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The banality of education policy: Discipline as extensive evil in the neoliberal era 教育政策的平庸:在新自由主义时代,纪律是广泛的邪恶
IF 1.1 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-08-02 DOI: 10.1177/17577438211041468
M. Clarke, Charlotte Haines Lyon, Emma Walker, Linda Walz, Jordi Collet-Sabé, K. Pritchard
Education is usually considered a force for good, associated with hope and optimism about better individual and social futures. Yet a case can be made that education and education policy in recent decades, far from being a force for good, has had nefarious effects at multiple levels. This can be seen in the growing alienation of significant numbers of teachers and students in disparate global contexts and in the growth of authoritarian models of schooling, involving ‘zero-tolerance’, ‘no excuses’ disciplinary approaches, that have undermined notions of the common school as a public good. Against this background, and drawing on philosophical literature and our own empirical research, this study interrogates the practice in schools in England of placing students in ‘isolation’. In considering this practice as an instance of banal education policy, our study makes obvious reference to Hannah Arendt’s characterization of evil in her account of Adolf Eichmann’s trial. But it also draws on the work of moral philosophers, Elizabeth Minnich and Simona Forti, in relation to the distinction between intensive and extensive evil, in order to analyse the nature and effects of school discipline policies and practices such as isolation in the neoliberal era as a contemporary form of evil.
教育通常被认为是一种向善的力量,与对更好的个人和社会未来的希望和乐观联系在一起。然而,可以证明,近几十年来的教育和教育政策非但不是一股向善的力量,反而在多个层面产生了邪恶的影响。这可以从大量教师和学生在不同的全球环境中日益疏远,以及专制教育模式的发展中看出,这种模式涉及“零容忍”、“无借口”的纪律方法,破坏了普通学校作为公共产品的观念。在这种背景下,本研究借鉴哲学文献和我们自己的实证研究,对英国学校将学生置于“孤立”状态的做法进行了质疑。在将这种做法视为平庸的教育政策的一个例子时,我们的研究明显参考了汉娜·阿伦特在描述阿道夫·艾希曼的审判时对邪恶的描述。但它也借鉴了道德哲学家Elizabeth Minnich和Simona Forti在区分密集型和广泛型邪恶方面的工作,以分析新自由主义时代学校纪律政策和做法的性质和影响,例如作为当代邪恶形式的孤立。
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引用次数: 6
Hiding in the classroom: How neo-Nazi leaders prepare their children for schooling 躲在教室里:新纳粹领导人如何让孩子们为上学做准备
IF 1.1 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-07-05 DOI: 10.1177/17577438211024682
Christer Mattsson
As part of the general curricular ambitions of contributing to the development of a democratic society, Swedish schools are mandated to actively combat racism and extremism. This causes particular challenges when teachers encounter students who have been brought up in environments where racist and extremist worldviews dominate. This study analyses four Swedish neo-Nazi leaders’ experiences of schooling and how they have utilised these experiences when establishing an approach for their children’s schooling. The focal point of the analysis is the ideological dilemmas that arise from clashes of conviction among neo-Nazi leaders, their children and the teachers. The results show how neo-Nazi leaders use their own negative experiences of schooling to prepare their children on how to escape both democratic education and prevent social stigmatisation.
作为促进民主社会发展的总体课程目标的一部分,瑞典学校被要求积极打击种族主义和极端主义。当老师遇到在种族主义和极端主义世界观占主导地位的环境中长大的学生时,这就给他们带来了特别的挑战。本研究分析了四位瑞典新纳粹领导人的学校教育经历,以及他们如何利用这些经历为孩子的学校教育制定方法。分析的重点是新纳粹领导人、他们的孩子和老师之间的信念冲突所产生的意识形态困境。研究结果显示,新纳粹领导人如何利用自己在学校的负面经历,让他们的孩子做好准备,如何逃避民主教育,防止社会污名化。
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引用次数: 2
Outreach youth work and employability in the ethos of vulnerability 在弱势群体中拓展青年工作和就业能力
IF 1.1 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/17577438211021943
Kalle Mäkelä, Katariina Mertanen, Kristiina Brunila
There is general agreement overall about the desirability and importance of youth support systems as being crucial for young people ‘at risk’ to help them cultivate their subjectivities about employability. In this article, we take a closer look at these support systems and especially at outreach youth work in Finland. We focus on the construction of knowledge and subjectivities of young people related to it. We argue that among the good intentions in cultivating young people’s subjectivities, outreach youth work tends to operate as a practice for enhancing the construction of psycho-emotional vulnerabilities and employability of young people while translating wider societal questions of austerity, poverty and inequality into questions of individualised deficiencies.
人们普遍认为,青年支持系统的可取性和重要性对“处于危险中”的年轻人至关重要,有助于他们培养就业能力的主观能动性。在这篇文章中,我们将仔细研究这些支持系统,特别是芬兰的青年外展工作。我们专注于构建与之相关的年轻人的知识和主观能动性。我们认为,在培养年轻人主观能动性的良好意图中,外展青年工作往往是一种加强年轻人心理情感脆弱性和就业能力构建的实践,同时转化更广泛的紧缩社会问题,贫困和不平等转化为个性化缺陷问题。
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引用次数: 4
A prolegomenon to a critical race theoretical Marxism 批判种族理论马克思主义的序言
IF 1.1 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-05-08 DOI: 10.1177/17577438211020769
S. Walton
The critical race theory concept of ‘White supremacy’ continues to be a major locus of disagreement between Critical Race Theorists and Marxists regarding both how it operates as a general descriptor of racial power dynamics in the Western world and for its explanatory power in accounting for the multiple forms in which racism manifests. Criticisms of the concept of ‘White supremacy’ from Marxists often point to racisms that exist beyond the Black/White binary, or racism directed at minoritised White groups as counterexamples to explanations of racism that appeal to ‘White supremacy’. Marxists also often point to alternative theoretical constructs such as ‘institutional racism’ and ‘racialisation’ as better descriptions for, and explanations of, racism and the mechanisms that serve in its creation and perpetuation. However, examples of racisms that exist outside of a Black/White binary, or which appeal to the existence of racism directed at people identified as White, do not discredit ‘White supremacy’ as a descriptor or explanation of racism and can easily be accommodated within a framework for understanding racism that is consistent with both critical race theory and Marxism. Moreover, constructs such as ‘racialisation’ and ‘institutional racism’ do not have the theoretical utility of ‘White supremacy’ as characterised within critical race theory .
“白人至上主义”的批判性种族理论概念仍然是批判性种族理论家和马克思主义者之间分歧的主要根源,无论是关于它如何作为西方世界种族权力动态的一般描述符运作,还是关于它在解释种族主义表现的多种形式方面的解释力。马克思主义者对“白人至上主义”概念的批评往往指向存在于黑人/白人二元之外的种族主义,或针对少数族裔白人群体的种族主义作为吸引“白人至上”的种族主义解释的反例。马克思主义者还经常指出,“制度性种族主义”和“种族化”等另类理论结构是对种族主义及其产生和延续机制的更好描述和解释。然而,存在于黑人/白人二元体系之外的种族主义例子,或呼吁存在针对白人的种族主义的例子,并不能抹黑“白人至上主义”作为种族主义的描述或解释,而且可以很容易地在理解种族主义的框架内进行处理,该框架符合批判性种族理论和马克思主义。此外,“种族化”和“制度性种族主义”等概念并不具有批判性种族理论中所描述的“白人至上主义”的理论效用。
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引用次数: 1
The critique of Sociology of Childhood: Human capital as the concrete ‘social construction of childhood’ 童年社会学批判:作为具体“童年社会建构”的人力资本
IF 1.1 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.1177/17577438211011637
Stefano Ba’
The ‘New Paradigm’ of Sociology of Childhood famously maintains that childhood is socially constructed and supposedly places a much greater emphasis on the agency of children: children should not simply be framed as the passive receivers of socialisation. The aim of this article is to demonstrate that such a ‘social construction’ of childhood is not concretely articulated and that the theoretical understanding of the ‘social construction’ of childhood is simply delegated to historiographical or ethnographic accounts. In doing so, it advances a new criticism of the New Paradigm and radicalises previous ones. Here, key is the theoretical engagement with the concept of ‘human capital’: foregrounding its critique, this article proposes the link between ‘human capital’ as a neoliberal version of labour power and the concept of socialisation. The aim is to show that the ‘social construction’ of childhood is central, but the New Paradigm uses categories that are at the same time founded on neo-liberal views and abstracted from concrete social relations. This article maintains that a concrete critique of processes of socialisation (which is here understood as the socialisation of childhood as human capital) is needed instead of abstract critique of reified childhood. Two alternative pedagogical practices are used to provide an example of such a concrete critique.
儿童社会学的“新范式”认为童年是社会建构的,并且更强调儿童的作用:儿童不应该被简单地定义为社会化的被动接受者。这篇文章的目的是证明童年的这种“社会建构”并没有具体地表达出来,对童年的“社会建构”的理论理解只是简单地委托给史学或民族志的叙述。在这样做的过程中,它提出了对新范式的新批评,并使以前的批评变得激进。这里,关键是与“人力资本”概念的理论接触:作为其批判的前景,本文提出了“人力资本”作为劳动力的新自由主义版本与社会化概念之间的联系。其目的是表明童年的“社会建构”是核心,但新范式使用的类别同时建立在新自由主义观点之上,并从具体的社会关系中抽象出来。本文认为,需要对社会化过程进行具体的批判(这里被理解为童年作为人力资本的社会化),而不是对具体化的童年进行抽象的批判。两种可供选择的教学实践被用来提供这种具体批评的例子。
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引用次数: 1
The everyday traumas of neoliberalism in women teachers’ bodies: Lived experiences of the teacher who is never good enough 新自由主义对女教师身体的日常创伤:永远不够好的教师的生活经历
IF 1.1 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.1177/17577438211011631
Kali Thompson, Stephanie Jones
A teacher’s ability to feel successful – some might even say good – in today’s education system relies on a particular conception of academic success. We argue neoliberalism, as it operates in education, is a normalized trauma enfolded in the individual and collective bodies of women teachers producing overwhelming feelings of never being good enough while also not feeling entitled to do what is right – in the moment – for the children they teach. But this is not new; women have historically been positioned as others through whom educational directives should flow without question. Using the lived experience of the first author, teaching in the south-eastern United States, we describe some of the tolls neoliberalism has on the physical and emotional well-being of the woman teacher body in the search of being good enough. We argue it is time for teacher education to become a feminist project where women have access to the intellectual and analytical tools to make sense of what is being done to them and to give testimony and be a critical witness of these everyday traumas that are being inflicted upon them, their students and others collectively in schools.
在今天的教育体系中,教师能否感到成功——有些人甚至会说很好——取决于对学业成功的特定概念。我们认为,新自由主义在教育领域的运作,是一种常态化的创伤,笼罩在女教师的个人和集体中,产生了一种压倒一切的感觉,即永远不够好,同时也觉得自己没有资格为自己所教的孩子做正确的事情——在当下。但这并不新鲜;历史上,女性一直被定位为教育指令应该毫无疑问地通过的其他人。根据第一作者在美国东南部教书的亲身经历,我们描述了新自由主义在追求足够优秀的过程中对女性教师身体和情感健康造成的一些影响。我们认为,现在是时候让教师教育成为一个女权主义项目,让女性有机会获得知识和分析工具,来理解对她们所做的事情,并提供证词,成为这些日常创伤的关键证人,这些创伤正在学校里集体施加在她们、她们的学生和其他人身上。
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引用次数: 3
Parent involvement in education? A Foucauldian discourse analysis of school newsletters 家长参与教育?学校时事通讯的傅语篇分析
IF 1.1 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-04-26 DOI: 10.1177/17577438211011623
Shauna Kingston
The Ontario Ministry of Education (2010) puts forth parent involvement as a solution for underachievement and as a resource for building better schools. A Foucauldian discourse analysis of school newsletters reveals that efforts to engage parents also function as a neoliberal strategy designed to govern parents. Using Foucault’s theory of governmentality, I show how the newsletters compel parents to invest in their children’s schooling and judge their value as parents in relation to their ability to produce good neoliberal citizens. I discuss how the newsletters depict ‘good’ parents as those who: (1) do not offer input into schooling; (2) make education a parenting priority and (3) raise good neoliberal citizens. The newsletters represent a strategy for cultivating neoliberal parents who do not ask more from schools and instead demand more of themselves in terms of preparing their children for school and for life. Problems with this approach are that: it asks parents to take up their children’s schooling in ways that push out other family priorities and it shuts down potential collaborations between parents and schools that could challenge neoliberal subjecthood. I call for reformulating discourses of ‘good’ involvement in ways that allow for more equal parent–school partnerships.
安大略省教育部(2010年)提出,家长参与是解决成绩不佳的一种方法,也是建设更好学校的一种资源。傅对学校通讯的话语分析表明,让家长参与进来的努力也是一种旨在治理家长的新自由主义策略。利用福柯的政府心态理论,我展示了时事通讯如何迫使父母投资于孩子的教育,并根据他们培养优秀新自由主义公民的能力来判断他们作为父母的价值。我讨论了时事通讯如何将“好”父母描述为:(1)不为学校教育提供投入;(2) 把教育作为养育子女的优先事项;(3)培养优秀的新自由主义公民。这些时事通讯代表了一种培养新自由主义父母的策略,他们不会向学校提出更多要求,而是在为孩子上学和生活做准备方面要求更多。这种方法的问题在于:它要求家长以排挤其他家庭优先事项的方式接受孩子的教育,并关闭了家长和学校之间可能挑战新自由主义主体地位的潜在合作。我呼吁重新制定“良好”参与的话语,以实现更平等的家长-学校伙伴关系。
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引用次数: 2
Teaching at Holocaust memorial sites: Swedish teachers’ understanding of the educational values of visiting Holocaust memorial sites 在大屠杀纪念地教学:瑞典教师对参观大屠杀纪念地的教育价值的理解
IF 1.1 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/1757743821989380
Ola Flennegård, Christer Mattsson
The present article focuses on teaching and learning about the Holocaust in Sweden, conducted as study trips to Holocaust memorial sites. Although about a quarter of Swedish teenagers visit the Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum each year, this study is the first to examine these Swedish study trips. Since there are no centralised systems for arranging these study trips, this study regards dedicated teachers as the main stakeholders. By deploying critical discourse analysis of transcripts of nine in-depth interviews with teachers, the study terms the discursive order of the teachers’ talk about the study trips ritual democratic catharsis. The teachers’ two main purposes are the use of the study trips as a vehicle for the social dynamics in the group to evolve in order to promote personal growth among the students, and the students’ learning about democracy and human rights. Their overarching didactic strategy of focusing on the suffering of the victims is meant to evoke empathy among the students, but lacks an explanatory aim. The study critically points out the teachers’ unreflected relationship to historiographic Holocaust content as a subject, making their teaching vulnerable to contemporary political influences, jeopardising the democratic purpose of these trips.
本文的重点是瑞典大屠杀的教学和学习,作为大屠杀纪念地的学习之旅。尽管每年约有四分之一的瑞典青少年参观奥斯威辛-比克瑙州立博物馆,但这项研究是首次对这些瑞典学习之旅进行调查。由于没有集中的系统来安排这些学习旅行,本研究将专职教师视为主要利益相关者。通过对九次教师深度访谈记录的批判性话语分析,本研究确定了教师关于游学仪式民主宣泄的话语顺序。教师的两个主要目的是利用学习旅行作为群体中社会动态发展的工具,以促进学生的个人成长,以及学生对民主和人权的学习。他们关注受害者痛苦的总体教学策略旨在唤起学生的同理心,但缺乏解释目的。这项研究批判性地指出,教师们与大屠杀历史内容作为一个主题的未经反思的关系,使他们的教学容易受到当代政治影响,危及这些旅行的民主目的。
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引用次数: 2
From subjects of knowledge to subjects of integration? Newly arrived students with limited schooling in Swedish education policy 从知识主体到整合主体?瑞典教育政策中受教育程度有限的新移民学生
IF 1.1 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/1757743820986835
M. Brännström
The education of newly arrived students is a debated global policy issue. Less attention has been paid to the sub-group of students with limited experience of schooling, referred to here as ‘newly arrived students with limited schooling’ (NALS). This article explores Swedish policy frameworks that inform the education of newly arrived students, comparing policy approaches from two time periods (1983–1996 and 2013–2016) during which the numbers of NALS were said to be increasing in Swedish compulsory schools. Framed within a poststructural approach to policy analysis and Foucault’s theorisation of heterotopian spaces, the analysis explores policies’ representation of separate teaching groups for newly arrived students, with a particular focus on what these spaces have to offer NALS. The findings indicate a shift between the two periods: from a focus on knowledge acquisition in policies of the 1980s and 1990s towards an emphasis on integration in those of the 2010s. This shift is particularly evident in relation to NALS, whose educational needs are discussed only to a limited extent in relation to subject knowledge in the 2010s policies. It is argued that this serves to homogenise the educational needs of the category newly arrived, thereby potentially obscuring the conception of NALS.
新来的学生的教育是一个有争议的全球政策问题。对受教育经验有限的学生这一子群体的关注较少,在这里被称为“受教育经验受限的新来学生”(NALS)。本文探讨了为新来学生的教育提供信息的瑞典政策框架,比较了两个时期(1983-1996年和2013-2016年)的政策方法,据说在这两个时期,瑞典义务学校的NALS数量正在增加。该分析以政策分析的后结构方法和福柯对异托比空间的理论为框架,探讨了政策对新来学生独立教学群体的代表性,特别关注这些空间能为NALS提供什么。研究结果表明,这两个时期之间发生了转变:从20世纪80年代和90年代政策中注重知识获取,到2010年代政策中强调一体化。这种转变在NALS中尤为明显,在2010年代的政策中,NALS的教育需求仅在有限的程度上与学科知识有关。有人认为,这有助于将新来的类别的教育需求同质化,从而可能模糊NALS的概念。
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引用次数: 4
A power-critique of academic rankings: Beyond managers, institutions, and positivism 学术排名的权力批判:超越管理者、机构和实证主义
IF 1.1 Q3 EDUCATION & EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/1757743820986173
John Welsh
The bulk of research on academic rankings is policy-oriented, preoccupied with ‘best practices’, and seems incapable of transcending the normative discourse of ‘governance’. To understand, engage, and properly critique the operation of power in academic rankings, the rankings discourse needs to escape the gravity of ‘police science’ and embrace a properly political science of ranking. More specifically, the article identifies three pillars of the extant research from which a departure would be critically fruitful – positivism, managerialism, institutionalism – and then goes on to outline three aspects of rankings that a critical political analysis should explore, integrate, and develop into future research from the discourses of critical theory – arkhè, dispositif, and dialectik.
大部分关于学术排名的研究都是以政策为导向的,专注于“最佳实践”,似乎无法超越“治理”的规范性话语。为了理解、参与并正确地批评学术排名中的权力运作,排名话语需要摆脱“警察科学”的重力,并接受一种适当的排名政治学。更具体地说,本文确定了现有研究的三个支柱,从这些支柱出发将具有批判性的成果-实证主义,管理主义,制度主义-然后继续概述了批判性政治分析应该探索,整合和发展的排名的三个方面,并从批判理论的话语中发展到未来的研究- arkhè, dispositif和辩证法。
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引用次数: 4
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Power and Education
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