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The Country and the City in the Kāñcippurāṇam 卡西普拉纳姆中的乡村与城市
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-15 DOI: 10.12797/cis.25.2023.01.02
Jonas Buchholz
Numerous pre-modern literary works in Tamil begin with a lengthy description of a country and a city. This convention is a stock element of texts belonging to the kāppiyam and purāṇam genres, which can be defined as long narrative poems and mythological narrations, respectively. Such descriptions are particularly numerous in talapurāṇams, i.e., texts dealing with the mythology of sacred sites. This article discusses the description of the country and the city in the Kāñcippurāṇam (KP), a talapurāṇam of the city of Kanchipuram composed in the late 18th century by the author Civañāṉa Muṉivar. It will be shown that the description of Kanchipuram and its surroundings in the introductory chapters of the KP, rather than aiming at a realistic portrayal, is strongly based on Tamil literary conventions that can be traced back to ancient Tamil literature, but also to influential texts of the medieval period, such as the Kamparāmāyaṇam or the Periyapurāṇam. Moreover, the article examines how Civañāṉa Muṉivar correlates the literary landscape that he describes with the real-world geography of the region around Kanchipuram and Śaiva devotional topography, thus creating a complex multi-layered landscape.
许多泰米尔语前现代文学作品都以对一个国家和一个城市的长篇描述开始。这种惯例是属于 kāppiyam 和 purāṇam 体裁的文本的常见元素,这两种体裁可分别定义为长篇叙事诗和神话叙事。这种描述在 talapurāṇams 中特别多,即涉及圣地神话的文本。本文讨论的是《Kāñcippurāṇam》(KP)中对国家和城市的描述,该书是作者 Civañāṉa Muṉivar 于 18 世纪晚期创作的一部关于坎奇普兰市的 talapurāṇam 。文章将表明,《坎奇普兰王传》引言章节中对坎奇普兰及其周边环境的描述并非以现实描绘为目的,而是以泰米尔文学惯例为坚实基础,这些惯例不仅可追溯到古代泰米尔文学,还可追溯到中世纪时期具有影响力的文本,如《坎帕拉姆亚传》(Kamparāmāyaṇam)或《佩里亚普拉传》(Periyapurāṇam)。此外,文章还研究了西瓦尼阿-穆伊瓦尔如何将他所描述的文学景观与坎奇普兰周边地区的现实世界地理和圣诗崇拜地形相关联,从而创造出复杂的多层次景观。
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引用次数: 0
Sacred Groves, the Brahmanical Hermit, and Some Remarks on ahiṃsā and Vegetarianism 圣林、婆罗门隐士以及关于狩猎和素食主义的一些评论
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-15 DOI: 10.12797/cis.25.2023.01.08
Cinzia Pieruccini
The term  sacred grove‘ is used to denote an area of vegetation that is afforded special protection on religious grounds. In India, where sacred groves are known by a wide repertoire of local names, such places may be found right from the Himalayas up to the far South. Sacred groves host veneration of natural phenomena or elements of landscape, but also ancestral, local, folk or tribal gods and Sanskritised deities; the use of their resources is strictly regulated. Research studies on sacred groves in India often consider them to be a legacy of archaic economic forms, possibly harking back to the stage of hunters-gatherers, and an expression of a religiosity dating back to a remote, non-Aryan, pre-Vedic antiquity. However, main sources for our knowledge of Indian antiquity, namely the literary sources, provide no direct record of voices of such archaic societies. Nonetheless, the same sources allow us to highlight some important aspects of the sacredness anciently ascribed to vegetation, forest, and specific places therein. The present paper proposes to focus on the Brahmanical hermit‘s distinct relationship with the forest and examine some aspects related to food.
圣林 "一词是指因宗教原因而受到特殊保护的植被区域。在印度,从喜马拉雅山到遥远的南方都有圣林,当地人对圣林的称呼多种多样。神林不仅供奉自然现象或景观元素,还供奉祖先、地方、民间或部落神灵以及梵文化的神灵;神林资源的使用受到严格管制。对印度神圣丛林园的研究通常认为,它们是古老经济形式的遗产,可能可以追溯到狩猎采集者阶段,也是遥远的、非雅利安人的、前吠陀时代宗教信仰的一种表现形式。然而,我们了解印度古代的主要来源,即文学来源,并没有直接记录这种古老社会的声音。尽管如此,这些资料还是让我们能够突出古代赋予植被、森林和其中特定地点的神圣性的一些重要方面。本文拟重点探讨婆罗门隐士与森林的独特关系,并研究与食物有关的一些方面。
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引用次数: 0
Lessons of Sustainability: The Folk Reading of a Ritualistic Landscape 可持续性的教训:礼仪景观的民间解读
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-15 DOI: 10.12797/cis.25.2023.01.01
Anjali C, Vishakha Kawathekar
This paper entails an investigation of the reciprocal relationship between the agrarian landscape and the cultic practice of teyyam prevailing in the cultural region of Kolattunāṭu. Focusing on the agrarian history, production pattern and the resultant social formations, it attempts an analytical reading of the socio-historical realities of teyyam in Kolattunāṭu. The characteristic features of teyyam performance and its consistent co-existence with the associated landscape have resulted in distinctive cultural and social formations in the region. The current research argues on the interdependencies of teyyam and its agrarian landscape and analyzes the multitude of ways in which liturgies of teyyam communicate exemplars of ecological and social sustainability. The aspects of sustainability intrinsic to the folk ritual are explored through three facets discussed in the paper. At the onset, the role of teyyam in shaping its sacred realm thereby simultaneously getting shaped by the singularities of geography is discussed. Second is an inquiry into the temporal and spatial dimensions of teyyam performance to establish the reciprocal relationship between teyyam and its ritualistic landscape. The third facet of the inquiry analyses the case of a folk performance through the spatial lens to decipher the layers of interdependencies within its sacred realm. 
本文旨在研究科拉图纳图文化区的农业景观与茶寮崇拜习俗之间的相互关系。本论文以农业历史、生产模式和由此产生的社会形态为重点,试图分析解读科拉图纳图茶寮的社会历史现实。茶艺表演的特点及其与相关景观的持续共存导致了该地区独特的文化和社会形态。目前的研究论证了茶寮与其农业景观之间的相互依存关系,并分析了茶寮仪式传达生态和社会可持续性典范的多种方式。本文从三个方面探讨了民间仪式内在的可持续性。首先,本文讨论了 "茶寮 "在塑造其神圣领域的同时也被地理的独特性所塑造的作用。其次,探讨茶寮表演的时间和空间维度,以建立茶寮与其仪式景观之间的相互关系。研究的第三个方面是通过空间视角分析民间表演的案例,以解读其神圣领域中的层层相互依存关系。
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引用次数: 0
From Fields to the Throne 从田野到王座
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-15 DOI: 10.12797/cis.25.2023.01.10
Lidia Sudyka
The territory administered by the Nayakas, first from Keladi and later from Ikkeri (c. 1499–1763 CE), first on behalf of the Vijayanagara rulers and then in their own name, was the western strip of Karnataka, known as Kanara-Malnad. The Kanara coast is very fertile and the hills of neighbouring Malnad (Malladeśa) are noted for their biodiversity. The Śivatattvaratnākara, an encyclopaedic work in Sanskrit authored by the Keladi-Ikkeri king, Basavarāja (r. 1697–1714), besides discussions related to various fields of knowledge, holds not only passages describing the region and the history of its rulers, but also other content that may reveal a way of thinking about nature and human-nature relationships. Reference will also be made to Pietro della Valle's account of his travels in the area between 1623 and 1624.
纳亚卡人先是从凯拉迪(Keladi),后来又从伊凯里(Ikkeri,约公元 1499-1763 年),先是代表维贾亚纳伽拉统治者,然后以自己的名义管理的领土是卡纳塔克邦的西部地带,即卡纳拉-马尔纳德(Kanara-Malnad)。卡纳拉海岸非常肥沃,邻近的马尔纳德(Malladeśa)丘陵则以其生物多样性而闻名。Śivatattvaratnākara》是一部梵文百科全书式著作,由凯拉帝-伊克利国王巴萨瓦拉贾(1697-1714 年)撰写,除了与各知识领域相关的论述外,其中不仅有描述该地区及其统治者历史的段落,还有其他内容可能揭示了一种关于自然和人与自然关系的思维方式。此外,我们还将参考皮埃特罗-德拉瓦莱(Pietro della Valle)关于其 1623 年至 1624 年期间在该地区旅行的记载。
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引用次数: 0
Nine Ponds (navatīrthas) of Śrīraṅgam Śrīraṅgam的九池(navaturthas)
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.12797/cis.24.2022.02.07
M. Czerniak-Drożdżowicz
Water bodies, being elements of the natural landscape, are often connected with religious holy sites and provide ready examples of a mutual relationship between nature and culture. The present article introduces nine holy ponds—tīrthas of the Śrīraṅgam Raṅganātha temple—each with its characteristic features directly connected with a particular tree, residing deity, resident ṛṣi, and certain boons. Short descriptions of the ponds are given in Chapter 10 of the Sanskrit text, the Śrīraṅgamāhātmya, which praises the glory of the holy place, kṣetra, and constitutes my main source material. Even though the nine ponds play an important role in the religious landscape of the site and the life of the religious community, they have not been studied till now. The article presents descriptions of the tīrthas found in the Śrīraṅgamāhātmya and supplements them with a brief report and some photographic evidence from the field research of 2020.
水体作为自然景观的组成部分,经常与宗教圣地联系在一起,并为自然与文化之间的相互关系提供了现成的例子。本文介绍了九个神圣的池塘——Śrīraṅgam Raṅganātha寺庙的t rthas——每一个都有其特点,与特定的树、居住的神、居住的ṛṣi和某些恩惠直接相关。梵文《Śrīraṅgamāhātmya》第10章对这些池塘作了简短的描述,其中赞颂了圣地的荣耀kṣetra,这是我的主要资料来源。虽然九塘在场地的宗教景观和宗教群体的生活中发挥着重要的作用,但迄今为止还没有对它们进行研究。本文介绍了在Śrīraṅgamāhātmya中发现的t ? rthas的描述,并补充了一份简短的报告和2020年实地调查的一些照片证据。
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引用次数: 0
Some Observations on Vārāhī in Bihar and Bengal 比哈尔邦和孟加拉邦对Vārāhī的一些看法
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.12797/cis.24.2022.02.05
Claudine Bautze-Picron
The sheer intensity of the encounter between the Buddhist and Hindu pantheons in ‘Eastern India’ (comprising the Indian states of Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal and present Bangladesh) from the 7th to the 12th century, was unmatched in any other region.1 It left, above all, a visual and textual trail in the Buddhist iconography, as attested by the presence of two Mātṛkas (Mothers) among the members of Māra’s army attacking the Buddha on the night of his Awakening, Brahmanical deities being incorporated into the Buddhist world: Vārāhī appears in the Jagdishpur sculpture, and Cāmuṇḍā in a large fragment from a sculpture which must have been as large as the Jagdishpur image and used to stand in Lakhisarai, more fragments of it being preserved in the Indian Museum (Fig. 1).2 Further, the key component of Vārāhī iconography,3 the hog head, became an integral part of the images of Buddhist deities like Mārīcī and Vajravārāhī. The cultural background within which the images of the goddess were incorporated helps to understand this twofold phenomenon, the representation of her being transferred to a Buddhist context and some of her specific features being embedded in the iconography of Buddhist deities.
从7世纪到12世纪,在“东印度”(包括印度的比哈尔邦、贾坎德邦、西孟加拉邦和现在的孟加拉国),佛教和印度教万神殿之间的激烈交锋在其他任何地区都是无法比拟的最重要的是,它在佛教图像中留下了视觉和文字上的痕迹,在Māra的军队成员中有两个Mātṛkas(母亲)在佛陀觉醒的夜晚攻击佛陀,婆罗门神灵被纳入佛教世界。Vārāhī出现在Jagdishpur雕塑中,Cāmuṇḍā出现在一个雕塑的大碎片中,这个雕塑一定和Jagdishpur的形象一样大,曾经矗立在Lakhisarai,更多的碎片被保存在印度博物馆(图1)此外,Vārāhī图像的关键组成部分,3猪头,成为Mārīcī和Vajravārāhī等佛教神灵图像的组成部分。女神形象所处的文化背景有助于理解这一双重现象,她的表现被转移到佛教背景中,她的一些具体特征被嵌入佛教神像中。
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引用次数: 0
Verbal and Visual Texts of the Rāma Narrative Rāma叙事的口头和视觉文本
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.12797/cis.24.2022.02.01
J. Brockington
This article examines what we mean by a text: is it verbal (whether written or oral), mental, visual, or a combination? All of these forms are found within the various types of artistic expression centred on the Rāmāyaṇa tradition. I start with the relief sculptures, some of which are centuries early than any extant manuscripts. After a brief comment on the evolution of the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa text, I then survey in turn some prestige illustrated Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa manuscripts, less notable Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa manuscripts, illustrated manuscripts of the Rāmcaritmānas and other vernacular versions, and sets or series of paintings illustrating the Rāma story (including some single paintings), showing the diverse range of forms it has taken over time and something of the adaptations it has undergone.
本文探讨了我们所说的文本的含义:它是口头的(无论是书面的还是口头的),精神的,视觉的,还是两者的结合?所有这些形式都是在以Rāmāyaṇa传统为中心的各种艺术表现形式中发现的。我从浮雕开始说起,其中一些比现存的手稿还要早几个世纪。在对Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa文本的演变进行简短的评论之后,我依次调查了一些有威望的插图Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa手稿,不太著名的Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa手稿,Rāmcaritmānas和其他方言版本的插图手稿,以及说明Rāma故事的集或系列绘画(包括一些单一的绘画),显示了它随着时间的推移所采取的各种形式,以及它所经历的一些改编。
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引用次数: 0
From the Narratives on Mythical Beasts to the Voicing of Power 从神话动物的叙述到权力的发声
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.12797/cis.24.2022.02.08
Ewa Dębicka-Borek, L. Sudyka
Taking as the case study the Ikkeri Nayakas’ Vīrabhadra temple in Keladi (the current Karnataka state), the paper discusses the potential correlation between the narrative and the image in terms of the temple’s artistic programme and the myths it draws on. With the assumption that the artistic production can serve as a political tool aimed at expressing a ruler’s agenda, our focus is on the depictions of certain hybrid creatures found within the premises of the temple and their multidimensional symbolism attested to in Hindu narratives. Our analysis of the visual and the narrative material against the backdrop of the early history of the temple’s royal patrons suggests that in the centre of their interest, while designing the temple, was the desire to set out their claims to power and present the milieu they lived in.
本文以位于克拉迪(现卡纳塔克邦)的Ikkeri Nayakas ' v ā rabhadra寺庙为例,从寺庙的艺术方案和它所借鉴的神话的角度讨论了叙事与形象之间的潜在关联。假设艺术作品可以作为旨在表达统治者议程的政治工具,我们的重点是在寺庙内发现的某些混合生物的描述及其在印度教叙事中证明的多维象征意义。我们对寺庙早期历史背景下的视觉和叙事材料的分析表明,在他们的兴趣中心,在设计寺庙的同时,他们希望展示他们对权力的要求,并展示他们生活的环境。
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引用次数: 0
The Oldest Manuscripts from India and Their Histories 印度最古老的手稿及其历史
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.12797/cis.24.2022.02.03
M. Ali, Marijn van Putten, Alison Ohta, S. Akcapar, Michael D. Willis
This essay examines a copy of the Qur’ān from India, now in the India Office Collections at the British Library. The manuscript, registered as IO Loth 4, belongs to the reasonably large group of early Qur’āns that date to the eighth and ninth centuries CE. While some of these manuscripts have charted histories, what is not widely known is that early Qur’āns also made their way to India. There they have their own special histories, meanings and associations. In attempt to address the long ‘after-life’ of these manuscripts, this paper will examine a single example that arrived in India in the Mughal period and was eventually presented to the Library of the East India House by Lord Dalhousie in 1853. While not the earliest of the Qur’āns brought to India, it nonetheless dates to the circa ninth century CE, making it older than any surviving manuscripts in Sanskrit or Prakrit in India proper.
这篇文章研究了一本来自印度的古兰经ān,现在在大英图书馆的印度办公室收藏。该手稿被登记为ioloth 4,属于相当大的一批早期古兰经āns,可追溯到公元8世纪和9世纪。虽然其中一些手稿描绘了历史,但不为人所知的是,早期的古兰经āns也传到了印度。在那里,它们有自己特殊的历史、意义和联系。为了解决这些手稿的长期“晚年”问题,本文将研究一个在莫卧儿时期到达印度的例子,并最终于1853年由达尔豪斯勋爵赠送给东印度图书馆。虽然不是最早传入印度的《古兰经āns》,但它可以追溯到公元9世纪左右,比印度任何现存的梵语或印度语手稿都要早。
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引用次数: 0
About Visual Language, Drunken Women, Jesters and Escaping the World 关于视觉语言、醉酒女人、小丑和逃离世界
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.12797/cis.24.2022.02.04
Monika Zin
Visual communication employs language different than literature. The economy of viewing calls for elements of representation familiar to the viewer, which, when shown in a recurring order, become comprehensible. For us, recognising these elements is often difficult as they can be entirely absent from the literary text. The person of the jester, whose appearance corresponds to the vidūṣaka of the Nāṭyaśāstra, is found frequently in narrative scenes depicted through visual means. His presence often indicates that another figure in the picture is about to withdraw from worldly life. The jester then expresses utter disapproval of his master’s decision. The viewer is able to recognise the meaning of the scene because the jester is shown also in erotic and humorous scenes, perhaps representative of the sensual atmosphere of theatre life, or related to the nāyaka and the vidūṣaka of the Kāmasūtra.
视觉交流使用不同于文学的语言。观看的经济性要求观众熟悉的表现元素,当以重复的顺序显示时,这些元素就会变得可理解。对我们来说,识别这些元素往往很困难,因为它们可能完全没有出现在文学文本中。小丑的人,其外表对应于vidúṣ又称Nāṭyaśāstra经常出现在通过视觉手段描绘的叙事场景中。他的出现往往预示着画面中的另一个人物即将退出世俗生活。小丑随后对主人的决定表示坚决反对。观众能够识别场景的意义,因为小丑也出现在色情和幽默的场景中,可能代表了戏剧生活的感性氛围,或者与nāyaka和vidú有关ṣ又称Kāmasútra。
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引用次数: 0
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Cracow Indological Studies
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