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Is the European Union a militant democracy? Democratic backsliding and EU disintegration 欧盟是一个激进的民主国家吗?民主倒退和欧盟解体
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000060
T. Theuns
There has been much recent debate over whether the European Union is or should be a ‘militant democratic’ actor in order to respond to democratic backsliding in EU member states. This article argues that the EU is a militant democracy in a specific and limited sense, but that this may be normatively undesirable from a democratic perspective. I first develop a definition of militant democracy that focuses on the militant democratic paradox. I argue that the strongest justifications for militant democracy require that two conditions are met: an ‘existential threat condition’ and a ‘necessity condition’. Next, I analyse four ways in which the European Union has been said to be empowered to act in a militant democratic fashion to combat democratic backsliding in EU member states. I show how some, though not all, of these warrant the label ‘militant democracy’. Moving from the descriptive to the normative analysis, I then consider whether the necessity condition can ever be met since there is always the possibility of non-militant responses through forms of EU disintegration. If we accept this argument, EU actors should prioritize robust non-militant measures where possible while pro-democratic member states should disassociate from frankly autocratic member states where non-militant measures fail.
为了应对欧盟成员国的民主倒退,欧盟是否是或应该是一个“激进的民主”行动者,最近有很多争论。这篇文章认为,欧盟在特定和有限的意义上是一个激进的民主国家,但从民主的角度来看,这可能是不可取的。我首先提出了激进民主的定义,重点是激进民主悖论。我认为,激进民主最有力的理由需要满足两个条件:“生存威胁条件”和“必要条件”。接下来,我分析了四种方式,据说欧盟有权以激进的民主方式采取行动,打击欧盟成员国的民主倒退。我展示了其中一些(尽管不是全部)是如何被冠以“激进民主”的标签的。从描述性分析转向规范性分析,然后我考虑是否可以满足必要性条件,因为通过各种形式的欧盟解体,总是有可能做出非军事回应。如果我们接受这一论点,欧盟行为者应尽可能优先考虑强有力的非激进措施,而亲民主的成员国应与非激进措施失败的坦率专制的成员国脱钩。
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引用次数: 0
Constitutions and their foundational discontents: Studying the process of constitution-making in Jammu and Kashmir 宪法及其基本不满:查谟和克什米尔宪法制定过程研究
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-12 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000059
R. A. Dar
This article studies the process of constitution-making in Jammu and Kashmir as a hegemonic process dominated by, and an ideological reflection of, the dominant political party of Jammu and Kashmir, the National Conference led by the popular leader Sheikh Abdullah. The Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir emerged as an outcome of their ideas. Though the process itself was punctuated by the exclusionary violence against diverse communities present in the state at that time, very little attention has been paid to the idea of a constitution as an exclusivist text that embeds ‘foundational violence’ within it, and that eliminates dissenting groups and prevents the inclusion of plural conceptions of politics by actualizing a monopolistic discourse in favour of the dominant party. This article locates the violence that went into constitution-making and further employs hermeneutical interpretation of the Constituent Assembly Debates of Jammu and Kashmir to locate the differing viewpoints that existed in the State Constituent Assembly. It also takes the surrounding political and ideological context into account. In doing so, it constructs an alternative and ‘unofficial’ version of the constitution-making process, which helps challenge the dominant historical narrative that the constitution-making in Jammu and Kashmir was a successful experiment in Indian federal democracy.
本文研究了查谟和克什米尔的制宪过程,认为这是一个由查谟和克什米尔邦占主导地位的政党,即受欢迎的领导人谢赫·阿卜杜拉领导的国民会议主导的霸权过程,也是其意识形态的反映。查谟和克什米尔宪法是他们思想的产物。尽管这一过程本身被当时该州存在的针对不同社区的排斥性暴力所打断,但很少有人关注宪法作为一种将“基本暴力”嵌入其中的排斥性文本的想法,这消除了持不同意见的群体,并通过实施有利于占主导地位的政党的垄断话语来防止政治概念的多元化。本文定位了制宪过程中的暴力行为,并进一步运用查谟和克什米尔制宪会议辩论的解释学解释来定位国家制宪会议中存在的不同观点。它还考虑到了周围的政治和意识形态背景。在这样做的过程中,它构建了一个替代的“非官方”版本的宪法制定过程,这有助于挑战查谟和克什米尔的宪法制定是印度联邦民主的成功实验这一主流历史叙事。
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引用次数: 0
The paradox of global constitutionalism: Between sectoral integration and legitimacy 全球宪政的悖论:在部门整合与合法性之间
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000072
Gürkan Çapar
The liberal international legal order faces a legitimacy crisis today that becomes visible with the recent anti-internationalist turn, the rise of populism and the recent Russian invasion of Ukraine. Either its authority or legitimacy has been tested many times over the last three decades. The article argues that this anti-internationalist trend may be read as a reaction against the neoliberal form taken by international law, not least over the last three decades. In uncovering the intricacies of international law’s legitimacy crisis, the article uncovers the paradox of global constitutionalism: that its need to adopt a sectoral form of integration may cause a legitimacy gap/deficit because international authorities, resting their legitimacy primarily on instrumental grounds, may face problems in compensating for the legitimacy deficit caused by the erosion of domestic sovereignty and extending their legitimacy to non-instrumental grounds. This paradox has one necessary structural and two contingent content-related implications for domestic democracies: (1) it necessarily narrows down the regulatory space of nation-states; and this may in turn (2) impair democratic stability and solidarity, and (3) provide a fertile ground for populism. Drawing on Raz’s service conception, the article focuses on the interaction between international and domestic authorities and highlights the problematic aspects of the neoliberal constitutionalization of international law.
自由主义国际法律秩序今天面临着合法性危机,随着最近反国际主义的转变、民粹主义的兴起和俄罗斯最近入侵乌克兰,这一危机变得显而易见。在过去的三十年里,它的权威性或合法性受到了多次考验。文章认为,这种反国际主义趋势可能被解读为对国际法所采取的新自由主义形式的反应,尤其是在过去三十年中。在揭示国际法合法性危机的复杂性时,文章揭示了全球宪政的悖论:它需要采用部门形式的一体化,这可能会造成合法性差距/赤字,因为国际当局主要将其合法性建立在工具基础上,在弥补国内主权受到侵蚀所造成的合法性赤字以及将其合法性扩展到非工具性理由方面,可能会面临问题。这种悖论对国内民主国家有一个必要的结构性影响和两个偶然的内容相关影响:(1)它必然缩小了民族国家的监管空间;这反过来可能(2)损害民主稳定和团结,(3)为民粹主义提供肥沃的土壤。本文借鉴拉兹的服务理念,重点探讨了国际和国内当局之间的互动,并强调了国际法新自由主义宪法化的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Judicial review of supermajority rules governing courts’ own decision-making: A comparative analysis 对支配法院自身决策的绝对多数规则的司法审查:比较分析
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-09 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000047
Mauro Arturo Rivera León
This article provides a comparative analysis of how courts have performed judicial review on supermajority rules governing courts’ decision-making. Through an empirical approach, covering the cases of the United States, Peru and Poland, the article argues that the supermajority’s legal source and the chronology of its establishment may influence the court’s ability to review such rules and the case’s outcome. Finally, the article addresses the paradox of whether courts must apply the very provision they are tasked to review.
本文比较分析了法院如何对支配法院决策的绝对多数规则进行司法审查。本文通过实证方法,涵盖了美国、秘鲁和波兰的案例,认为绝对多数原则的法律渊源及其确立的时间顺序可能会影响法院审查此类规则和案件结果的能力。最后,本文讨论了法院是否必须适用其负责审查的条款这一矛盾之处。
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引用次数: 1
Hong Kong in the age of the PRC’s alienation from the international system: In search of normative consensus 中华人民共和国脱离国际体系时代的香港:寻求规范共识
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-14 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000035
Chao Wang
Hong Kong presents a test case of China’s willingness to adapt Western liberal values of individual freedom and the rule of law in a corner of China. The Western model of governance, along with its common law system and capitalist economic system, has been permitted to operate side by side with the Chinese socialist system within the framework of Chinese sovereignty and the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) political and legal system. The formation and implementation of the policy of ‘one country, two systems’ (OCTS) entail Chinese law-makers’ selective integration of international and Western rules of governance into the Hong Kong and China context to serve the interests of the PRC party regime. This article explores the approaches taken by the PRC to the governance of Hong Kong in light of the regime’s political and economic goals and how the Western concept of rule of law and autonomy is perceived and substantiated in terms of the communist ideology. The author argues that the intrinsic value of OCTS lies in seeking complementarity and coexistence between the Western liberal norms of governance and Chinese communist ideology, and that this intrinsic value should be upheld and remain in full force to serve as a normative consensus between China and the West.
香港是中国愿意在中国的一个角落适应西方自由主义个人自由和法治价值观的一个测试案例。西方的治理模式,连同其普通法制度和资本主义经济制度,已被允许在中国主权和中华人民共和国政治和法律制度的框架内与中国社会主义制度并肩运作。“一国两制”政策的形成和实施,要求中国立法者有选择地将国际和西方的治理规则纳入香港和中国的背景,以服务于中共政权的利益。本文从香港政权的政治和经济目标出发,探讨了中华人民共和国治理香港的方法,以及西方的法治和自治概念如何在共产主义意识形态中得到理解和证实。作者认为,OCTS的内在价值在于寻求西方自由主义治理规范与中国共产主义意识形态之间的互补与共存,这种内在价值应该得到维护和充分发挥,成为中西方之间的规范共识。
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引用次数: 0
Abandoning the idealized white subject of legal feminism: A manifesto for silence in a Lusophone register 放弃理想化的白人法律女权主义主体:一份葡语语登记册上的沉默宣言
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-05 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381722000284
G. Heathcote, Lucia Kula
Through an account of white feminisms and white privilege, this article examines the tensions between local and international knowledge frames. The article considers the possibility of a feminist approach to global constitutionalism and argues for a twofold critique: first, a feminist interrogation of the dominance of a specifically male history of Western and Anglo-European knowledge frames; and second, a self-critique within feminist approaches to global legal regimes that acknowledges the complicity of mainstream feminist tools in the racist histories of knowledge production. To this end, the article examines the space of gender expertise to explore how this can be both an aperture for plural feminist encounters and a refinement of diverse feminist approaches into a form digestible by the contours of international institutions. To explore alternative, decolonized encounters, the article centres Lusophone African feminist silence and action in Luanda, the capital of Angola. The article explores how Angolan gender relations, informal labour and histories of protest unsettle the frame of a feminist manifesto, to argue for a place for active silence as a methodology for undoing the status quo of global constitutional expectations of how knowledge arrives at the global and transnational levels.
通过对白人女性主义和白人特权的描述,本文考察了当地和国际知识框架之间的紧张关系。本文考虑了女权主义方法对待全球宪政的可能性,并提出了双重批评:首先,女权主义对西方和英欧知识框架中特定男性历史的主导地位的质疑;第二,女权主义对全球法律制度的自我批判,承认主流女权主义工具在知识生产的种族主义历史中的共谋。为此,本文探讨了性别专业知识的空间,以探索这如何既是多元女权主义遭遇的一个机会,也是将各种女权主义方法提炼成一种可被国际机构轮廓所理解的形式。为了探索非殖民化的另类遭遇,文章以安哥拉首都罗安达的葡语非洲女权主义沉默与行动为中心。这篇文章探讨了安哥拉的性别关系、非正规劳动和抗议历史如何扰乱女权主义宣言的框架,以争取一个积极沉默的位置,作为打破全球宪法对知识如何到达全球和跨国层面的期望现状的方法。
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引用次数: 1
A measure of last resort: Pseudo-constitutionalism and the persistence of a self-restraint slogan in Argentina 最后的手段:伪立宪主义和坚持自我约束的口号在阿根廷
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-30 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381722000296
Juan F González Bertomeu
This article addresses the bastardization of constitutional law in Argentina and the corrosive power of legacies of authoritarianism. It offers a genealogy of the use by Argentina’s Supreme Court of self-restraint canons from the time when they were borrowed from the US Supreme Court in the late nineteenth century. Partly resulting from the country’s experiences with military rule, the court transformed or expanded these canons, which entailed a gradual depreciation of statutes as the (uneasy) cornerstone of constitutionalism. Based on a fresh dataset and employing narrative and network analysis, the article focuses on a slogan the court has invoked since the 1960s: invalidating a rule is a matter of extreme institutional gravity and hence a strategy of last resort. Under the 1976–83 dictatorship, the court applied the slogan to various rules, including those passed by the military. It thus invoked familiar canons outside its scope conditions, conveying an illusion of constitutional regularity by masking the abnormal in acceptable garb and contributing to the regime’s legitimation. While the democratic court abandoned the most blatant expressions of authoritarianism, connections persisted, manifesting in the frequent citations to the dictatorship court’s use of the slogan and its extension to any rule. Authoritarian legacies die hard.
本文论述了阿根廷宪法的亵渎和威权主义遗产的腐蚀性力量。它提供了阿根廷最高法院自19世纪末从美国最高法院借来的自我约束准则的使用谱系。部分由于该国的军事统治经验,法院改变或扩大了这些准则,这意味着作为宪政(不稳定的)基石的法规逐渐贬值。这篇文章基于一个新的数据集,采用叙事和网络分析,重点关注法院自20世纪60年代以来一直引用的一句口号:使规则无效是一个极端制度严重性的问题,因此是一种最后的策略。在1976-83年的独裁统治下,法院将这一口号应用于各种规则,包括军方通过的规则。因此,它在其范围条件之外援引了熟悉的准则,通过用可接受的外衣掩盖反常现象,传达了宪法规则性的幻觉,并有助于政权的合法化。虽然民主法院放弃了最公然的威权主义表达,但联系依然存在,表现在经常引用独裁法院使用这一口号及其延伸到任何规则。威权主义的遗产难以磨灭。
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引用次数: 0
Informal human rights law-making: How treaty bodies use ‘General Comments’ to develop international law 非正式人权立法:条约机构如何利用“一般性意见”发展国际法
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-07 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000023
M. Lesch, Nina Reiners
The United Nations treaty bodies were established to monitor the implementation of human rights by states parties. Through ‘General Comments’ – legally non-binding clarifications of treaty obligations – they have also influenced the development of international human rights law – for example, on the right to life and climate impacts. We address this phenomenon by establishing a twofold argument. First, we argue that General Comments are used by the committees to informally shape international law. They deliberately act as human rights law-makers, knowing that international institutions, organizations and professionals in their network will subsequently refer to such instruments. Second, we argue that treaty bodies not only rely on their network once they have adopted their outcome, but the experts’ personal networks also shape the drafting process of General Comments. We develop and illustrate an analytical framework with two case studies of General Comments on the human right to water and the torture prohibition. The analysis demonstrates the need for external knowledge of both technical and legal aspects of the norms being interpreted. By addressing pressing human rights challenges, expert committees can shape the law in times of stagnation and resist contestation even from powerful states.
设立联合国条约机构是为了监测缔约国落实人权的情况。通过“一般性意见”——对条约义务进行法律上不具约束力的澄清——它们也影响了国际人权法的发展,例如关于生命权和气候影响的法律。我们通过建立一个双重论证来解决这一现象。首先,我们认为,委员会利用一般性意见非正式地塑造国际法。他们知道其网络中的国际机构、组织和专业人员随后将引用这些文书,因而故意充当人权立法者的角色。其次,我们认为,条约机构不仅在通过其成果后依赖其网络,而且专家的个人网络也影响了一般性意见的起草过程。我们通过关于享有水的人权和禁止酷刑的一般性意见的两个案例研究,制定并说明了一个分析框架。分析表明需要对所解释的规范的技术和法律方面的外部知识。通过解决紧迫的人权挑战,专家委员会可以在停滞时期塑造法律,甚至可以抵制来自强国的争论。
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引用次数: 2
Climate change and the challenge to liberalism 气候变化和对自由主义的挑战
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S2045381722000314
Susan Kang, Jonathan Havercroft, Jacob Eisler, A. Wiener, J. Shaw
Abstract In this editorial, we consider the ways in which liberal constitutionalism is challenged by and presents challenges to the climate crisis facing the world. Over recent decades, efforts to mitigate the climate crisis have generated a new set of norms for states and non-state actors, including regulatory norms (emission standards, carbon regulations), organising principles (common but differentiated responsibility) and fundamental norms (climate justice, intergenerational rights, human rights). However, like all norms, these remain contested. Particularly in light of their global reach, their specific behavioural implications and interpretations and the related obligations to act remain debatable and the overwhelming institutionalization of the neoliberal market economy makes clear and effective responses to climate change virtually impossible within liberal societies.
在这篇社论中,我们考虑了自由宪政受到挑战的方式,并提出了对世界面临的气候危机的挑战。近几十年来,缓解气候危机的努力已经为国家和非国家行为体产生了一套新的规范,包括监管规范(排放标准、碳法规)、组织原则(共同但有区别的责任)和基本规范(气候正义、代际权利、人权)。然而,像所有规范一样,这些规范仍然存在争议。特别是考虑到它们的全球影响,它们的具体行为含义和解释以及相关的行动义务仍然存在争议,新自由主义市场经济的压倒性制度化使得在自由社会中对气候变化做出明确而有效的反应几乎是不可能的。
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引用次数: 0
Court-packing and democratic decay: A necessary relationship? 法院拥挤与民主衰退:必然的关系?
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-27 DOI: 10.1017/s2045381723000011
Benjamin Garcia Holgado, Raúl Sánchez Urribarrí
A growing body of literature on the role of courts in democratic backsliding claims that court-packing weakens liberal democracy. However, this is not necessarily the case. The goals of the actors who produce court-packing help to explain why the co-optation of the judiciary can have a substantial negative effect on liberal democracy in some (although not all) cases. In this respect, we distinguish two types of court-packing. First, policy-driven court-packing occurs when politicians manipulate the composition of courts in order to assure a quick implementation of policies. Although this tends to negatively affect judicial independence, it is not per se a first step towards regime change. Second, regime-driven court-packing happens when politicians alter the composition of the courts with the goal of eroding democracy. In this case, court-packing’s negative effect on judicial independence has a systemic negative effect on different dimensions of liberal democracy. Relying on a wide range of primary and secondary sources, we conceptualize these two types of court-packing by comparing two cases: Carlos Menem (1989–99) in Argentina, seeking judicial support to carry out pro-market economic reforms, and Hugo Chávez (1999–2013) and Nicolás Maduro (2013–present) in Venezuela, seeking to control the judiciary in the context of democratic backsliding.
越来越多关于法院在民主倒退中的作用的文献声称,法院包装削弱了自由民主。然而,事实并非如此。制造法庭包装的行为者的目标有助于解释为什么司法机构的合作在某些(尽管不是全部)案件中会对自由民主产生实质性的负面影响。在这方面,我们区分两种类型的法院包装。首先,当政治家操纵法院的组成以确保政策的快速实施时,政策驱动的法院包装就会发生。虽然这往往会对司法独立产生负面影响,但它本身并不是迈向政权更迭的第一步。其次,当政客们以侵蚀民主为目标改变法院的组成时,政权驱动的法院填塞就会发生。在这种情况下,法院包装对司法独立的负面影响对自由民主的不同维度产生了系统性的负面影响。依靠广泛的第一手和第二手资料,我们通过比较两个案例,对这两种类型的法院包装进行了概念化:阿根廷的卡洛斯·梅内姆(Carlos Menem, 1989-99年)寻求司法支持,以实施亲市场的经济改革;委内瑞拉的雨果Chávez(1999-2013年)和Nicolás马杜罗(2013年至今),在民主倒退的背景下寻求控制司法。
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引用次数: 1
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Global Constitutionalism
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