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Paradigms and narratives in the historiography on the disintegration of Yugoslavia 南斯拉夫解体史学研究中的范式与叙事
Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2164120
J. Juhasz
ABSTRACT The article gives an overview on the historiography of the disintegration of Yugoslavia, focusing primarily on Western academic literature. It briefly presents the debates about the wars of the 1990s, summarizing the orientalist/balkanist interpretations, the explanation of the “failed Westernization,” and concepts of Greater-Serbian aggression and Great Power rivalry. The study concludes that all interpretations – except for the extremist branch of the Orientalist paradigm (which focused on the so-called primordial ethnic hatred) and the excesses of national narratives – have, to a varying degree, rational substance. They all make a contribution to the multidisciplinary and multicausal understanding of the disintegration of Yugoslavia in certain aspects. The study further establishes that enough knowledge has been accumulated by now to enable historians to gain – while not a “full and accurate,” but a reliable – picture of what happened. However, greater availability of primary sources as well as a broader comparative approach is still needed.
摘要本文以西方学术文献为主要研究对象,对南斯拉夫解体的史学进行了综述。它简要介绍了关于20世纪90年代战争的辩论,总结了东方主义/巴尔干主义的解释,对“失败的西方化”的解释,以及大塞尔维亚侵略和大国竞争的概念。该研究得出结论,除了东方主义范式的极端主义分支(专注于所谓的原始种族仇恨)和民族叙事的过度之外,所有的解释都在不同程度上具有理性实质。它们都有助于多学科和多配偶在某些方面理解南斯拉夫的解体。这项研究进一步证实,到目前为止,已经积累了足够的知识,使历史学家能够了解所发生的事情,虽然不是“全面准确”,但却是可靠的。然而,仍然需要更多的初级来源以及更广泛的比较方法。
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引用次数: 0
Patriarchy and paternalism on a Hungarian collective farm 匈牙利集体农场的父权制和家长制
Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2133441
N. Swain
ABSTRACT The article considers the situation of women in a single Hungarian collective farm - the Red Flag collective farm - in the mid-1970s on the basis of materials collected and interviews made at the time. It considers their work situation, their role in management, their contribution to the cooperative's leadership, and the impact of Hungary's new woman policy of the 1970s. Providing employment for women was a central goal of the farm leadership, but women were concentrated in less skilled jobs and 'female' professions. A few made it to middle management positions, but none got to the top, although they were better represented in party positions. Their contribution to household farming was was determining yet difficult to quantify.
本文根据当时收集的材料和采访,考虑了20世纪70年代中期匈牙利一个集体农场——红旗集体农场的妇女状况。它审议了她们的工作情况、她们在管理中的作用、她们对合作社领导的贡献以及匈牙利1970年代新妇女政策的影响。为妇女提供就业机会是农场领导的中心目标,但妇女主要从事技术含量较低的工作和“女性”职业。少数人进入了中层管理职位,但没有人进入高层,尽管他们在党内职位上的代表性更强。她们对家庭农业的贡献是决定性的,但难以量化。
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引用次数: 1
Entering their first workplace: women in socialist agriculture. Soviet and Hungarian collective farms compared 进入她们的第一个工作场所:从事社会主义农业的妇女。苏联和匈牙利集体农场比较
Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2133440
A. Bodnar, Z. Varga
ABSTRACT This paper presents insights from research conducted on the transition from the traditional peasant lifestyle to that of the “modern cooperative”. Based on archival research and oral history interviews, the authors focus on the effects on peasant women’s lives of socialist collective farms as new compulsory workplaces. The investigated villages (Mezőkaszony and Mihálygerge) are populated by ethnic Hungarians but are situated in two countries: Hungary and the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, the challenges that women faced with the creation of the collective farm system were similar. Using comparative micro-level analysis, the authors examine societal change and changes in family life from the point of view of women as collective farms were created and developed. In particular, they reveal the initial employment experiences of village women after the collective farms were formed and explore their changing life strategies as they adapted to the new agricultural system.
本文通过对传统农民生活方式向“现代合作社”生活方式转变的研究,提出了一些见解。在档案研究和口述历史访谈的基础上,作者重点研究了社会主义集体农场作为新的义务劳动场所对农民妇女生活的影响。被调查的村庄(Mezõkaszony和Mihálygerge)居住着匈牙利人,但位于匈牙利和苏联这两个国家。然而,妇女在建立集体农场制度方面面临的挑战是相似的。通过微观层面的比较分析,作者从妇女的角度审视了集体农场的创建和发展过程中的社会变化和家庭生活的变化。特别是,他们揭示了农村妇女在集体农场成立后的最初就业经历,并探索了她们在适应新的农业制度时不断变化的生活策略。
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引用次数: 0
“With courage against the system.” The ideology of the people’s party our Slovakia “带着反抗体制的勇气。”我们斯洛伐克人民党的意识形态
Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2164119
Jakub Drabik
ABSTRACT The Kotleba – People’s Party Our Slovakia (LSNS) was founded in 2010 and has been the centre of attention from Slovak media, academia and politicians since 2013. In spite of this interest, there appears to be no consensus in the way that it should be referred to – is it a neo-fascist, a neo-Nazi or a radical right-wing party? The aim of this study is an attempt to analyse the ideology of the LSNS based on both official and unofficial statements and the rhetoric of its representatives, the party’s agenda and propaganda. It argues that the party´s past, its constant attacks on democracy and the democratic system, the glorification of undemocratic regimes, declared efforts to achieve an “alternative to the contemporary decadent era,” and a “new epoch,” its international cooperation with similar movements, racists, anti-Semitic statements and the use of neo-Nazi symbolism indicate the neo-Nazi character of the party’s ideology.
摘要:我们的斯洛伐克人民党成立于2010年,自2013年以来一直是斯洛伐克媒体、学术界和政界人士关注的焦点。尽管有这种兴趣,但似乎在提及它的方式上没有达成共识——它是新法西斯、新纳粹还是激进右翼政党?本研究的目的是试图根据官方和非官方声明及其代表的言论、党的议程和宣传来分析LSNS的意识形态。它认为,该党的过去,对民主和民主制度的不断攻击,对不民主政权的美化,宣布了实现“当代腐朽时代的替代品”的努力,以及与类似运动、种族主义者、,反犹太主义的言论和新纳粹象征的使用表明了该党意识形态的新纳粹特征。
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引用次数: 0
A long march on the mainstream: chronicle of Laibach’s artistic career 主流的长征:莱巴赫艺术生涯的编年史
Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2089391
Irena Šentevska
ABSTRACT Laibach is a music and cross-media group from Slovenia, which develops a multi-disciplinary art practice. While exploring the relationships between art and ideology as their major point of interest, Laibach has appropriated a symbolically charged language of communication, which encompasses an eclectic assemblage of provocative and ambivalent artistic, political, and religious references, often relying on their shock value. Since their beginning, the group has been associated and surrounded with controversy, provoking strong reactions from the political authorities of former Yugoslavia and in particular in the Socialist Republic of Slovenia. Laibach’s international success commenced when the famed British label Mute Records signed them and released their 1987 album Opus Dei. In the over 40 years of Laibach’s existence, which coincided with the political, economic, and cultural transition in the European East, the group has crossed a wide path from being the harsh, ominous voice of the Slovene alternative cultural scene in socialist Yugoslavia to independent Slovenia’s major cultural export. This paper puts into an historical perspective the spectacular changes in Laibach’s uneasy co-habitation with the institutional framework and cultural mainstream of their home country, on the one hand, and the global contemporary art scene and music industry, on the other.
莱巴赫是一家来自斯洛文尼亚的音乐和跨媒体集团,致力于发展多学科的艺术实践。在探索艺术与意识形态之间的关系作为其主要兴趣点的同时,莱巴赫挪用了一种象征性的交流语言,它包含了一种折衷的集合,包括挑衅性和矛盾的艺术、政治和宗教参考,通常依赖于它们的震撼价值。自成立以来,该集团一直受到争议,引起前南斯拉夫政治当局,特别是斯洛文尼亚社会主义共和国政治当局的强烈反应。莱巴赫在国际上的成功始于著名的英国唱片公司Mute Records与他们签约,并于1987年发行了他们的专辑Opus Dei。在Laibach存在的40多年里,恰逢欧洲东部的政治、经济和文化转型,这个团体已经跨越了一条广泛的道路,从社会主义南斯拉夫的斯洛文尼亚另类文化场景的严厉、不祥的声音,到独立的斯洛文尼亚主要的文化出口。本文从历史的角度来审视莱巴赫与祖国的制度框架和文化主流,以及全球当代艺术场景和音乐产业之间的不安共存所带来的巨大变化。
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引用次数: 0
The music mainstream in communism revisited: a corpus analysis of Czechoslovak pop lyrics (1962–1991) 共产主义中的音乐主流:捷克斯洛伐克流行歌词的语料库分析(1962-1991)
Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2089384
Jan Blüml
ABSTRACT This article presents a content analysis of Czechoslovak pop lyrics based on a survey of a representative corpus of the repertoire from 1962 to 1991 containing 271 commercially successful vocal–instrumental songs. Its aim is to capture the thematic development of song lyrics on a defined timeline with regard to the broader cultural and political context, especially in relation to political developments in Czechoslovakia after the occupation by Warsaw Pact troops in August 1968 and the subsequent phase of so-called “normalization”. In this sense, the article examines the concept of “normalization pop”, which appeared in Czech journalism immediately after the collapse of the communist regime and which gradually became part of the official interpretation of Czechoslovak popular music history. According to this view, the pop of the 1970s and 1980s, especially through its lyrics, fulfilled a primary propaganda function, thus fundamentally distinguishing itself from the authentic output of the previous decade. The article explores the extent to which such an interpretation corresponds to the real nature of pop of the period, and to what extent it is merely a construct of anti-communist tendencies seeking a vigorous rejection of the pre-1989 era and its official culture.
摘要本文对捷克斯洛伐克流行歌词的内容进行了分析,基于对1962年至1991年具有代表性的曲目语料库的调查,该语料库包含271首商业上成功的声乐-器乐歌曲。其目的是在更广泛的文化和政治背景下,特别是在1968年8月被华约部队占领后捷克斯洛伐克的政治发展以及随后所谓的“正常化”阶段,在确定的时间线上捕捉歌词的主题发展。从这个意义上说,本文考察了“正常化流行”的概念,它在共产主义政权垮台后立即出现在捷克新闻界,并逐渐成为捷克斯洛伐克流行音乐史官方解释的一部分。根据这种观点,20世纪70年代和80年代的流行音乐,特别是通过其歌词,履行了主要的宣传功能,从而从根本上区别于前十年的真实输出。这篇文章探讨了这种解释在多大程度上符合这一时期流行音乐的真实性质,在多大意义上它只是一种反共倾向的建构,试图强烈拒绝1989年前的时代及其官方文化。
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引用次数: 0
“We did not unleash this war. Our conscience is clear”. The Russia–Ukraine military conflict and its perception in Belarus “我们没有发动这场战争。我们问心无愧”。俄乌军事冲突及其在白俄罗斯的认知
Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2089390
S. Mudrov
ABSTRACT This article analyses the response in Belarus to the Russia–Ukraine war, which started on 24 February 2022. Traditionally, the Belarusian president Alexander Lukashenko had been trying to maintain good working relations with Kiev, featuring Belarus as “the most reliable partner” of Ukraine. However, when Moscow launched its “special military operation” in Ukraine, Lukashenko chose to fully ally with Russia, allowing the free passage of the Russian Army through the territory of Belarus and the use of necessary infrastructure by Russian forces. In his justifications of the war, Lukashenko deliberated on themes such as regional security and possible threats from Ukraine. The state-controlled media have provided extensive explanations for the Moscow invasion, speaking about the necessity of settling the Donbas conflict, the aggressive policy of Kiev in relation to Belarus, the inadequate behaviour of Ukrainian elites, and the need for de-Nazification of Ukraine. The discordant voices were mainly coming from the opposition media, which had developed a pro-Ukraine narrative. Given a lack of reliable surveys, it is not possible to properly assess the attitude of the general public towards the war in Ukraine, although it is likely that most Belarusians would sympathize the Moscow’s interpretations of events.
摘要本文分析了白俄罗斯对2022年2月24日爆发的俄乌战争的反应。传统上,白俄罗斯总统亚历山大·卢卡申科一直试图与基辅保持良好的工作关系,将白俄罗斯视为乌克兰“最可靠的伙伴”。然而,当莫斯科在乌克兰发动“特别军事行动”时,卢卡申科选择与俄罗斯完全结盟,允许俄罗斯军队自由通过白俄罗斯领土,并允许俄罗斯军队使用必要的基础设施。卢卡申科在为战争辩护时,考虑了地区安全和乌克兰可能威胁等主题。国家控制的媒体对莫斯科的入侵做出了广泛的解释,谈到了解决顿巴斯冲突的必要性、基辅对白俄罗斯的侵略政策、乌克兰精英的不当行为以及乌克兰去纳粹化的必要性。不和谐的声音主要来自反对派媒体,他们形成了亲乌克兰的叙事。由于缺乏可靠的调查,无法正确评估公众对乌克兰战争的态度,尽管大多数白俄罗斯人可能会同情莫斯科对事件的解释。
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引用次数: 5
The politics and the music mainstream in Central and Eastern Europe: introduction 中欧和东欧的政治与音乐主流:导论
Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2092259
Karel Šima, Zdeněk Nebřenský
While in Western Europe and the USA the intersection between politics and music mainstream has been studied from theoretical and empirical perspectives for decades, in Central and Eastern Europe this kind of research has been very limited. So far much has been written about how protest, resistance, and the counterculture generated by popular music undermined communist dictatorships (Rybak 1990; Klaniczay and Trencsényi 2011). No less attention has been paid to the spread and adoption of Western popular music in the Soviet Bloc through which East Europeans culturally and politically colonized themselves before and after the fall of communism (Yurchak 2006; Mazierska and Gregory 2015). Popular music also found an important place in the political transformation and transition to democracy (Ramet 1994; Buchanan 2006). The nuanced approach was offered by the concept of aesthetic cosmopolitanism that understands popular music in Eastern Europe as an autonomous product that was developing according to its own logic in the global context (Mazierska 2016). In these works, scholars reflected just partially on the intersection of the political and music mainstream. Following in the steps of Ewa Mazierska, this thematic issue attempts to challenge the Iron Curtain paradigm in popular music studies and more importantly to look at how popular music was produced, distributed, and consumed in the entangled web of political powers that goes well beyond the East-West divide and the capitalism-communism dichotomy. The issue seeks to analyse the role of popular music in a broader scope concerning genres and scenes. Apart from rock labelled as the soundtrack to communism’s demise, the issue tries to cover disco and electro-dance (“disco polo”). Moreover, the issue traces long-term legacies across the political changes in the region. It strives to cover the period from the 1960s when popular music became a key factor in building a mass consumerist youth culture (Shuker 2001) and it seeks to look at dis/continuities up to the present wave of populism and re-nationalization in Central and Eastern Europe. The approach combining politics and music mainstream has been already acknowledged. With a strong starting reference in Theodor W. Adorno and the Frankfurt school, music has been analysed as an artistic expression that both represents and undermines social, political and economic order. Along this line Jacques Attali, a political advisor who congenially coupled political and economic expertise with aesthetic theory, saw the role of the political economy in
尽管在西欧和美国,几十年来一直从理论和实证的角度研究政治与音乐主流之间的交叉点,但在中欧和东欧,这种研究非常有限。到目前为止,人们已经写了很多关于抗议、抵抗和流行音乐产生的反主流文化如何破坏共产主义独裁统治的文章(Rybak 1990;Klaniczay和Trencényi,2011年)。人们同样关注西方流行音乐在苏联集团的传播和采用,在共产主义垮台前后,东欧人通过苏联集团在文化和政治上进行殖民(Yurchak 2006;马泽尔斯卡和格雷戈里,2015年)。流行音乐在政治转型和向民主过渡中也占有重要地位(Ramet 1994;布坎南,2006年)。这种微妙的方法是由美学世界主义的概念提供的,它将东欧的流行音乐理解为一种自主产品,在全球背景下根据自己的逻辑发展(Mazierska,2016)。在这些作品中,学者们只是部分地反思了政治与音乐主流的交叉。跟随埃瓦·马齐尔斯卡的脚步,本专题试图挑战流行音乐研究中的铁幕范式,更重要的是,探讨流行音乐是如何在政治权力的纠缠网络中产生、传播和消费的,这远远超出了东西方分歧和资本主义-共产主义的二分法。本期旨在从更广泛的流派和场景角度分析流行音乐的作用。除了被称为共产主义灭亡的原声音乐的摇滚乐外,这期杂志还试图涵盖迪斯科和电子舞(“迪斯科马球”)。此外,这个问题追溯了该地区政治变革的长期遗留问题。它试图涵盖20世纪60年代流行音乐成为建立大众消费主义青年文化的关键因素的时期(Shuker 2001),并试图审视当前中欧和东欧民粹主义和重新民族化浪潮的不连续性。将政治和音乐主流相结合的方法已经得到了认可。在西奥多·W·阿多诺和法兰克福学派的有力开端中,音乐被分析为一种艺术表达,既代表又破坏社会、政治和经济秩序。沿着这条线,政治顾问雅克·阿塔利将政治和经济专业知识与美学理论巧妙地结合在一起,他看到了政治经济学在
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引用次数: 0
Historicizing Roma in Central Europe: between critical whiteness and epistemic injustice 中欧罗姆人的历史化:在批判的白人和认识的不公正之间
Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2089386
A. Kóczé
although Hungary’s more decentralized and more market-oriented model included nonagricultural activities in the countryside. The book would also have benefited from including a list of tables, and in some cases even better editing of some tables, which appear unclear. There is also a presumed mistake in the translation, for example on page (198), where CoCom has been named Comecon. But overall, this does not interfere with the reading in any noticeable way. Through the detailed description of actors in the transfers taking place, and the indepth information given in many footnotes, the reader receives a multifaceted insight into the so-called “Hungarian miracle”.
尽管匈牙利更加分散和更加市场化的模式包括农村的非农业活动。这本书也会受益于包括一个表格列表,在某些情况下,甚至更好地编辑一些表格,这些表格似乎不清楚。在翻译中也有一个假定的错误,例如在第198页,CoCom被命名为Comecon。但总的来说,这不会以任何明显的方式干扰阅读。通过对发生的转移中的演员的详细描述,以及许多脚注中提供的深入信息,读者对所谓的“匈牙利奇迹”有了多方面的了解。
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引用次数: 8
Performing musical personae. Verka Serduchka and Slawomir as examples of critical dance music 表演音乐角色。Verka Serduchka和Slawomir作为批判舞曲的例子
Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2089389
Dawid Kaszuba, Anna Svetlova
ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to compare two artists – the Ukrainian Verka Serduchka and the Polish Sławomir – by analysing their most representative songs. The visual (music videos), sonic (genre), and lyrical factors of their performances are viewed as the elements of their musical personae (as understood by Philip Auslander). Verka and Sławomir are presented as folk-rooted but socially elevated stars who tend to mock political (auto)stereotypes through the lens of a rural–urban dichotomy. They both represent a specific local kind of “dance music,” that is a field where political discourse, strongly rooted in folk inspiration, is constructed, reproduced, and sustained. The objective is to disclose how they perform the mockery of classical values based on the themes of folk culture, stardom, and love, through their comedic personae.
摘要本文的目的是通过分析两位艺术家最具代表性的歌曲来比较他们——乌克兰的维尔卡·塞尔杜奇卡和波兰的Sławomir。他们表演的视觉(音乐视频)、声音(流派)和抒情因素被视为他们音乐角色的元素(正如菲利普·奥斯兰德所理解的那样)。Verka和Sławomir被描述为植根于民间但社会地位较高的明星,他们倾向于通过农村和城市的二分法来嘲笑政治(汽车)刻板印象。它们都代表了一种特定的地方性“舞曲”,在这个领域,政治话语深深植根于民间灵感,被构建、复制和维持。目的是揭示他们是如何通过喜剧角色,以民间文化、明星和爱情为主题,对古典价值观进行嘲讽的。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe
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