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The past and the present: Following in the footsteps of a neo-Nazi movement in a rural Sweden school 过去和现在:在瑞典一所乡村学校追随新纳粹运动的脚步
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-04 DOI: 10.1177/17577438231167549
Christer Mattsson, T. Johansson
This case study aimed to describe and analyse how students and staff at a school in a geographical area with a tradition of high neo-Nazi activism perceived and talked about racism and sexism in particular, and the ‘school climate’ in general. The case consists of 10 school professionals and 14 students. The selected school was located in a traditional mill town, once built around a dominating industry, but over the last decades it has been characterised by deindustrialisation and economic decline. The town became the founding area of the Swedish National Socialist movement during the interwar period and has since hosted vital parts of the movement, which is ongoing. Today, the local movement comprises middle-aged former skinheads who have children attending the local school. The study scrutinised the encounter between the mill town’s ingrained racism and the school’s duty to prevent racism and promote tolerance. The outcome shows how Nazi movement has generationally reproduced itself in Shortfield for a century, in the midst of the municipality and indeed also within the roams of the school’s professional work – with the teachers well aware of the continuous history – but with only people from the outside realising the problem of racism in Shortfield.
本案例研究旨在描述和分析一所学校的学生和教职员工如何看待和谈论种族主义和性别歧视,特别是“学校氛围”。该案件由10名学校专业人员和14名学生组成。选定的学校位于一个传统的磨坊镇,曾经围绕着一个主导产业而建,但在过去几十年里,它的特点是去工业化和经济衰退。该镇在两次世界大战期间成为瑞典国家社会主义运动的创始地区,此后一直是该运动的重要组成部分,该运动正在进行中。如今,当地的运动包括有孩子在当地学校上学的中年前光头党。这项研究仔细审视了米尔镇根深蒂固的种族主义与学校防止种族主义和促进宽容的职责之间的冲突。这一结果表明,一个世纪以来,纳粹运动是如何在肖特菲尔德、在市政府中,甚至在学校专业工作的漫游中代代相传的——老师们都很清楚这段持续的历史——但只有外部的人意识到肖特菲尔德的种族主义问题。
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引用次数: 0
Contesting spaces and civil resistance movements: A case study on India’s #FeeMustFall movement 争夺空间与民间抵抗运动:以印度#FeeMustFall运动为例
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1177/17577438221146650
Mayank Mishra
The paper intends to conduct a spatial reading of civil resistance movements taking Jawaharlal Nehru University’s (JNU) #FeeMustFall in India as the case study. Amidst the penetration of neoliberal politics in public goods like health and education, the pay-per-user principle is not limited to the argument of efficiency of allocation of resources. It can be comprehended as the larger strategy of the ruling dispensation to deplatform dissent and homogenise state space on an ideological singularity catering to majoritarian and hegemonic nationalism. The paper shall focus on the spatial reading of civil resistance movements using Lefebvre’s characterisation of state space and Gramsci’s understanding of hegemony and nationalism in the context of JNU’s #FeeMustFall movement.
本文拟以印度尼赫鲁大学(Jawaharlal Nehru University) #FeeMustFall运动为个案,对民间抵抗运动进行空间解读。随着新自由主义政治在卫生和教育等公共产品中的渗透,按用户付费原则并不局限于资源配置效率的争论。它可以被理解为统治阶层的一项更大的战略,即在迎合多数主义和霸权民族主义的意识形态奇点上,贬低异见人士,并使国家空间同质化。本文将以JNU的#FeeMustFall运动为背景,利用列斐伏尔对国家空间的描述和葛兰西对霸权主义和民族主义的理解,着重于对公民抵抗运动的空间解读。
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引用次数: 0
The cruel optimism of educational technology teacher ambassador spaces 残酷乐观的教育技术教师大使空间
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.1177/17577438231164717
Kali Thompson
In the last 20 years, neoliberal ideology has heavily influenced the U.S. education system, opening public education up to private corporations as a profitable business endeavor. In this paper, I inquire ( Pierre, 2018 , 2021 ) into educational technology (edtech) teacher ambassador programs through a blog post I wrote as a former second-grade teacher and ambassador for a prominent K-12 edtech company. I argue one way these exploitative spaces operate is through educators’ attachment ( Berlant, 2011 ) to the idea of being a good enough woman teacher ( Pittard, 2015 ) fueled by neoliberal discourses of “keeping up” ( Walkerdine, 2003 ). In other words, the material-discursive apparatus of these program spaces produces a “cruel optimism” for what we could be, rather than what we are, which in turn produces further profit for edtech companies. Overall, this paper grapples with how these programs may appear or feel mutually beneficial for educators, yet are often only monetarily beneficial for edtech companies and their investors.
在过去的20年里,新自由主义意识形态严重影响了美国的教育体系,将公共教育作为一种有利可图的商业努力向私营企业开放。在本文中,我(Pierre, 2018, 2021)通过我作为一家著名K-12教育科技公司的前二年级教师和大使所写的一篇博客文章,询问教育技术(edtech)教师大使计划。我认为,这些剥削空间的一种运作方式是通过教育者对“成为一名足够好的女教师”(Pittard, 2015)的依恋(Berlant, 2011),这种想法受到新自由主义“跟上”(Walkerdine, 2003)话语的推动。换句话说,这些程序空间的材料-话语装置产生了一种“残酷的乐观主义”,即我们可以成为什么,而不是我们是什么,这反过来又为教育科技公司带来了进一步的利润。总的来说,本文努力探讨这些项目如何对教育工作者产生互利的效果,但往往只对教育科技公司及其投资者有利。
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引用次数: 0
1984 revisited: Implications for leaders in higher education in the United States 1984年:对美国高等教育领导者的启示
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-16 DOI: 10.1177/17577438231163279
C. S. Evans, Andrea J. Kirk-Jenkins, Bowen Lader
This article offers a current perspective on George Orwell’s 1984 (1949) utopian society in the context of 2022 and implications for higher education and society in the United States. Societies have experienced numerous issues portrayed in 1984 including power struggles and censorship, and identity politics and cancel culture are impeding an open discussion of ideas. Higher education has been considered a bastion of intellectual inquiry and spirited discussions, where faculty members are in a position of authority in the classroom. This authority can influence the learning environment and experiences; however, both faculty and students are feeling threats from various sectors both internally and externally. To address these matters, findings from various reports and studies indicate a need for greater diversity in perspectives on critical issues in academia, which could impact the preparation and the nature of learning experiences provided for students.
本文以2022年为背景,对乔治·奥威尔1984(1949)的乌托邦社会及其对美国高等教育和社会的影响提供了一个新的视角。1984年,社会经历了许多问题,包括权力斗争和审查制度,身份政治和取消文化阻碍了对思想的公开讨论。高等教育一直被认为是智力探究和激烈讨论的堡垒,教师在课堂上处于权威地位。这种权威可以影响学习环境和经验;然而,教师和学生都感受到了来自内部和外部各个部门的威胁。为了解决这些问题,各种报告和研究的结果表明,学术界对关键问题的看法需要更加多样化,这可能会影响为学生提供的学习体验的准备和性质。
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引用次数: 0
‘You just need to work harder’: Misalignments between the rhetoric of social mobility and education for social justice “你只需要更努力地工作”:社会流动性的修辞与社会正义教育之间的错位
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-14 DOI: 10.1177/17577438231163047
M. Wood, F. Su, Andrew Pennington
Examining the entanglement of democracy and social justice in education and the relationship to social mobility, this paper critiques the individualising nature of social mobility in policy discourse as inimical to human flourishing and education as a public good. The rhetoric of social mobility which responsibilises individuals for their success, without due regard to the systemic changes needed to enable this and the societal barriers to social mobility experienced disproportionately by some groups in society, is detrimental to social justice. A conception of education as a pathway to social mobility must be located in a wider vision of civic engagement in a more inclusive and fairer society. Yet civic engagement in education at the local level has been eroded, as illustrated in this paper by the example of an evolving model of school governance in England. As a corporatist, market driven reform, this model exemplifies how local democratic ties between schools and engagement with their communities can be undermined. Social mobility to enable opportunities, access and participation in democratic civic society becomes a fantasy when society is riven with systemic inequalities, lacks the necessary conditions to enable human flourishing and links to community engagement in education for democratic renewal are downplayed.
通过考察教育中民主和社会正义的纠缠以及与社会流动的关系,本文批评了政策话语中社会流动的个性化本质,认为这不利于人类的繁荣和教育作为一种公共产品。社会流动性的言论让个人为自己的成功负责,而没有适当考虑到实现这一目标所需的系统性变革,以及社会中一些群体在社会流动方面遇到的不成比例的社会障碍,这对社会正义是有害的。教育作为社会流动途径的概念必须放在公民参与更具包容性和更公平社会的更广泛愿景中。然而,正如本文以英国不断发展的学校治理模式为例所示,公民在地方一级对教育的参与已经受到侵蚀。作为一个社团主义者,市场驱动的改革,这种模式说明了学校之间的地方民主联系以及与社区的接触是如何被破坏的。当社会充斥着系统性的不平等,缺乏实现人类繁荣的必要条件,以及与社区参与民主复兴教育的联系被淡化时,实现民主公民社会的机会、机会和参与的社会流动就成了一种幻想。
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引用次数: 0
An ambivalent story: Queer children’s literature in Israel between 1986 and 2022 一个矛盾的故事:1986年至2022年间以色列的酷儿儿童文学
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-10 DOI: 10.1177/17577438231163045
Shai Rudin
Since the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, only 23 Queer literary works have been published for children and adolescents in Hebrew. This paper examines the characteristics of these works in light of the ambivalent and controversial status of the LGBTQ+ community in Israel. The findings show that the few works that have been published and that present same-sex families or LGBTQ+ characters, and the manner in which Queer themes are presented in those texts, are in line with how these issues are perceived and addressed by Israeli society. Moreover, this article divides the Queer Israeli literature for children and youth into three categories: implied Queer literature that hides the Queer existence through the allegoric genre; Queer-phobic literature that seemingly presents the Queer family but in actual fact promotes homophobic stereotypes; and Queer literature that places the LGBTQ+ character or family in the center of the story without passing judgment or criticism.
自1948年以色列国成立以来,只有23部奎尔语儿童和青少年文学作品以希伯来语出版。本文结合以色列LGBTQ+群体的矛盾和争议地位,考察了这些作品的特点。研究结果表明,为数不多的已经出版的、呈现同性家庭或LGBTQ+角色的作品,以及这些文本中酷儿主题的呈现方式,符合以色列社会对这些问题的看法和解决方式。此外,本文还将以色列儿童和青年酷儿文学分为三类:通过寓言体裁隐藏酷儿存在的隐含酷儿文学;酷儿恐惧文学,看似呈现酷儿家族,但实际上宣扬恐同刻板印象;以及酷儿文学,将LGBTQ+角色或家庭置于故事的中心,而不进行评判或批评。
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引用次数: 0
The modern classroom chair: Exploring the ‘coercive design’ of contemporary schooling 现代课堂椅:探索当代学校教育的“强制设计”
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-09 DOI: 10.1177/17577438231163043
N. Selwyn
This paper explores the role of material design as a form of institutional power within contemporary school settings. Drawing on concepts of ‘coercive design’ and ‘hostile architecture’ from design studies, the paper examines three ‘innovative’ designs for classroom chairs – relatively mundane but integral elements of the regulation and disciplining of school space. It is argued that the design intentions of these material objects reveal a number of constrained, conservative intentions to maintain the traditional ordered notion of the classroom as a place where students stay in their seats and engage in work. Tellingly, however, this corporeal manipulation and moderation is now couched in claims around desirable physiological and cognitive conditions for learning – with students’ bodies seen as objects to arrange and constrain in ways deemed conducive for learning. The paper problematises this de-socialised view of classrooms, alongside the underpinning sense of design solutionism and (mis)appropriation of ‘learning science’ by product designers to justify their products’ capacities to somehow cause learning to take place.
本文探讨了材料设计作为一种制度权力形式在当代学校环境中的作用。本文借鉴了设计研究中的“强制设计”和“敌对建筑”概念,研究了教室椅子的三种“创新”设计——相对平凡但却是学校空间管理和规范的组成部分。有人认为,这些实物的设计意图揭示了一些受约束的、保守的意图,以保持课堂作为学生坐在座位上工作的地方的传统有序概念。然而,很明显,这种物质操纵和节制现在表现在围绕理想的学习生理和认知条件的主张中——学生的身体被视为以有利于学习的方式安排和约束的对象。这篇论文对这种去社会化的课堂观提出了质疑,同时也提出了设计解决方案主义的基本概念,以及产品设计师对“学习科学”的(错误)挪用,以证明他们的产品在某种程度上导致学习的能力。
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引用次数: 1
“I don’t even recognize myself anymore”: An autoethnography of workplace bullying in higher education “我甚至都认不出自己了”:一本关于高等教育中职场欺凌的自传
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-08 DOI: 10.1177/17577438231163041
Patricia Higgins
The purpose of this autoethnography was to contextualize a personal workplace bullying experience in higher education with the intention to promote action and change within higher education policy and practice. The research questions that guided this study were: How do I tell the story of my experience with workplace bullying in higher education? What are the personal and social impacts of my experience with workplace bullying? What strategies did I use to persevere through the workplace bullying experience? Bullying and incivility in higher education contexts persists despite having knowledge of the negative implications and desire of institutions for change. Three themes emerged in this autoethnography: (1) I don’t even recognize myself anymore; (2) Reliving past trauma: I thought that part of my life was over; and (3) Coping and Survivor’s Guilt. This autoethnography adds to the body of literature surrounding bullying and incivility in the workplace; offers examples of how workplace bullying and incivility impacted a victim’s professional and personal life, along with the victim’s psychological and physical well-being; and facilitates critical reflection on this experience in order to generate innovative methods to address the prevalence and minimize the impacts of similar experiences in the higher education environments.
本民族志的目的是将高等教育中的个人职场欺凌经历置于背景中,以促进高等教育政策和实践中的行动和变革。指导这项研究的研究问题是:我如何讲述我在高等教育中遭遇职场欺凌的经历?我的职场欺凌经历对个人和社会有什么影响?我使用了什么策略来坚持工作场所的欺凌经历?高等教育环境中的欺凌和不文明行为仍然存在,尽管他们知道机构的负面影响和变革愿望。在这本民族志中出现了三个主题:(1)我甚至不再认出自己;(2) 重温过去的创伤:我以为我生命的一部分已经结束了;以及(3)应对和幸存者的内疚。这本民族志增加了围绕工作场所欺凌和不文明的文学作品;举例说明工作场所的欺凌和不文明行为如何影响受害者的职业和个人生活,以及受害者的心理和身体健康;并促进对这一经验的批判性反思,以产生创新的方法来解决高等教育环境中类似经验的普遍性并将其影响降至最低。
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引用次数: 2
Book Review: Piem, N (2022) Rethinking the Politics of Education (Routledge International Studies in the Philosophy of Education) 书评:Piem,N(2022)反思教育政治(劳特利奇教育哲学国际研究)
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-08 DOI: 10.1177/17577438231163044
S. Best
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引用次数: 0
New variants of ultra-conservative Islamic schools in Indonesia: A study on Islamic school endeavor with Islamic group movement 印尼极端保守伊斯兰学校的新变种:伊斯兰学校与伊斯兰团体运动的合作研究
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-06 DOI: 10.1177/17577438231163042
A. Malik
After the reformation era in 1998, Islamic education, either Pesantren or Madrasah, has witnessed significant growth. Unlike during the Dutch, Soekarno, and Soeharto eras, when Islamic education remained marginalized, Indonesia recently houses the biggest Islamic education system where thousands of Pesantren become homes to Muslim children. Nonetheless, the fall of the later regime in 1998 has hitherto marked the prominence of Pesantren education nationwide along with the rise of Salafi-based Pesantren. This article aimed to discover three novel ultra-conservative variants of Salafi-based Pesantren and their contestation against other Islamic organizations promoting social tension and prejudice. Therefore, using a qualitative research method, the study’s main aim is to identify how Islamic school institutions develop influenced by the movement of Islamic groups in Indonesia, specifically Islamic boarding schools. In doing so, this study interviewed 190 informants from 39 of 8 provinces. This study unveiled three Salafi-based Pesantren variants: Salafi jihadis, Salafi Wahabi, and Salafi Haraki. These three variants of Salafi gained little attention from previous studies.
在1998年的改革时代之后,无论是Pesantren还是Madrasah的伊斯兰教育都有了显著的发展。与荷兰、苏加诺和苏哈托时代不同的是,当时伊斯兰教育仍然被边缘化,印尼最近拥有最大的伊斯兰教育系统,成千上万的Pesantren成为穆斯林儿童的家园。尽管如此,1998年后政权的倒台标志着Pesantren教育在全国范围内的突出地位,同时也标志着以萨拉菲为基地的Pesantre的崛起。本文旨在发现以萨拉菲为基地的Pesantren的三种新的极端保守变体,以及他们对其他促进社会紧张和偏见的伊斯兰组织的争论。因此,采用定性研究方法,本研究的主要目的是确定伊斯兰学校机构是如何受到印度尼西亚伊斯兰团体运动的影响而发展的,特别是伊斯兰寄宿学校。为此,本研究采访了来自8个省中39个省的190名举报人。这项研究揭示了三种基于萨拉菲的Pesantren变体:萨拉菲圣战者、萨拉菲·瓦哈比和萨拉菲·哈拉基。萨拉菲的这三种变体在以前的研究中几乎没有引起注意。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Power and Education
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