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Uneasy Is the Head That Wears a Crown: The Tudors, A Global Phenomenon 戴王冠的头是不安的:都铎王朝,一种全球性现象
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14629712.2022.2137349
P. Stiffell
F rom  May to  August , the Walker Art Gallery in Liverpool hosted an exhibition that brought its own impressive collection of Tudor art into dialogue with Tudor-related collections from across the United Kingdom, for instance at the National Portrait Gallery and the College of Arms in London, and continental Europe, for example at the Museo del Prado in Madrid. By combining these various collections, the exhibition reminds visitors that Tudor history was not connected to one specific place but had connections throughout England and wider Europe. As the curators highlight in the introduction to their catalogue, the exhibition is a milestone. Even though it includes well-known items, such as the portraits of Henry VIII (c. , NPG ) or Anne Boleyn (late sixteenth century, NPG ), the pairing of an early portrait of Catherine of Aragon (c. , NPG L) with the aforementioned portrait of Henry VIII, allows visitors to observe the King’s first love match in a way not previously possible. The joint display imitates historical practices of exhibiting portraits of the King and Queen together, to represent the couple as a united front, with Henry as England’s new king and Catherine as fertile queen. These and other such images would be commissioned and copied to present to courtiers as gifts. The exhibition strikes a commendable balance between well-known historical figures, such as Henry VIII’s chief minister, Thomas Cromwell (NPG ) and humanist scholar Thomas More (NPG ), and lesser-known people, such as Thomas Chaloner (–), English ambassador in the Spanish Netherlands, and John Astley (–), Elizabeth I’s Master of the Jewel House. The exhibition is thematically organised, but follows a chronological approach: it begins with the Tudor founders and ends with Elizabeth I. The exhibition approaches the Tudor dynasty as a global phenomenon with particularly strong ties to the European continent. The final section of the exhibition is divided into two parts and is probably one of its most engaging, since visitors can examine up close fully preserved Tudor gowns. One of these gowns has been inspired by Master John’s portrait of Catherine Parr (NPG ), the sixth queen consort of Henry VIII, while the other one is an impression of a dress that may have been worn by a lady in waiting. An accompanying video helpfully explains how the gowns may
F rom 五月至 八月, 利物浦的沃克美术馆举办了一场展览,将其令人印象深刻的都铎艺术藏品与英国各地的都铎相关藏品进行了对话,例如在伦敦的国家肖像画廊和军火学院,以及在欧洲大陆,例如在马德里的普拉多博物馆。通过将这些不同的藏品结合起来,展览提醒游客都铎王朝的历史并没有与某个特定的地方联系在一起,而是与整个英格兰和整个欧洲联系在一起。正如策展人在目录介绍中所强调的那样,这次展览是一个里程碑。尽管它包括一些著名的物品,如亨利八世的肖像(c。, NPG) 或Anne Boleyn(16世纪晚期,NPG), 阿拉贡的凯瑟琳早期肖像的配对(c。, NPG L) 通过上面提到的亨利八世的肖像,游客可以以一种以前不可能的方式观看国王的初恋。这次联合展览模仿了历史上一起展出国王和王后肖像的做法,将这对夫妇描绘成一个统一战线,亨利是英格兰的新国王,凯瑟琳是生育能力强的王后。这些和其他这样的图像将被委托并复制,作为礼物赠送给朝臣。展览在著名历史人物之间取得了值得称赞的平衡,比如亨利八世的首席部长托马斯·克伦威尔(NPG) 人文主义学者托马斯·莫尔), 以及鲜为人知的人,如Thomas Chaloner(–), 英国驻西班牙-荷兰大使和约翰·阿斯特利(–), 伊丽莎白一世的珠宝屋主人。展览按主题组织,但遵循时间顺序:展览从都铎王朝创始人开始,到伊丽莎白一世结束。展览将都铎王朝视为一种与欧洲大陆有着特别紧密联系的全球现象。展览的最后一部分分为两部分,可能是最吸引人的部分之一,因为游客可以近距离观察保存完好的都铎王朝礼服。其中一件礼服的灵感来自约翰大师的凯瑟琳·帕尔肖像(NPG), 亨利八世的第六任王后,而另一位则是一件可能是侍女所穿的连衣裙。随附的视频有助于解释礼服是如何
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引用次数: 0
The Grand Princess Finally Reconsidered 大公主终于重新考虑了
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14629712.2022.2137346
Rubén González Cuerva
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引用次数: 0
The Dynastic and Political Use of the Image of Archduchess Maria Antonia of Austria (1669–1692): The ‘Imagined’ Portraits of the Heiress of the Spanish Monarchy 奥地利大公夫人玛丽亚·安东尼娅(1669–1692)形象的王朝和政治用途:西班牙君主继承人的“想象”肖像
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14629712.2022.2137339
Rocío Martínez López
Archduchess Maria Antonia of Austria (1669–1692) was the heir to the Spanish Monarchy for almost twenty years, from the death of her mother, Infanta Margarita of Austria, to her own demise on Christmas Eve, 1692. Her image as one of the most prominent members of the Habsburg family, as both the eldest daughter of Emperor Leopold I and niece of Charles II of Spain, was carefully constructed from a very young age, when she appeared in detailed portraits, often with her mother. But she was also presented as the rightful heir to the Spanish Monarchy, not only during her life, but for years after her death. In this article, I want to study the political and dynastic image of Archduchess Maria Antonia of Austria, with a special focus on the portraits painted after her death, which presented her both with her young son and as the legitimate heir of the Spanish Monarchy. 1
奥地利大公夫人Maria Antonia(1669–1692)是西班牙君主政体近二十年的继承人,从她的母亲奥地利的因凡塔·玛格丽塔去世到1692年圣诞节前夕去世。她作为哈布斯堡家族最杰出的成员之一,既是皇帝利奥波德一世的长女,也是西班牙查理二世的侄女,从很小的时候就被精心塑造,当时她经常与母亲一起出现在详细的肖像中。但她也被视为西班牙君主政体的合法继承人,不仅在她生前,而且在她去世后的几年里。在这篇文章中,我想研究奥地利大公夫人玛丽亚·安东尼娅的政治和王朝形象,特别关注她去世后的肖像画,这些肖像画展示了她年幼的儿子和西班牙君主政体的合法继承人。1.
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引用次数: 0
The Empire Writes Back 《嘻哈帝国》的回信
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14629712.2022.2137345
P. Mansel
Review of: Prince Ali Vasib, Memoirs of an Ottoman Prince (Istanbul, Timas Publishing, ); Prince Arfa, Memoirs of a Bygone Age. Qajar Persia and Imperial Russia –, Michael Noel-Clarke, trans. and ed. (London, Gingko Library, ); Youssouf Bey: The Charged Portraits of Fin-de-Siècle Pera, Bahattin Oztuncay, Sinan Kuneralp, et al, eds (Istanbul, Vehbi Koc Foundation, ); Pierre Loti et les Silhouettes de Hassan, Erol Makzume, Hélène Corbiere et al, eds (Istanbul, Gezegen Basim san, ); Twenty Years under the Reign of Abdulhamid. The Memoirs and Works of Fausto Zonaro, Erol Makzume and Cesare Mario Trevigne, eds (Istanbul, Genis Kitaplik ); and Halid Ziya Usakligil, Memoir of the Ottoman Palace –, Douglas Scott Brookes, trans. and ed. (Bloomington, Indiana University Press, ).
评论:Ali Vasib亲王,《奥斯曼王子回忆录》(伊斯坦布尔,Timas出版社,); 阿法王子,《逝去时代的回忆录》。卡塔尔波斯与俄罗斯帝国–, 迈克尔·诺埃尔·克拉克,跨性别。和编辑(伦敦,Gingko Library,); Youssouf Bey:Fin de Siècle Pera、Bahatin Oztuncay、Sinan Kunerap等人的带电肖像(伊斯坦布尔,Vehbi Koc基金会,); Pierre Loti et les Silhouettes de Hassan,Erol Makzume,Hélène Corbiere et al,编辑(伊斯坦布尔,Gezegen Basim san,); 阿卜杜勒哈米德统治下的二十年。Fausto Zonaro、Erol Makzume和Cesare Mario Trevigne的回忆录和作品,编辑(伊斯坦布尔,Genis Kitaplik); 和Halid Ziya Usakligil,《奥斯曼宫殿回忆录》–, Douglas Scott Brookes,跨性别。和编辑(Bloomington,印第安纳大学出版社,).
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引用次数: 0
‘The King’s turnspit was a member of Parliament’: And other Tales from the Expanded Database of Court Officers 1660–1837 “国王的叛徒是国会议员”:以及1660–1837年法院官员扩展数据库中的其他故事
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14629712.2022.2093478
R. Bucholz
In February 1780, Edmund Burke rose in the House of Commons to explain the impending loss of America and rail against political corruption in the speech on Economical Reform. Among the speech’s most effective rhetorical refrains was to remind the honourable members, repeatedly, that true reform of a corrupt, expensive and antiquated royal administration was impossible because ‘The King’s turnspit was a member of parliament’. But was he? The answer lies in the Database of Court Officers. Since 2005, the Database of Court Officers 1660–1837, hosted by Loyola University Chicago, has sought to provide an authoritative source for the career histories of every salaried member of the British royal household for this period. Prior to 2019 it included only the servants of the sovereign’s household, but in that year, it was expanded to include the forty-nine satellite courts of the various queens (consort, mother and dowager), as well as princes and princesses of the blood — a total of 21,000 officers and servants overall. The household, among its many ceremonial, social, and domestic functions, provided places for peers and members of Parliament — the vehicle of political influence and corruption that Burke decried and sought to reform. This article introduces the expanded database and establishes the size, expense, and opportunities for patronage of the combined royal households (sovereign’s and satellite courts) across the period. It concludes with an analysis of the number of peers and members of Parliament who held household office over time with a view towards establishing 1) the identity of the offending turnspit; and 2) whether the ‘corruption’ Burke called out (i.e., the contingent of peers and MPs with positions at court) was really so large or decisive as he and other reformers alleged, determining that it was neither of those things.
1780年2月,埃德蒙·伯克(Edmund Burke)在下议院发表了关于经济改革的演讲,解释了美国即将遭受的损失,并抨击了政治腐败。演讲中最有效的措辞之一是反复提醒尊敬的议员们,对腐败、昂贵和陈旧的皇家政府进行真正的改革是不可能的,因为“国王的叛徒是国会议员”。但他是吗?答案在法院官员数据库中。自2005年以来,芝加哥洛约拉大学(Loyola University Chicago)主办的1660–1837年法院官员数据库(Database of Court Officers 1660–183 7)一直试图为这一时期英国王室中每一位受薪成员的职业史提供权威来源。在2019年之前,它只包括君主家庭的仆人,但在那一年,它被扩大到包括49个不同女王(配偶、母亲和太后)的附属法院,以及王子和血亲公主,总共有21000名军官和仆人。家庭在其众多仪式、社会和家庭职能中,为贵族和议员提供了场所——伯克谴责并寻求改革的政治影响力和腐败工具。本文介绍了扩展后的数据库,并确定了这一时期联合王室(主权法院和附属法院)的规模、费用和赞助机会。最后,它分析了一段时间以来担任家庭职务的同行和议员的数量,以期确定1)犯罪罪犯的身份;以及2)伯克所呼吁的“腐败”(即在法庭上有职位的同僚和议员队伍)是否真的像他和其他改革者所声称的那样庞大或果断,并认定这两者都不是。
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引用次数: 0
Court Etiquette for the Viceroys: The Marquises of La Laguna, from the Court of Madrid to the Court of Mexico 总督的宫廷礼仪:从马德里宫廷到墨西哥宫廷的拉古纳侯爵
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14629712.2022.2093025
Inmaculada Rodríguez-Moya
This article addresses the baptism of Don José de la Cerda y Manrique, son of the viceroy of New Spain, the marquis of La Laguna, and his spouse, the countess of Paredes, in 1683. In contrast to previous baptisms of children born to the viceroys and seemingly going against the guidelines established by the royal court in Madrid, the ceremonial employed for his baptism was transposed almost exactly from that used for the baptism of the monarch, Charles II of Spain in 1661. The article analyses the royal baptismal ceremony used at the Spanish court with regard to its most significant artistic and symbolic elements. Attention is then turned to the splendid ritual organized by the cathedral chapter of the City of Mexico. The article argues that the Countess’ participation in the ceremony held in Madrid in 1661 influenced her to urge the Mexican authorities to stage her son’s baptism in a similar form.
这篇文章讲述了1683年新西班牙总督拉古纳侯爵的儿子唐·约瑟·德·拉·塞尔达·伊·曼里克和他的妻子帕雷迪斯伯爵夫人的洗礼。与之前总督所生的孩子的洗礼相比,他的洗礼仪式似乎违背了马德里王室制定的指导方针,与1661年西班牙国王查理二世的洗礼仪式几乎完全相同。本文分析了在西班牙宫廷中使用的皇室洗礼仪式最重要的艺术和象征元素。然后,人们的注意力转向由墨西哥城大教堂分会组织的精彩仪式。这篇文章认为,伯爵夫人参加了1661年在马德里举行的仪式,这影响了她敦促墨西哥当局以类似的形式为她的儿子举行洗礼。
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引用次数: 1
The Royal Bridal Bouquet: From Wedding Accessory to Royal Remembrance 皇室新娘花束:从婚礼配饰到皇室纪念
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14629712.2022.2093482
Matthias Range
This article presents the first detailed exploration and discussion of the history of the royal bridal bouquet in Britain. First introduced in Victorian days, it was in the early 1920s, and then again from 1947 onwards, that the royal bridal bouquet was imbued with an additional significance far beyond its original meaning and which it retains until the present day: after the wedding, it is laid on the grave of the Unknown Warrior in Westminster Abbey, in commemoration of all the war dead. This article explores the origins of this royal tradition, discussing its meaning and further implications. In this context, the article briefly looks also at the overall link between the military and royal weddings in Britain – exploring in particular the issue of bridegrooms marrying in uniform; the royal bridal bouquet as a female, floral tribute adds another important component to this military link. The article thus contributes a significant detail to the wide literature on war commemoration and also the monarchy in the twentieth century. It emerges that the royal bridal bouquet in Britain is a significant detail that takes the occasions of royal weddings beyond their original meaning by adding the aspect of royal remembrance. While this is not prominently seen in any other monarchy, it testifies to British royalty’s wide-ranging instinct for and application of ceremonial events and gestures as a means of enhancing the monarchy’s appeal and its bond with the people.
本文首次对英国皇室新娘花束的历史进行了详细的探索和讨论。在20世纪20年代初,在维多利亚时代首次引入,然后从1947年开始,皇室新娘花束被赋予了远远超出其最初含义的额外意义,并一直保留到今天:婚礼后,它被放在威斯敏斯特教堂的无名战士墓上,以纪念所有的战争死者。本文探讨了这一皇室传统的起源,讨论了它的意义和进一步的影响。在这种背景下,本文也简要地探讨了英国军队和皇室婚礼之间的整体联系,特别是探讨了新郎穿制服结婚的问题;作为女性的皇室新娘花束,花卉贡品为这种军事联系增添了另一个重要组成部分。因此,这篇文章为关于战争纪念和20世纪君主制的广泛文献提供了重要的细节。在英国,皇室新娘花束是一个重要的细节,通过增加皇室纪念的方面,使皇室婚礼的场合超越了原本的意义。虽然这在其他任何君主制中都不明显,但这证明了英国王室对仪式活动和手势的广泛本能和应用,以此作为增强君主制吸引力和与人民联系的手段。
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引用次数: 0
Sir Hugh Paulet and the Christening of Prince Edward, Monday 15 October 1537 休·波莱特爵士和爱德华王子的洗礼,1537年10月15日星期一
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14629712.2022.2093489
Simon Lambe
This article explores the moment that Henry VIII’s son, the future Edward VI, was christened at Hampton Court Palace on Monday 15 October 1537. It addresses the event as a moment of magnificent courtly celebration, largely owing to the collective sense of relief at the safe delivery of a healthy, legitimate male heir. As such, we find aspirational families vying for a position at — or an invitation to — court in the name of career progression. Accordingly, the article highlights in particular the presence of one of the guests at the christening, Sir Hugh Paulet (c. 1500–73), and shows how his invitation and attendance symbolised his enhanced status within his native county of Somerset and confirmed his place among the great and good of the kingdom. The subplot to this event, however, was an outbreak of plague across London and the south of England, leading the King to move away from the city and to keep his family and his court in isolation in the healthier environs of his favourite royal palace. The plague itself offers a crucial context to this ceremony, as it suggests that even in the face of such dangers, Paulet and others like him saw the necessity of attending this ceremony. Indeed, the reverse is also true: the King needed to demonstrate his favour for those who were loyal.
这篇文章探讨了亨利八世的儿子,未来的爱德华六世,于1537年10月15日星期一在汉普顿宫受洗的那一刻。它将这一事件描述为一个宏伟的宫廷庆祝时刻,主要是因为安全分娩了一个健康、合法的男性继承人,集体感到如释重负。因此,我们发现有抱负的家庭以职业发展的名义争夺法院的职位或邀请。因此,这篇文章特别强调了出席洗礼仪式的一位客人,休·保莱爵士(约1500-73年),并展示了他的受邀和出席如何象征着他在萨默塞特郡的地位提高,并确认了他在王国中伟大和优秀的地位。然而,这一事件的次要情节是,瘟疫在伦敦和英格兰南部爆发,导致国王离开这座城市,将他的家人和朝廷隔离在他最喜欢的王宫更健康的环境中。瘟疫本身为这个仪式提供了一个重要的背景,因为它表明,即使面对这样的危险,保莱和其他像他一样的人也看到了参加这个仪式的必要性。事实上,反过来说也是正确的:国王需要向那些忠诚的人展示他的恩惠。
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引用次数: 0
Religion and Confession as the Bedrock of Monarchy and Court in Early Modern Europe 宗教与忏悔:近代早期欧洲君主与宫廷的基石
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14629712.2022.2093480
Helen Watanabe-O’kelly
At the moment of his coronation or succession, the early modern ruler, whether Catholic or Protestant, took on the role of bishop in the territory he ruled over. In addition, many rulers were imbued with a very real personal faith which underpinned their pious practices and those of their families. The first half of this article examines the monarch’s divine mandate and the reality of piety at court. The second half moves from the notion of religion as the foundation of the monarchical state, irrespective of confessional difference, to the impact that post-Reformation confessional divisions had on the lives of royal women by determining their marriage partners. It also discusses the way in which religion provided them with comfort in times of sorrow and the way in which they used the convent as a refuge from the world of the court.
在加冕或继任时,这位早期的现代统治者,无论是天主教徒还是新教徒,在他统治的领土上都扮演着主教的角色。此外,许多统治者都有一种非常真实的个人信仰,这种信仰支撑了他们和家人的虔诚信仰。本文的前半部分探讨了君主的神圣使命和在宫廷中虔诚的现实。后半部分从宗教是君主制国家的基础的概念,无论宗教信仰的差异如何,转移到宗教改革后的宗教信仰分裂通过决定婚姻伴侣对王室女性生活的影响。它还讨论了宗教在悲伤时期为他们提供安慰的方式,以及他们利用修道院作为躲避宫廷世界的避难所的方式。
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引用次数: 0
A Reconsideration of the Meaning of Royal Ritual in Eighteenth-Century France 18世纪法国皇室仪式意义的再思考
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14629712.2022.2047303
C. Adams
K ingship in early modern France involved numerous royal ceremonies and rituals imbued with social and political meaning. Through these ceremonies, a mix of the traditional and the improvised, the bonds between the king and his people were reified and reinforced. But in an era of dramatic change, like the eighteenth century, how should we interpret these sometimes ancient rituals? Historians have painstakingly dissected the political and social dynamics of the eighteenth century to better understand the turmoil that resulted in the French Revolution of , leading to the dissolution of the Bourbon monarchy. What can an analysis of royal ritual contribute to our knowledge of the political and cultural context of this period? In this well-written and meticulously researched book, Anne Byrne sets out to examine a series of grand royal ceremonies that took place in the mid-s, ceremonies that marked the end of the reign of Louis XV, who died of smallpox in , and the transfer of power to his grandson, Louis XVI. While uncertainty accompanied this important moment of transition from an unpopular king to a new monarch, Louis XVI’s accession to the throne offered a moment of hope and optimism to the French people, reflected in the outpouring of emotion that accompanied his coronation. Byrne places herself in the footsteps of revisionist historians who have questioned both the nature of absolutism and the desacralization of the French monarchy, two concepts that have long dominated our historical understanding of early modern French politics. Along with most historians today, Byrne rejects the notion of ‘an absolutely powerful king incrementally increasing his command of the land and people of France’ (p. ), instead adopting Joël Félix’s argument that absolutism ‘rested on the king’s claim to absolute power and functioned through collaboration’ (p. ), a tension that royal ceremonies highlight. While intentionalism and functionalism have dominated interpretations of royal ritual, Byrne questions the utility of these concepts: ‘both link ritual to power — the power to persuade or the more subtle and complex assertion and enactment of new legal forms of royal power. Such power operates in a unidirectional fashion, projected from actor to audience’ (p. ). Dissatisfied by the assumption of passivity on the part of the audience, she seeks to understand the meanings that all participants brought to and took from these ceremonies, which, although political in nature, also depended on social collaboration.
在近代早期的法国,王权涉及许多充满社会和政治意义的王室仪式和仪式。通过这些混合了传统和即兴的仪式,国王和他的人民之间的纽带得到了具体化和加强。但是在一个戏剧性变化的时代,比如18世纪,我们应该如何解释这些古老的仪式?历史学家们煞费苦心地剖析了十八世纪的政治和社会动态,以更好地理解导致法国大革命的动荡,这场革命导致了波旁王朝的解体。对皇室仪式的分析对我们了解这一时期的政治和文化背景有什么帮助?在这本文笔优美、研究细致的书中,安妮·伯恩着手研究年代中期发生的一系列盛大的王室仪式,这些仪式标志着路易十五统治的结束,路易十五于年死于天花,并将权力移交给他的孙子路易十六。虽然不确定性伴随着从不受欢迎的国王到新君主的重要过渡时刻,但路易十六的即位给法国人民带来了希望和乐观的时刻,这反映在他加冕时流露出来的情感上。伯恩追随了修正主义历史学家的脚步,他们质疑专制主义的本质和法国君主制的去神圣化,这两个概念长期以来一直主导着我们对早期现代法国政治的历史理解。与今天的大多数历史学家一样,伯恩拒绝接受“一个绝对强大的国王逐渐增加他对法国土地和人民的控制权”的观点(),而是采用Joël f里克斯的观点,即专制主义“建立在国王对绝对权力的要求之上,并通过合作发挥作用”(),这是王室仪式所强调的一种紧张关系。虽然意图主义和功能主义主导了对王室仪式的解释,但伯恩质疑这些概念的效用:“两者都将仪式与权力联系起来——说服的权力,或者更微妙、更复杂的主张和制定新的法律形式的王室权力。”这种力量以一种单向的方式运作,从演员投射到观众”()。她对观众被动的假设感到不满,她试图理解所有参与者从这些仪式中获得的意义,这些仪式虽然本质上是政治性的,但也依赖于社会合作。
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引用次数: 0
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