaluate recent labor unrest in seven European countries, Canada, and the U.S., including strikes, internal union controversies, domestic and international trade union developments, revisions in collective bargaining institutions, and changes in trade union behavior, philosophy, and strength. Contents include: Great Britain: toward the social contract; Italy: creating a new industrial relations system for the bottom; the Netherlands: from an ordered harmonic to a bargaining relationship; Belgium: collective bargaining and concertation mold: Sweden: labor reformism reshapes the system; France: elitist society inhibits articulated bargaining; U.S.: a time for reassessment. Industrialization and Labor in the Northern European Coalfield: A Comparative Regional Analysis. (In progress.) This is a longterm research project which will examine the social and political development of one economic region which stretches from northern France, through southeastern Belgium into the Ruhr Valley of Germany. The main focus of the study will be on the social structure, political behavior and popular culture of the working class in this region and on class relations between workers and the local middle classes. The study will in-tegrate secondary materials with a variety of local case studies based on such primary materials as census schedules, marriage registers, church records, company archives, police and strike records and newspapers. One of the main aims of the study will be to determine whether or not social and political development followed regional, economic, or national political lines. progress.) on how and why ethnic groups become occupationally typed: comparison with and This essay analyzes the Socialist Party's critique of the centralization of urban municipal government, as well as examining the social basis of voting behavior in a referendum that culminated in the adoption of the commission plan. Particular emphasis is placed on the differentiation between various working-class districts. It argues that second generation Americans living in the "zone of emergence" were more likely to support Socialists than were immigrants residing in the central residential core.
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引用次数: 0
Working Class History at the Princeton Davis Center 普林斯顿戴维斯中心的工人阶级历史
Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015653
G. Cohen
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引用次数: 1
Revolutionary and Counter-Revolutionary Thought in Habsburg Hungary, 1914–1918 匈牙利哈布斯堡王朝的革命与反革命思想,1914-1918
Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015665
R. Allen
(A panel under this title was held at the Duquesne History Forum at Duquesne University in Pittsburgh on October 31, 1974. Gabor Verities spoke on "Count Istvan Tisza and the Preservation of the Old Order;" Peter Pastor on "The Democratic Alternative: The Revolutionary Beliefs of Michael Karolyi:"' and Samuel Goldberger on "Ervin Szabo and the Tasks of the Hungarian Transformation: Economic Backwardness in Revolutionary Perspective." Richard E. Allen was the commentator.)
(1974年10月31日,在匹兹堡迪肯大学的迪肯历史论坛上举行了这个专题讨论会。Gabor Verities就“Istvan Tisza伯爵和旧秩序的维护”发表了讲话;彼得·帕斯特的《民主选择:迈克尔·卡洛伊的革命信仰》和塞缪尔·戈德伯格的《欧文·萨博和匈牙利转型的任务:革命视角下的经济落后》。理查德·e·艾伦(Richard E. Allen)为评论员。)
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引用次数: 2
John H. M. Laslett and Seymour Martin Upset, eds., Failure of a Dream ? Essays in the History of American Socialism (Garden City, N. Y.: Anchor Books, 1974) 约翰·h·m·拉斯利特和西摩·马丁·潘特主编。梦想的失败?《美国社会主义史随笔》(Garden City, ny: Anchor Books, 1974)
Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015720
David R. Montgomery
himself a Marxist; yet there is nothing here of the complex interaction of base and superstructure which is (or should be) the stuff of Marxist historiography. People and movements appear as the embodiments of doctrines, not as the products of social forces. Little trouble has been taken to explore the nature of German society and economy in the period in question, or to relate it to the problem under consideration, so it is scarcely surprising that the book sheds little or no light on the wider context of German history from 1863 to 1933. There are a few jejune, abstract and inaccurate assertions about industrialization, mainly culled from Marxist theory; but no hard information on how it really affected women. The challenge of writing a socialist history of women and their efforts to emancipate themselves has recently been taken up by many writers, most notably perhaps by the History Workshop school in Britain. It is safe to say that Dr. Thonnessen's book will be of no help to them in rising to this challenge.
他自己是马克思主义者;然而,这里没有基础和上层建筑的复杂相互作用,这是(或应该是)马克思主义史学的材料。人和运动表现为学说的具体体现,而不是社会力量的产物。本书几乎没有花时间去探索这一时期德国社会和经济的本质,也没有将其与所考虑的问题联系起来,因此,这本书对1863年至1933年德国历史的更广泛背景几乎没有揭示,也就不足为奇了。关于工业化的一些幼稚、抽象、不准确的论断,主要是从马克思主义理论中剔除出来的;但没有确切的信息表明它是如何影响女性的。最近,许多作家,尤其是英国的“历史工作坊”(history Workshop)学派,都接受了写一部关于女性及其解放自身努力的社会主义历史的挑战。可以肯定地说,托内森博士的书对他们迎接这一挑战毫无帮助。
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引用次数: 2
Aging in the Working Class: An Exploratory Essay 工人阶级的老龄化:一篇探索性论文
Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015677
P. Stearns
Older workers have received little attention from labor historians, their late lamented but only in passing. The contrast with at least partial knowledge of definable internal groups such as children, women, various skill levels and the like is striking. When mentioned, one o' two comments is typically made. The bluntest simply says that workers were dead or incapacitated by 45: this at once captures the horror of industrial capitalism and excuses any further study of the subject. The fact that it is entirely wrong, as the briefest glance at a census would indicate, is ignored. Approach two, applied particularly in comments on the early industrial period, berates employers for firing their older employees without support. The extent to which they actually did so has not, to my knowledge, been calculated, and again what happened to those dismissed is left to the imagination. We need to do better than this, for several reasons. By the second half of the nineteenth century, males over sixty-five formed up to 8% of all male manufacturing workers (specifically this was the case in France in 1906); over 60% of all male workers stayed on the job after 65. Even, then, to study the active work force involves attention to the older segment, and when one adds the minority retired or disabled the numbers become more significant still. But in urging study more is involved than a "let's fill a gap in social history" plea. Once we know the existence of a definable group of older workers we can begin to see certain potential pressures on the labor movement; how were the characteristics of old age, the tendency toward growing conservatism and distrust of youth, to be handled by movements that overtly stressed dynamism and waves of the future? In the French case, at least, and I believe quite generally, the labor movement was not up to the challenge. Still more important, a culture toward aging a particular set of fixed attitudes persists within the working class and while quite understandable, it is not healthy. It continues to be reflected in formal policies of the labor movement give them a pension and forget about them and it dominates the self-image of workers themselves. The historian can trace the origins of the culture and the causes of its durability; but he can step beyond his usual role and do more, evaluating the culture and indicating what might be done about it. In tracing the origins of retirement, for example, the historian adds to the impression that retirement must become more individual and flexible in its imposition. Precisely because aging has a discrete history and at the same time constitutes an agonizing contemporary problem, the historian can apply understanding of the phenomenon to social policy formulation. What follows, based on French working-class history, sketches some conclusions for France and suggests topics and research approaches applicable more generally. I view France as a case study, with some distinctive features due to the
年长的工人很少受到劳工历史学家的关注,他们已故的人曾为他们惋惜,但只是过眼而过。这与至少部分了解可定义的内部群体(如儿童、妇女、各种技能水平等)形成了鲜明对比。当被提及时,通常会做出一到两个评论。最愚蠢的说法只是说,工人在45岁之前就已经死亡或丧失了工作能力:这立即抓住了工业资本主义的恐怖,并为进一步研究这一主题提供了借口。只要看一眼人口普查就会发现,这是完全错误的,但这一事实却被忽视了。方法二(尤其适用于对早期工业时期的评论)严厉斥责雇主在没有支持的情况下解雇年长员工。据我所知,他们到底在多大程度上做到了这一点还没有被计算出来,那些被解雇的人的下场也只能靠想象了。出于几个原因,我们需要做得更好。到19世纪下半叶,65岁以上的男性占所有男性制造业工人的8%(特别是1906年法国的情况);超过60%的男性员工在65岁以后仍继续工作。即便如此,对活跃劳动力的研究也涉及到对老年人的关注,如果加上少数退休或残疾的人,这个数字就变得更加重要了。但在敦促研究中,涉及的不仅仅是“让我们填补社会历史的空白”的请求。一旦我们知道存在一个可定义的老年工人群体,我们就可以开始看到劳工运动面临的某些潜在压力;老年人的特点,日益保守的趋势和对年轻人的不信任,如何通过公开强调活力和未来浪潮的运动来处理?至少在法国的情况下,而且我相信在相当普遍的情况下,工人运动无法应对挑战。更重要的是,一种对待老龄化的文化——一套特定的固定态度——在工人阶级中持续存在,虽然可以理解,但这是不健康的。它继续反映在劳工运动的正式政策中给他们养老金,然后忘记他们,它主导了工人自己的自我形象。历史学家可以追溯文化的起源及其经久不衰的原因;但他可以超越自己通常的角色,做更多的事情,评估企业文化,并指出可能采取的措施。例如,在追溯退休的起源时,这位历史学家增加了这样一种印象,即退休必须变得更加个性化和灵活。正是因为老龄化有一个离散的历史,同时也构成了一个令人痛苦的当代问题,历史学家可以将对这一现象的理解应用于社会政策的制定。下文以法国工人阶级的历史为基础,概述了法国的一些结论,并提出了更普遍适用的主题和研究方法。我认为法国是一个案例研究,由于一些劳工领袖的特殊意识形态,它有一些独特的特点,但总体上代表了一个更广泛的过程;显然,它的典型性只能通过比较工作来检验。从逻辑上讲,我们可以从早期工业革命开始。精确的数据很难获得,因为任何年龄特异性的统计数据都要等到本世纪下半叶和本世纪初才会出现
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引用次数: 0
Natalie Zemon Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France: Eight Essays (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975), xviii + 362 pp. 娜塔莉·泽蒙·戴维斯,《近代早期法国的社会与文化:八篇随笔》(斯坦福:斯坦福大学出版社,1975),18 + 362页。
Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015732
A. Moote
Those who know of Natalie Davis' interest in the women, artisans, peasants and other unprivileged groups of early modern France will immediately recognize the relevance to European workingclass history of this sparkling book of essays. That relevance is partly one of pointing out the contrasts between the horizontally arranged "class" structure confronting nineteenthand twentiethcentury laborers on the one hand and, on the other, the early modern hierarchical society of "orders" that linked the lower, working orders vertically to their social superiors rather than horizontally in working solidarity. It is useful for all of us to look beyond our specialized fields time periods in this case in order to understand more deeply how the groups we study can act and cannot act, that is, what is unique about them. Yet, surprisingly, Natalie Davis' essays such as "Women On Top" and "Strikes and Salvation at Lyon" are almost equally relevant in showing the continuity of laboring and "lower, class" conditions, attitudes, and even potentiality for improvement over the centuries. This disturbing fact (disturbing academicians' scholarly assumptions as well as outraging their feelings that things should get better as time progresses) raises fundamental questions about what labor historians should study, how, and even why. As an "outsider" it seems to me that the issue is not only important but perhaps central to "modern" labor historians, and I note from the May 1975 Newsletter that in late nineteenth-century France skilled artisans held attitudes toward women, social reordering, and even economics strikingly similar to the situation of the French Revolutionary sansculottes (probably the later workers were more conservative) and to the menu peuple of Natalie Davis' sixteenth-century guilds (and without the flair for trenchant criticism of social norms found in Davis' "working class" carnivals, charivaris. and Misrule Abbeys). With questions about modern working-class studies in mind, let me turn to the eight essays. For the purposes of the Newsletter, and with apologies to the author for omitting much that is central to early modern historians, the studies can be grouped into three categories. First, there are three studies emphasizing treatment of and attitudes towards the lower orders by social superiors, among them humanists, Protestant and Catholic authorities, literary and medical specialists, urban business interests, and even Charles Perrault of Mother Goose folk tradition fame. Davis' "Poor relief, Humanism, and Heresy" shows that a preindustrial society even though torn religiously and losing the medieval religious and societal obligation to help the poor, could still come as close as
知道娜塔莉·戴维斯(Natalie Davis)对近代早期法国的妇女、工匠、农民和其他弱势群体感兴趣的人,会立即意识到这本精彩的随笔书与欧洲工人阶级历史的相关性。这种相关性在一定程度上指出了19世纪和20世纪劳动者所面临的水平排列的“阶级”结构与早期现代等级社会的“订单”之间的对比,“订单”将较低的工作订单垂直地与他们的社会上级联系起来,而不是在工作团结中水平地联系起来。在这种情况下,为了更深入地理解我们所研究的群体是如何行动的和不能行动的,也就是说,他们的独特之处是什么,我们所有人都应该超越我们的专业领域——在这个案例中,这是很有用的。然而,令人惊讶的是,娜塔莉·戴维斯(Natalie Davis)的文章《上位的女性》(Women On Top)和《里昂的罢工与拯救》(Strikes and Salvation at Lyon)在展示几个世纪以来劳动和“下层阶级”条件、态度,甚至是改善的潜力方面,几乎同样具有相关性。这一令人不安的事实(扰乱了学者们的学术假设,也激怒了他们认为情况会随着时间的推移而好转的想法)提出了一些根本性的问题:劳工历史学家应该研究什么,如何研究,甚至为什么研究。作为一个“局外人”,在我看来,这个问题不仅重要,而且可能是“现代”劳动历史学家的核心,我从1975年5月的《时事通讯》中注意到,在19世纪晚期的法国,熟练的工匠对女性、社会秩序重组、甚至连经济状况都与法国大革命时期的无裤男(可能后来的工人更保守)和娜塔莉·戴维斯(Natalie Davis) 16世纪行会的菜单人惊人地相似(而且没有戴维斯的“工人阶级”嘉年华(charivaris)中对社会规范的尖锐批评的天赋)。和《暴政修道院》)。带着对现代工人阶级研究的疑问,让我来看看这八篇论文。出于简报的目的,并向作者道歉,因为遗漏了许多对早期现代历史学家至关重要的内容,这些研究可以分为三类。首先,有三个研究强调社会上层对下层的待遇和态度,其中包括人文主义者,新教和天主教当局,文学和医学专家,城市商业利益,甚至是鹅妈妈民间传统名声的查尔斯佩罗。戴维斯的《穷人救济、人道主义和异端》表明,一个前工业社会,尽管宗教上四分五裂,失去了中世纪的宗教和社会义务来帮助穷人,仍然可能接近于
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引用次数: 0
International Approaches to the Study of Labor History 劳工史研究的国际方法
Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015628
Edward D. Beechert
Huataja, Lauri/Hentila, Seppo/Kalela, Jorma/Kettunen, Pauli/Saarinen, Hannes/Turtola, Jussi (all Helsinki): Die finnische Volksfrontpolitik und ihre Aktions-voraussetzungen in den 30er Jahren. Holtmann, Eberhard (Erlangen): Einheitsfront, Volksfront, Anti-nationalsozialistische Allianz. Perspektiven und Probleme der illegalen Arbeiteropposition in Osterreich 1933 bis 1938. Callesen, Gerd/Christiansen, Niels Finn/Srensen, Curt (Denmark): Klassenkampf und nationale Frage in der Zeit der II. Internationale (bis zum 1. Weltkrieg). Tych, Feliks (Warsaw): Klassenkampf und nationale Frage in der Zeit der II. Internationale. Mommsen, Hans (Bochum): Sozialistische Arbeiterbewegung und nationale Frage in der Periode der I. und II. Internationale. Lunjow, Ivan (Moscow): Einige Aspekte des Klassenkampfes und die nationale Frage in der Periode der II. Internationale.
关注30年代芬兰的国民阵线政策和行动纲领。霍特曼,埃贝哈特,联合阵线,反国家社会主义联盟1933至1938年的奥地利非法劳工反对派的观点和问题。应声者,Gerd/克里斯琴,niel芬兰人/Srensen, Curt (Denmark):第二次世界大战时的阶级斗争和国家问题。国际性的文章世界大战).泰奇、费利斯(沃思):阶级斗争和第二代的国家问题。国际.曼森,汉斯(波鸿):社会主义工人运动和在第一和第二时期的国家问题。国际.伦切夫,伊万(莫斯科):阶级斗争的某些方面和在第二次世界大战期间的国家问题。国际.
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引用次数: 0
Ross McKibbon, The Evolution of the Labour Party, 1910–1924. (New York, Oxford University Press, 1975), 261 pp. 罗斯·麦基本,《工党的演变,1910-1924》。(纽约,牛津大学出版社,1975),261页。
Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015744
J. Laslett
This is a carefully researched and elegantly written monograph on what remains, despite all the work that has been done on it, one of the most fascinating and treacherous questions in British working class history. How was it that the Labour Party, which in 1910 was little more than a pressure group on the Liberal left, had by January 1924 become a mass party capable of forming a government? The question continues to fascinate because, revolutionary coups apart, no working class party has ever moved so rapidly from a minority sect to a position of power than the British Labour Party. It is also treacherous because, with a rapidly changing situation to contend with, with only a handful of war-time by-elections to serve as electoral guides, and with a vast range of variables to choose from including World War One, the Russian Revolution, and post-war industrial disputes the historian must draw up his balance sheet extremely carefully if he is not to oversimplify. Dr. McKibbon is nothing if not bold. Within the space of little more than 250 pages he sets out to "explain the decline of the Liberal Party and its supersession by the Labour Party, to examine the character of the Labour Party by looking at it as a mass party, and to look at the part played by ideology and class consciousness in its growth". On the first point he strikes some shrewd blows against the Trevor Wilson-Samuel Beer school of thought by arguing that since the Liberals had recovered from a previous split between Gladstone and Joseph Chamberlain in the 1880's, and since Labour was itself badly divided over the issue of the First World War, the Liberal decline cannot be attributed to internal conflicts, or to antagonism towards state interference alone. Here the author may well be on strong ground, although he muddies the waters somewhat by equating Labour's opposition to conscription during the war with Liberal antagonism to collectivisn generally. This did not mean, as Dr. McKibbon seems to imply on p. 238, that on other matters Labour was not more receptive to state intervention than the Liberals. On the second point, the author also puts us into his debt by taking considerably further the researches of a younger group of scholars such as Roy Gregory and Stanley Pierson into the developing internal structure of Labour as a national party. His main argument here is that since the Liberal break-up was not the main reason for Labour's rise, it is to be found, instead, "in the nature of the relationship between the Labour Party and the trade-unions on the one hand, and between the trade-unions and the industrial working classes on the other", (p. 241). He is particularly effective in documenting the role of trades union leaders, and of Arthur Henderson, in moving the party from its old, pre-war status as a loose agglomeration of unions, trades councils and socialist societies into a cohesive national organization capable of fighting elections in most constituencies. It was these
这是一本经过仔细研究、文笔优美的专著,探讨了英国工人阶级历史上最迷人、最诡谲的问题之一,尽管人们已经为此做了很多工作。工党在1910年不过是自由党左翼的一个压力集团,到1924年1月,它是如何成为一个有能力组建政府的群众政党的?这个问题仍然令人着迷,因为除了革命政变之外,没有一个工人阶级政党能像英国工党那样迅速地从一个少数教派发展到权力地位。它也是危险的,因为要应对瞬息万变的形势,只有为数不多的战时补选作为选举指南,还有包括第一次世界大战、俄国革命和战后工业纠纷在内的大量变量可供选择,如果历史学家不想过于简单化,就必须极其仔细地绘制他的资产负债表。麦基本博士非常大胆。在250多页的篇幅内,他开始“解释自由党的衰落及其被工党所取代,通过将工党视为一个群众政党来审视工党的特征,并研究意识形态和阶级意识在其成长过程中所起的作用”。在第一点上,他对特雷弗·威尔逊-塞缪尔·比尔学派的思想进行了一些精明的打击,他认为,由于自由党已经从19世纪80年代格莱斯顿和约瑟夫·张伯伦之间的分裂中恢复过来,而且工党本身在第一次世界大战问题上存在严重分歧,自由党的衰落不能仅仅归因于内部冲突,也不能仅仅归因于对国家干预的对抗。在这里,作者可能有充分的理由,尽管他把工党在战争期间反对征兵与自由党对集体主义的普遍反对等同起来,这在一定程度上混淆了水。正如麦基本博士在第238页似乎暗示的那样,这并不意味着工党在其他问题上并不比自由党更容易接受国家干预。在第二点上,作者还对我们有所亏欠,他进一步研究了罗伊·格里高利和斯坦利·皮尔森等年轻学者对工党作为一个全国性政党的内部结构发展的研究。他在这里的主要论点是,既然自由党的分裂不是工党崛起的主要原因,相反,它可以“在工党与工会之间以及工会与产业工人阶级之间关系的本质中找到”(第241页)。他特别有效地记录了工会领袖的角色,以及亚瑟·亨德森(Arthur Henderson)将工党从战前的工会、行业委员会和社会主义社团的松散聚集转变为一个有凝聚力的全国性组织,能够在大多数选区的选举中战斗的角色。就是这些
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引用次数: 0
Round Table on Labor and Economic Change 劳动和经济变化圆桌会议
Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S009785230001563X
L. Tilly
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引用次数: 0
Werner Thönnessen, The Emancipation of Women. The Rise and Decline of the Women's Movement in German Social Democracy 1863–1933 (transl. Joris de Bres, Pluto Press, London, 1973) 沃纳Thönnessen,妇女解放。德国社会民主党妇女运动的兴衰(1863-1933)约里斯·德·布雷斯,冥王星出版社,伦敦,1973年)
Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015719
R. Evans
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History
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