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Chile’s failed constitutional intent: Polarization, fragmentation, haste and delegitimization 智利失败的宪法意图:两极分化、分裂、匆忙和非法化
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1017/s204538172300028x
Valeria Palanza, Patricia Sotomayor Valarezo
Abstract This article suggests that the conditions under which the Chilean constitutional process of 2021–22 undertook its task held the seeds of its doom. Constitutional conventions are always tasked with reaching agreements on the controversial allocation of decision rights, and doing so is no simple feat. The Chilean process combined (1) very dispersed preferences regarding the problems the new constitution should solve and the institutions to best enable solutions, with (2) a brief timeframe to allow for agreements to emerge, aggravated by (3) a composition of the Convention that was dominated by independents lacking experience in legislative bargaining, and (4) a severe disenchantment of the population with parties and politics as the backdrop. Together, these hurdles proved impossible to overcome. Despite the notorious political achievements of the Committee we study here, the proposal that came out of Chile’s Constitutional Convention in 2021 was plagued by controversy and a negative perception of the Convention’s work, and was ultimately rejected by the people.
摘要本文认为,智利2021-22年宪法进程所处的条件为其厄运埋下了种子。制宪会议的任务总是就有争议的决策权分配达成协议,做到这一点绝非易事。智利的进程结合了:(1)对于新宪法应该解决的问题和最佳解决方案的机构的非常分散的偏好;(2)允许协议出现的短暂时间框架;(3)公约的组成由缺乏立法谈判经验的独立人士主导;(4)民众对政党和政治作为背景的严重失望。总之,这些障碍证明是不可能克服的。尽管我们在这里研究的委员会取得了臭名昭著的政治成就,但2021年智利制宪会议提出的建议受到争议和对公约工作的负面看法的困扰,最终被人民拒绝。
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引用次数: 0
Parity constitutionalism 平价宪政
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000230
Rosalind Dixon, Marcela Prieto Rudolphy
Abstract In 2021, the Chilean Convention became the first constitution-making body with gender parity. However, the draft – which reflected many gender-related norms – was rejected by 61.89 per cent of voters in the exit plebiscite of 2022. In this article, we argue that although parity constitutionalism has promise and, in the Chilean case, was linked to gender-related outcomes in the constitutional text, parity’s promise may fail to materialize. We thus caution against a naïve view of parity constitutionalism as one of the key legacies of the 2020–22 Chilean constitution-making process.
2021年,智利公约成为第一个实现性别平等的制宪机构。然而,该草案反映了许多与性别有关的规范,在2022年的出口公投中被61.89%的选民否决。在本文中,我们认为,虽然平等宪政有希望,而且在智利的案例中,平等宪政与宪法文本中与性别相关的结果相关联,但平等宪政的承诺可能无法实现。因此,我们警告不要将平价宪政视为2020 - 2022年智利制宪进程的关键遗产之一naïve。
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引用次数: 0
A failed but useful constitution-making process: How Bachelet’s process contributed to constitution-making in Chile 一个失败但有用的制宪进程:巴切莱特的进程如何促进智利的制宪
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000254
José Francisco García
Abstract This article shows how failed constitutional proposals may contribute to future constitution-making processes by exploring the relationship between the recently failed Chilean constitution-making process (2019–22) and the previous unsuccessful one led by former President Michelle Bachelet (2015–17). Comparative constitutional scholars are yet to fully understand how constitutional failures of this kind can take place, and Bachelet’s process has not received the attention it should. This article fills that gap by showing how both processes were driven by shared principles initially set by Bachelet. It also shows how those principles may serve as a blueprint for future constitutional changes in Chile. Bachelet had campaigned on the basis that any constitutional replacement attempt should be participatory, institutional and democratic – all ideas that have remained popular in Chile’s political landscape. Those ideas have served the purpose of both reducing transaction costs among constitutional negotiators and securing large compromises in polarized political scenarios.
本文通过探讨最近失败的智利制宪进程(2019-22)与前总统米歇尔·巴切莱特(Michelle Bachelet)领导的制宪进程(2015-17)之间的关系,展示了失败的宪法提案如何有助于未来的制宪进程。比较宪法学者还没有完全理解这种宪法失败是如何发生的,巴切莱特的进程也没有得到应有的关注。本文填补了这一空白,展示了这两个进程是如何由巴切莱特最初设定的共同原则驱动的。它还表明,这些原则可以作为智利未来宪法改革的蓝图。巴切莱特竞选的基础是,任何宪法替代尝试都应该是参与性的、制度化的和民主的——所有这些理念在智利的政治格局中仍然很受欢迎。这些想法既降低了宪法谈判人员之间的交易成本,又在两极分化的政治局势中确保了重大妥协。
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引用次数: 0
Constitutions as moving targets 宪法是移动的目标
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000308
Sergio Verdugo
Abstract Constitutions change in different ways, and some constitutions – such as the Chilean Constitution – change often. The significant changes to the Chilean Constitution have been frequent and fast, and they have accompanied the failed constitution-making processes of the previous years. Examples include crucial sub-constitutional statutes such as the electoral system regulation and same-sex marriage, political practices challenging the power of the president in the law-making process, constitutional rules such as term limits for legislators, judicial practices such as the enforcement of social rights and the amendment procedures of the Constitution itself. Despite the successful attempts at reforming the Constitution and the failed attempts at replacing it, Chileans are still trying to replace the constitutional document. However, the constitutional framework has become unstable, making it harder to agree on what exactly is wrong with it. This article seeks to open a conversation in the constitutional literature. It argues that constitutions can become moving targets and uses the Chilean case to show the need to theorize more about the moving target problem.
宪法以不同的方式变化,有些宪法——如智利宪法——经常变化。对智利《宪法》的重大修改是经常和迅速的,这些修改伴随着前几年失败的制宪进程。例子包括重要的次宪法法规,如选举制度法规和同性婚姻,在立法过程中挑战总统权力的政治实践,如立法者任期限制等宪法规则,司法实践,如实施社会权利和宪法本身的修改程序。尽管改革宪法的努力取得了成功,但取代宪法的努力失败了,智利人仍在努力取代宪法文件。然而,宪法框架已经变得不稳定,这使得人们更难就宪法到底出了什么问题达成一致。本文试图在宪法文献中开启一场对话。它认为,宪法可以成为移动目标,并利用智利的案例表明,有必要对移动目标问题进行更多的理论化。
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引用次数: 0
Balancing may be everywhere, but the proportionality test is not 平衡可能无处不在,但比例测试并非如此
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000187
Virgílio Afonso da Silva
Abstract The relationship between balancing and proportionality has not always been clear. Because part of the literature falls short of adequately differentiating between the two tools, many people have become conditioned to see an instance of proportionality whenever the word ‘balancing’ is dropped. As a consequence, the ubiquity of balancing brought about the feeling that proportionality is equally ubiquitous. In this article, I show that the proportionality test is necessarily linked to judicial review and how this link is key to understanding why not every instance of balancing is part of the proportionality test and that proportionality cannot be as ubiquitous as many have claimed. This has not only analytical relevance, but also institutional consequences.
摘要平衡与比例的关系一直不是很清楚。由于部分文献没有充分区分这两种工具,许多人已经习惯于在“平衡”这个词被删除时看到比例的例子。因此,平衡的普遍存在给人一种相称性同样普遍存在的感觉。在本文中,我展示了相称性检验必然与司法审查联系在一起,以及这种联系如何成为理解为什么不是每个平衡实例都是相称性检验的一部分以及相称性不可能像许多人声称的那样普遍存在的关键。这不仅具有分析意义,而且具有制度意义。
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引用次数: 0
Passionate humility for global constitutionalism in the aftermath of the Russo-Ukrainian war 俄乌战争后对全球宪政的热情谦卑
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000229
Xymena Kurowska
Abstract This essay proposes the epistemic ethos of passionate humility for knowledge production about global constitutionalism in the aftermath of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. By employing the conceptual strategy of elucidation, passionate humility can reveal a counter-intuitively counter-hegemonic use of the global constitutionalist triad of human rights, democracy and the rule of law in the Ukrainian resistance against Russia’s war. As an approach to knowledge production, passionate humility addresses epistemic ignorance by retrieving situated non-imperial knowledges while also confronting the ambivalent politics of such knowledges. It therefore hints at how we can both decentre and make use of resources associated with global constitutionalism, without valorizing western elitist discourses, reinscribing the inter-imperial mode of knowledge production or sanitizing vernacular knowledges. Passionate humility does so in three moves: it problematizes hegemonic epistemic frames (either west-centred or Russia-centred); it foregrounds complex social agency, which resists a fixed theoretical or ideological language; and it reveals the contextual deployment of the Occidentalist language of global constitutionalism in the Ukrainian public discourse as a practice of negotiated subjecthood. Such practice can be counter-hegemonic without being inherently progressive.
摘要:本文提出了在俄罗斯全面入侵乌克兰之后,对全球宪政知识生产的热情谦卑的认识论精神。通过运用阐释的概念策略,充满激情的谦逊可以揭示在乌克兰抵抗俄罗斯战争中,对人权、民主和法治的全球宪政三位一体的反直觉的反霸权使用。作为一种知识生产的方法,热情的谦卑通过检索处于非帝国的知识来解决认知无知,同时也面对这些知识的矛盾政治。因此,它暗示了我们如何既分散又利用与全球宪政相关的资源,而不使西方精英主义话语增值,不重新定义帝国间的知识生产模式,也不净化本土知识。热情的谦逊通过三个步骤实现了这一点:它质疑霸权认知框架(以西方为中心或以俄罗斯为中心);它强调复杂的社会能动性,抵制固定的理论或意识形态语言;它揭示了全球宪政的西方主义语言在乌克兰公共话语中的语境部署,作为协商主体的实践。这种做法可以是反霸权的,而不是本质上的进步。
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引用次数: 0
It’s the procedures, stupid: The success and failures of Chile’s Constitutional Convention 这是程序问题,笨蛋:智利制宪会议的成败
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-13 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000242
Tom Ginsburg, Isabel Álvarez
Abstract Chile’s experience with its Constitutional Convention from 2021 to 2022 sheds light on an important issue for comparative reflection: the role of procedures in constitution-making processes. The Constitutional Convention was bound by procedures that were both externally imposed and internally created. Our assessment is that, while some procedures improved representation and deliberation, the most important decision-making procedures were pernicious to the process. We argue that looking at procedures is fundamental when analysing constitutional processes, as the rules that bind rule-making processes can significantly impact not only their functioning, but also their outcomes.
智利从2021年到2022年制宪会议的经验揭示了一个值得比较反思的重要问题:程序在制宪过程中的作用。制宪会议受到外部强加和内部创造的程序的约束。我们的评估是,虽然一些程序改善了代表性和审议,但最重要的决策程序对这一进程是有害的。我们认为,在分析宪法程序时,关注程序是至关重要的,因为约束规则制定过程的规则不仅会显著影响其功能,还会影响其结果。
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引用次数: 0
Critique of digital constitutionalism: Deconstruction and reconstruction from a societal perspective 数字宪政批判:社会视角下的解构与重构
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000126
Angelo Jr Golia
Digital constitutionalism is a strand of scholarship that focuses on the relationship between constitutional law and the socio-legal challenges posed by the digital revolution. However, such scholarship often builds uncritically on the tenets of liberal, state-centred constitutional theory, giving rise to contradictions between analytical starting points and normative aspirations. Against this background, with an approach inspired by societal constitutionalism, this article engages with digital constitutionalism as both an object and a means of critique. As an object, digital constitutionalism is assessed in the light of its contradictions. As a means, digital constitutionalism is used to assess the limits of traditional, liberal, state-centred constitutional theory. In other words, societal constitutionalism is the theoretical lens used to both deconstruct and reconstruct digital constitutionalism according to its normative aspirations. The article has three main goals: first, linking different discourses within digital constitutionalism, highlighting its critical potential; second, advancing some proposals based on such reflections; and third, bringing digital constitutionalism closer to the broader global constitutionalism discourse. After an overview of societal constitutionalism, the article focuses on digital constitutionalism’s definition and three functionally differentiated systems: politics, economy and law. For each of them, it highlights analytical and normative gains deriving from the societal constitutionalism-based approach as well as policy proposals to be developed further.
数字宪政是一门专注于宪法与数字革命带来的社会法律挑战之间关系的学术研究。然而,这种学术研究往往不加批判地建立在自由主义的、以国家为中心的宪法理论的原则之上,从而在分析起点和规范愿望之间产生矛盾。在此背景下,本文以一种受社会宪政启发的方法,将数字宪政作为批判的对象和手段。数字宪政作为一种客体,是根据其矛盾性来进行评价的。作为一种手段,数字宪政被用来评估传统的、自由的、以国家为中心的宪政理论的局限性。换句话说,社会宪政是一种理论视角,用来根据数字宪政的规范性诉求解构和重构数字宪政。本文有三个主要目标:第一,连接数字宪政内部的不同话语,突出其批判潜力;二是在反思的基础上提出建议;第三,使数字宪政更接近更广泛的全球宪政话语。在对社会宪政进行概述之后,本文重点讨论了数字宪政的定义以及政治、经济和法律三个功能分化的系统。对于其中的每一个,它都强调了基于社会宪政的方法所带来的分析和规范收益,以及有待进一步发展的政策建议。
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引用次数: 0
Social rights scapegoating 社会权利的替罪羊
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000278
Adam Chilton, Cristián Eyzaguirre, Mila Versteeg
Abstract In Chile, many commentators, academics and political leaders have spent years arguing that the limited nature of the social rights in the national constitution is partially responsible for the country’s economic and social inequality. It is thus unsurprising that changing the scope of the country’s social rights was a major focus of the recently failed constitutional reform effort. However, we argue that the long-running claim that Chile’s social problems were due to the limited nature of social rights can be thought of as social rights scapegoating , by which we mean that commentators blamed outcomes on constitutional rights, even though there is little evidence that countries’ socio-economic outcomes are a product of their social rights.
在智利,许多评论家、学者和政治领导人多年来一直认为,国家宪法中社会权利的有限性是该国经济和社会不平等的部分原因。因此,改变国家社会权利的范围是最近失败的宪法改革努力的主要焦点,这并不奇怪。然而,我们认为,长期以来认为智利的社会问题是由于社会权利的有限性造成的,这可以被认为是社会权利的替罪羊,我们的意思是评论员将结果归咎于宪法权利,尽管几乎没有证据表明国家的社会经济结果是其社会权利的产物。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to special issue: Feminist manifestos and global constitutionalism 特刊导言:女权主义宣言与全球宪政
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000217
Ruth Houghton, Aoife O’Donoghue
Abstract Feminists and women activists use manifestos to express their frustrations with legal and political systems, expose the harms suffered in their lived experiences under patriarchy, colonialism and capitalism, and call for radical political, legal and social change. This special issue on feminist manifestos and global constitutionalism considers the role of feminist manifestos in global constitutionalism. It interrogates the role of feminist manifestos in bringing about legal and political reform, their role as historical texts and sources of global constitutionalization, and their limitations as tools that are potentially both exclusionary and de-political. In their article, Ruth Houghton and Aoife O’Donoghue outline a role for feminist manifestos within feminist approaches to constituent power. Sheri Labenski uncovers from the archives the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom manifesto from 1924 and the outline for a ‘New International Order’. Gina Heathcote and Lucia Kula centre Lusophone African feminist action in Luanda, Angola, to problematize an approach to feminist manifestos that reiterates dominant feminisms, and instead argue for active silence by those more dominant feminist voices. In her conclusion to the special issue, Emily Jones uses posthuman feminism to interrogate and critique the claim of universality in global constitutionalism. Across this special issue, key themes emerge: the potential of inclusion and exclusion, and the role of manifesto as a method in knowledge production.
女权主义者和妇女活动家利用宣言来表达她们对法律和政治制度的不满,揭露她们在父权制、殖民主义和资本主义的生活经历中所遭受的伤害,呼吁激进的政治、法律和社会变革。本期《女性主义宣言与全球宪政》专刊探讨了女性主义宣言在全球宪政中的作用。它质疑女权主义宣言在带来法律和政治改革中的作用,它们作为历史文本和全球宪法化的来源的作用,以及它们作为潜在的排他性和非政治性工具的局限性。在她们的文章中,Ruth Houghton和Aoife O 'Donoghue概述了女权主义宣言在女权主义方法中对选民权力的作用。Sheri Labenski从档案中揭示了1924年国际妇女和平与自由联盟的宣言和“新国际秩序”的大纲。Gina Heathcote和Lucia Kula在安哥拉的罗安达(Luanda)为葡语非洲女性主义行动中心,对女权主义宣言中重复主流女权主义的做法提出质疑,并主张那些更主流的女权主义声音保持积极的沉默。在特刊的结束语中,艾米丽·琼斯运用后人类女性主义对全球宪政主义中的普遍性主张进行了质疑和批判。在本期特刊中,出现了关键主题:包容和排斥的潜力,以及宣言作为知识生产方法的作用。
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引用次数: 0
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Global Constitutionalism
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