Pub Date : 2023-10-23DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1373636
Murat ARSLAN, Şükrü ÖZÜDOĞRU, Nihal TÜNER ÖNEN
The article discussed here deals with a milestone whose location is unknown, but which is understood to have been erected 1.5 km away from the city center of Cibyra, based on the two inscriptions it bears. The milestone in question has two inscriptions indicating two different uses. Both inscriptions are written in Ancient Greek. While the first inscription dates to the Severan Period (AD 198-209), the latter belongs to the First Tetrarchy Period (AD 293-305). Both inscriptions give the city of Cibyra as caput viae and record the same distance. Thus, it is determined that the same milestone is reused approximately hundred years. In the introduction of the article, the routes related to Cibyra and the milestones that give Cibyra as caput viae are also discussed. In both uses, the milestone in question refers to repair and regulation works rather than the construction of a new road. This situation can be associated with the eastern campaigns during the Severan Period and the reconstruction efforts carried out during the Diocletian Era.
{"title":"A New Milestone from Cibyra","authors":"Murat ARSLAN, Şükrü ÖZÜDOĞRU, Nihal TÜNER ÖNEN","doi":"10.37095/gephyra.1373636","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1373636","url":null,"abstract":"The article discussed here deals with a milestone whose location is unknown, but which is understood to have been erected 1.5 km away from the city center of Cibyra, based on the two inscriptions it bears. The milestone in question has two inscriptions indicating two different uses. Both inscriptions are written in Ancient Greek. While the first inscription dates to the Severan Period (AD 198-209), the latter belongs to the First Tetrarchy Period (AD 293-305). Both inscriptions give the city of Cibyra as caput viae and record the same distance. Thus, it is determined that the same milestone is reused approximately hundred years. In the introduction of the article, the routes related to Cibyra and the milestones that give Cibyra as caput viae are also discussed. In both uses, the milestone in question refers to repair and regulation works rather than the construction of a new road. This situation can be associated with the eastern campaigns during the Severan Period and the reconstruction efforts carried out during the Diocletian Era.","PeriodicalId":37539,"journal":{"name":"Gephyra","volume":"80 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135406084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-16DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1371394
Gregor STAAB, Hüseyin UZUNOĞLU, Nalan Eda AKYÜREK ŞAHİN
This article is a continuation of the article published in the previous issue of Gephyra (Staab - Akyürek Şahin - Uzunoğlu 2023). The article analyses an inscription from the village of Ahmetler in the Pazaryeri district of Bilecik province, which was recorded by the Bilecik Museum authorities. The stone is not in the Bilecik Museum today but is probably still in the wall where it was built. The inscription was read from the photograph taken by the museum authorities, but the stone itself was not seen. The inscription is an epigram written in hexameter verse. The first two lines of the epigram are missing and probably remained under the cement on the wall. However, the rest of the lines are almost complete except line 1, which is poorly preserved. Since the stone was built into a wall, it is not clear whether the inscription carrier was an altar or a stele.
The person named Onesikrates, mentioned in lines 3 and 4 of the inscription, played an important role in this inscription. This person is the uncle of Hermias, the young Onesikrates and Ulpianus. It is understood that the uncle Onesikrates was the head of the family group mentioned in the poem. It is not known whether he took over the care of his nephews after the death of their father and whether they therefore all belonged to the same household. In any case, here as elsewhere, third-degree kinship reflects close family ties, especially in rural social structures. The uncle Onesicrates, who was also a soldier, appears as a central figure, and all the nephews mentioned are included in his oath or prayer. In line 4, the addressee, addressed in the second person (σύ θ᾿), must be the (local?) deity of the (local?) sanctuary of Dabla, to whom the wish to bestow property on the named individuals is expressed. It is known from the inscriptions that Zeus Bennios or Zeus Bronton was worshipped in this region. This inscription may have been erected in the sanctuary of one of these two gods. The article analyses the phrase Δαβλόνῳ παρὰ νηῷ in line 9 of the inscription and suggests that the name of the settlement may be Dabla. The inscription poetically describes the full financing of the three sacrificial feasts. The poem itself is thus identified as an expression of this praise for the donors.
{"title":"Kommemorativinschrift anlässlich der Stiftung von Opferfesten und Weihgaben durch einen Familienverband im Heiligtum von Dabla","authors":"Gregor STAAB, Hüseyin UZUNOĞLU, Nalan Eda AKYÜREK ŞAHİN","doi":"10.37095/gephyra.1371394","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1371394","url":null,"abstract":"This article is a continuation of the article published in the previous issue of Gephyra (Staab - Akyürek Şahin - Uzunoğlu 2023). The article analyses an inscription from the village of Ahmetler in the Pazaryeri district of Bilecik province, which was recorded by the Bilecik Museum authorities. The stone is not in the Bilecik Museum today but is probably still in the wall where it was built. The inscription was read from the photograph taken by the museum authorities, but the stone itself was not seen. The inscription is an epigram written in hexameter verse. The first two lines of the epigram are missing and probably remained under the cement on the wall. However, the rest of the lines are almost complete except line 1, which is poorly preserved. Since the stone was built into a wall, it is not clear whether the inscription carrier was an altar or a stele.
 The person named Onesikrates, mentioned in lines 3 and 4 of the inscription, played an important role in this inscription. This person is the uncle of Hermias, the young Onesikrates and Ulpianus. It is understood that the uncle Onesikrates was the head of the family group mentioned in the poem. It is not known whether he took over the care of his nephews after the death of their father and whether they therefore all belonged to the same household. In any case, here as elsewhere, third-degree kinship reflects close family ties, especially in rural social structures. The uncle Onesicrates, who was also a soldier, appears as a central figure, and all the nephews mentioned are included in his oath or prayer. In line 4, the addressee, addressed in the second person (σύ θ᾿), must be the (local?) deity of the (local?) sanctuary of Dabla, to whom the wish to bestow property on the named individuals is expressed. It is known from the inscriptions that Zeus Bennios or Zeus Bronton was worshipped in this region. This inscription may have been erected in the sanctuary of one of these two gods. The article analyses the phrase Δαβλόνῳ παρὰ νηῷ in line 9 of the inscription and suggests that the name of the settlement may be Dabla. The inscription poetically describes the full financing of the three sacrificial feasts. The poem itself is thus identified as an expression of this praise for the donors.","PeriodicalId":37539,"journal":{"name":"Gephyra","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136178595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-08DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1299257
Nilgun ELAM, Christos MALATRAS, Yavuz Selim GÜLER
The collection of lead seals of the Pera Museum consists of 17 unpublished pieces, except for three lead seals (nos.1, 8, and 10) which are dated from the second half of the 7th century to the 13th century. Ten of the seventeen Byzantine lead seals of the Pera Museum collection mention the dignities and the offices of their owners. These offices range from the lower rank of a simple notary (no. 5) up to the highest office of the emperor himself (no. 9). There is only one seal related to the ecclesiastical administration, issued by a bishop (no. 2). Noteworthy are the seals of Georgios (no. 6), who has the uniquely attested office of an imperial apothekarios, as well as the 11th-century seal of Pharasmanes Apokapes, member of a notable Byzantine family of Armenian origin, by whom no other seals have been published so far. Another group of seals consists of the specimens (nos. 11-14 and possibly also no. 17) where only the name or the surname of their owner is mentioned. All these pieces are dated to the period between the second half of the 11th century and the 13th century. In the collection, there are two more iconographic seals (nos. 15-16) depicting on both sides holy figures without any inscription that mentions their owner, and finally, an unidentified seal (no. 17) (dated to the end of the 11th century).
{"title":"Pera Müzesi’ndeki Bizans Kurşun Mühürleri","authors":"Nilgun ELAM, Christos MALATRAS, Yavuz Selim GÜLER","doi":"10.37095/gephyra.1299257","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1299257","url":null,"abstract":"The collection of lead seals of the Pera Museum consists of 17 unpublished pieces, except for three lead seals (nos.1, 8, and 10) which are dated from the second half of the 7th century to the 13th century. Ten of the seventeen Byzantine lead seals of the Pera Museum collection mention the dignities and the offices of their owners. These offices range from the lower rank of a simple notary (no. 5) up to the highest office of the emperor himself (no. 9). There is only one seal related to the ecclesiastical administration, issued by a bishop (no. 2). Noteworthy are the seals of Georgios (no. 6), who has the uniquely attested office of an imperial apothekarios, as well as the 11th-century seal of Pharasmanes Apokapes, member of a notable Byzantine family of Armenian origin, by whom no other seals have been published so far. Another group of seals consists of the specimens (nos. 11-14 and possibly also no. 17) where only the name or the surname of their owner is mentioned. All these pieces are dated to the period between the second half of the 11th century and the 13th century. In the collection, there are two more iconographic seals (nos. 15-16) depicting on both sides holy figures without any inscription that mentions their owner, and finally, an unidentified seal (no. 17) (dated to the end of the 11th century).","PeriodicalId":37539,"journal":{"name":"Gephyra","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135252441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-05DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1356511
Andreas KLİNGENBERG
The wealth and possessions of Roman senators in the imperial period consisted predominantly in land property, as emphasized by Pliny the Younger (epist. 3,19,8). It is mainly epigraphic documents that give us information about the location and sometimes extent of senatorial land ownership. Especially in Asia Minor there is plenty of evidence, of which Helmut Halfmann already compiled quite some in 1979. Since then many new testimonies have been discovered and published. Apart from that, further, earlier published evidence for the land ownership of senators whose origin was not in Asia Minor can be added. However, a systematic study of senatorial land ownership in Asia Minor as a whole is not yet at hand.
The paper provides prolegomena to such a study. I thus give an overview of the extent, distribution and background of senatorial land ownership in Asia Minor. Rarely is this property so clearly indicated as in the land register of Magnesia (I.Magnesia 122, c2). Usually only the combination of different inscriptions confirms the identification of senatorial landowners. Therefore, I outline methodological guidelines on how to obtain reliable findings from such information. Landed properties could change owners, senatorial estates often passed into the possession of the emperors, which is much better researched. Important questions relate to continuity of ownership within a family and to the circumstances of changes of possession. In this context, I also discuss how the senators came to their property. Especially in the case of senators from other parts of the Roman Empire, the question arises as to why and how they acquired landed property in Asia Minor.
{"title":"Senatorial Estates in Imperial Asia Minor – State of the Question, Methodological Issues and Perspectives on Future Research","authors":"Andreas KLİNGENBERG","doi":"10.37095/gephyra.1356511","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1356511","url":null,"abstract":"The wealth and possessions of Roman senators in the imperial period consisted predominantly in land property, as emphasized by Pliny the Younger (epist. 3,19,8). It is mainly epigraphic documents that give us information about the location and sometimes extent of senatorial land ownership. Especially in Asia Minor there is plenty of evidence, of which Helmut Halfmann already compiled quite some in 1979. Since then many new testimonies have been discovered and published. Apart from that, further, earlier published evidence for the land ownership of senators whose origin was not in Asia Minor can be added. However, a systematic study of senatorial land ownership in Asia Minor as a whole is not yet at hand. 
 The paper provides prolegomena to such a study. I thus give an overview of the extent, distribution and background of senatorial land ownership in Asia Minor. Rarely is this property so clearly indicated as in the land register of Magnesia (I.Magnesia 122, c2). Usually only the combination of different inscriptions confirms the identification of senatorial landowners. Therefore, I outline methodological guidelines on how to obtain reliable findings from such information. Landed properties could change owners, senatorial estates often passed into the possession of the emperors, which is much better researched. Important questions relate to continuity of ownership within a family and to the circumstances of changes of possession. In this context, I also discuss how the senators came to their property. Especially in the case of senators from other parts of the Roman Empire, the question arises as to why and how they acquired landed property in Asia Minor.","PeriodicalId":37539,"journal":{"name":"Gephyra","volume":"302 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135546833","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-25DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1362218
Erkan DÜNDAR
This article analyzes twenty-six amphora stamps found during the excavations at the ancient city of Kalynda in 2022-2023. Twenty are identified as being of Rhodian origin, five are from Knidos, and one is unidentified. These finds not only contribute to our understanding of the Hellenistic history of the settlement but also provide some new information on the distribution and statistics of stamped amphora handles in southwestern Asia Minor. The quantity of stamped amphora handles found in Kalynda during a brief excavation period suggests that the settlement engaged in commercial relations with neighboring regions in the Hellenistic era. About 85% of the stamps found relate to the 3rd century BC, verifying the locality’s situation on a bustling trade path as backed by epigraphic documents and literary sources. These connections indicate an important relationship between Kalynda and the Ptolemaic administration.
{"title":"Kalinda’dan Hellenistik Dönem Amphora Mühürleri","authors":"Erkan DÜNDAR","doi":"10.37095/gephyra.1362218","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1362218","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes twenty-six amphora stamps found during the excavations at the ancient city of Kalynda in 2022-2023. Twenty are identified as being of Rhodian origin, five are from Knidos, and one is unidentified. These finds not only contribute to our understanding of the Hellenistic history of the settlement but also provide some new information on the distribution and statistics of stamped amphora handles in southwestern Asia Minor. The quantity of stamped amphora handles found in Kalynda during a brief excavation period suggests that the settlement engaged in commercial relations with neighboring regions in the Hellenistic era. About 85% of the stamps found relate to the 3rd century BC, verifying the locality’s situation on a bustling trade path as backed by epigraphic documents and literary sources. These connections indicate an important relationship between Kalynda and the Ptolemaic administration.","PeriodicalId":37539,"journal":{"name":"Gephyra","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135867411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-21DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1284559
Suat ATEŞLİER
Ilıcatepe, located right on the edge of the Kuşadası-Davutlar modern highway, covers an area of 540x315 meters and consists of limestone bedrock with a height of about 50 meters, and is surrounded by a wall built with Cyclopic stonework, which is understood to have been cut from its own bedrock. This masonry, which is not very common to see in Western Anatolia, attracted the attention of researchers who came to the hill, and some researchers suggested that the wall may belong to the 2nd millennium BC. The strategic importance of this hill, which is located on the slope of Mykale, which is considered by many researchers as Arinnanda, and 4 km away from Kadıkalesi, cannot be ignored. Although the walls built with monumental stones in Western Anatolia are generally approached with suspicion, considering the findings in the researches made in Caria in recent years, similar masonry known to exist in mainland Greece, Crete, Aegean Islands and Central Anatolia can be found in Western Anatolia. It is very natural to come across. Although the walls built with monumental stones in the Archaic Period are known in Western Anatolia, the juxtaposition of the stones, the filling of the gaps between the stones, and the differences in the type and material of the masonry tools used help in the dating of the walls. Historical events in the immediate vicinity of Ilıcatepe increase the strategic importance of the hill. The expedition organised by the Hittite king Murshili II (1322-1298 BC) against the Arzawa Country in Western Anatolia is very important in terms of our knowledge of the geography of the region. In the third year of his reign after becoming the Hittite king, Murshili II marched on Arzawa on the pretext of the non-return of the Hattian refugees who fled from the Hittite lands to the Arzawa Kingdom. At that time, Uhhaziti was at the head of the Arzawa Kingdom. The route of Murshili II during the said campaign started from the land of Hatti and ended in the country of Arzawa and the Aegean coast. The Hittite army under the command of Murshili II followed certain routes and arrived at its final destination, Mount Arinnanda. Based on the king's account of this campaign, it is understood that some of the Arzawans fled to the Aegean islands before the Hittite army arrived. The records indicate that those who did not flee to the Aegean islands ascended Mount Arinnanda, took refuge in Puranda, which is understood to be a fortified centre, and prepared for war there. The passages in which Murshili II describes his struggle with those who fled to Mount Arinnanda are quite remarkable.
{"title":"Kuşadası'ndaki Ilıcatepe'nin Kyklopien Duvarları Üzerine Düşünceler","authors":"Suat ATEŞLİER","doi":"10.37095/gephyra.1284559","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1284559","url":null,"abstract":"Ilıcatepe, located right on the edge of the Kuşadası-Davutlar modern highway, covers an area of 540x315 meters and consists of limestone bedrock with a height of about 50 meters, and is surrounded by a wall built with Cyclopic stonework, which is understood to have been cut from its own bedrock. This masonry, which is not very common to see in Western Anatolia, attracted the attention of researchers who came to the hill, and some researchers suggested that the wall may belong to the 2nd millennium BC. The strategic importance of this hill, which is located on the slope of Mykale, which is considered by many researchers as Arinnanda, and 4 km away from Kadıkalesi, cannot be ignored. Although the walls built with monumental stones in Western Anatolia are generally approached with suspicion, considering the findings in the researches made in Caria in recent years, similar masonry known to exist in mainland Greece, Crete, Aegean Islands and Central Anatolia can be found in Western Anatolia. It is very natural to come across. Although the walls built with monumental stones in the Archaic Period are known in Western Anatolia, the juxtaposition of the stones, the filling of the gaps between the stones, and the differences in the type and material of the masonry tools used help in the dating of the walls. Historical events in the immediate vicinity of Ilıcatepe increase the strategic importance of the hill. The expedition organised by the Hittite king Murshili II (1322-1298 BC) against the Arzawa Country in Western Anatolia is very important in terms of our knowledge of the geography of the region. In the third year of his reign after becoming the Hittite king, Murshili II marched on Arzawa on the pretext of the non-return of the Hattian refugees who fled from the Hittite lands to the Arzawa Kingdom. At that time, Uhhaziti was at the head of the Arzawa Kingdom. The route of Murshili II during the said campaign started from the land of Hatti and ended in the country of Arzawa and the Aegean coast. The Hittite army under the command of Murshili II followed certain routes and arrived at its final destination, Mount Arinnanda. Based on the king's account of this campaign, it is understood that some of the Arzawans fled to the Aegean islands before the Hittite army arrived. The records indicate that those who did not flee to the Aegean islands ascended Mount Arinnanda, took refuge in Puranda, which is understood to be a fortified centre, and prepared for war there. The passages in which Murshili II describes his struggle with those who fled to Mount Arinnanda are quite remarkable.","PeriodicalId":37539,"journal":{"name":"Gephyra","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136239726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-21DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1252079
Florian HAYMANN
This article provides an overview of the most important coin types depicting frontal lions from the Greek Archaic period to the first century BC. The spear-biting lions are not included in this paper as they form the subject of a separate study. Starting from the ancient written tradition, explanations are offered based on the effect of the lion’s gaze, which is repeatedly mentioned in ancient texts. With the addition of the respective reverses and modes of representation, it is possible to identify references to religious cults: Apollo, Artemis, Athena, Hera and Heracles. But rulers also used frontal lion images for specific purposes. To express the solar aspect of Apollo, frontality seemed the most appropriate. A particularly close connection between the lion and Loxías has been demonstrated for Rhegion. The example of Samos shows that an autocrat could choose the emblem of a “frontal lion’s head” – probably also to suggest solar qualities. Under Achaemenid influence however, the lion regularly became the victim of the ruler – albeit a particularly dangerous and fearsome one, which was emphasised through its frontality. The same goes for Lysimachus, whose choice of image is astonishingly close to Pliny’s reflex, which focuses entirely on the lion’s sight. It is also shown that lion masks are often associated with the deeds of Heracles, which also gave rise to other coin images in which the use of frontality brought special nuances of meaning, for example the illustration of special effort or a narrative connection between two coin images. In one case, a frontal lion leaping out of a rectangle was associated with the cult of Athena. Another group of frontal lions may have had an apotropaic-demonic character, mainly conveyed by the eyes fixed on the observer. Here we can see a connection with the Gorgoneion. As for the frequent image of devouring lions, a biblical source suggests that the animals were particularly irritable and dangerous during this process. Finally, it was recommended that lions and leopards should be carefully separated, with leopards being particularly suitable for depicting the ‘man-destroying’ god Dionysus in frontal perspective.
{"title":"In the Eye of the Lion: Iconological Observations on Frontal Depictions of Lions on Ancient Coins","authors":"Florian HAYMANN","doi":"10.37095/gephyra.1252079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1252079","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides an overview of the most important coin types depicting frontal lions from the Greek Archaic period to the first century BC. The spear-biting lions are not included in this paper as they form the subject of a separate study. Starting from the ancient written tradition, explanations are offered based on the effect of the lion’s gaze, which is repeatedly mentioned in ancient texts. With the addition of the respective reverses and modes of representation, it is possible to identify references to religious cults: Apollo, Artemis, Athena, Hera and Heracles. But rulers also used frontal lion images for specific purposes. To express the solar aspect of Apollo, frontality seemed the most appropriate. A particularly close connection between the lion and Loxías has been demonstrated for Rhegion. The example of Samos shows that an autocrat could choose the emblem of a “frontal lion’s head” – probably also to suggest solar qualities. Under Achaemenid influence however, the lion regularly became the victim of the ruler – albeit a particularly dangerous and fearsome one, which was emphasised through its frontality. The same goes for Lysimachus, whose choice of image is astonishingly close to Pliny’s reflex, which focuses entirely on the lion’s sight. It is also shown that lion masks are often associated with the deeds of Heracles, which also gave rise to other coin images in which the use of frontality brought special nuances of meaning, for example the illustration of special effort or a narrative connection between two coin images. In one case, a frontal lion leaping out of a rectangle was associated with the cult of Athena. Another group of frontal lions may have had an apotropaic-demonic character, mainly conveyed by the eyes fixed on the observer. Here we can see a connection with the Gorgoneion. As for the frequent image of devouring lions, a biblical source suggests that the animals were particularly irritable and dangerous during this process. Finally, it was recommended that lions and leopards should be carefully separated, with leopards being particularly suitable for depicting the ‘man-destroying’ god Dionysus in frontal perspective.","PeriodicalId":37539,"journal":{"name":"Gephyra","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136239728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-08DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1321119
Héctor ARROYO-QUİRCE
The use of epigrams on stone during the Late Empire to honour important individuals, whether Roman officials or local benefactors, is a well-known phenomenon, although little explored to elucidate questions of political and institutional history, especially tricky due to the poetic nature of the material. In this field of study, the present work is focused on two epigrams from the Pisidian city of Termessos honouring Pamphyliarchs with the expressions ψῆφος Παμφύλων and γῆς κάρα Παμφύλων. After briefly reviewing the historical links of Termessos with Pamphylia, the main objective is to analyse these expressions as poetic allusions to the honorific title πρῶτος, used in the epigraphy of Asia Minor during the Roman period to designate individual primacy. The last section highlights similarities with two other epigrams from the cities of Perge and Attaleia in Pamphylia in honour of Roman governors, while discussing their identity and the title πιστή of the city of Side.
{"title":"Termessos’taki Pamphyliarkhlar ve Pamphylia’daki Roma Valileri İçin Epigramlar. Öncelik ve Onurlar","authors":"Héctor ARROYO-QUİRCE","doi":"10.37095/gephyra.1321119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1321119","url":null,"abstract":"The use of epigrams on stone during the Late Empire to honour important individuals, whether Roman officials or local benefactors, is a well-known phenomenon, although little explored to elucidate questions of political and institutional history, especially tricky due to the poetic nature of the material. In this field of study, the present work is focused on two epigrams from the Pisidian city of Termessos honouring Pamphyliarchs with the expressions ψῆφος Παμφύλων and γῆς κάρα Παμφύλων. After briefly reviewing the historical links of Termessos with Pamphylia, the main objective is to analyse these expressions as poetic allusions to the honorific title πρῶτος, used in the epigraphy of Asia Minor during the Roman period to designate individual primacy. The last section highlights similarities with two other epigrams from the cities of Perge and Attaleia in Pamphylia in honour of Roman governors, while discussing their identity and the title πιστή of the city of Side.","PeriodicalId":37539,"journal":{"name":"Gephyra","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136363422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-25DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1300441
Murat TOZAN
Geographical depictions in ancient texts are often personal, biased, subjective, and sometimes imaginative. Therefore, the concept of geosophy coined by J. Kirtland Wright is important in terms of examining the geographical narratives and expressions in historical texts. According to him, geosophy is the study of geographical information in all respects and covers both true and false geographical ideas of all manner of people. Hence, Wright emphasizes that intuitive, imaginative and subjective thoughts are also valuable in geographical perception and should be taken into consideration. Examining all kinds of information related to the geographical perception in the texts from past to present brings the concept of geosophy closer to history as a discipline. In this study, physiognomic and geographical definitions of Aelius Aristeides, an orator and sophist of the 2nd century CE, about Pergamon, which is the most important ancient settlement of Kaikos Valley, and its surroundings are examined in terms of geosophical subjectivity and imagining categories. Thus, it is revealed that the examination of the narratives of ancient texts on terrestrial space from the geosophical point of view can offer new perspectives in studies on ancient history and historical geography.
{"title":"Physiognomy and Geosophy of Pergamon according to Aelius Aristeides","authors":"Murat TOZAN","doi":"10.37095/gephyra.1300441","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1300441","url":null,"abstract":"Geographical depictions in ancient texts are often personal, biased, subjective, and sometimes imaginative. Therefore, the concept of geosophy coined by J. Kirtland Wright is important in terms of examining the geographical narratives and expressions in historical texts. According to him, geosophy is the study of geographical information in all respects and covers both true and false geographical ideas of all manner of people. Hence, Wright emphasizes that intuitive, imaginative and subjective thoughts are also valuable in geographical perception and should be taken into consideration. Examining all kinds of information related to the geographical perception in the texts from past to present brings the concept of geosophy closer to history as a discipline. In this study, physiognomic and geographical definitions of Aelius Aristeides, an orator and sophist of the 2nd century CE, about Pergamon, which is the most important ancient settlement of Kaikos Valley, and its surroundings are examined in terms of geosophical subjectivity and imagining categories. Thus, it is revealed that the examination of the narratives of ancient texts on terrestrial space from the geosophical point of view can offer new perspectives in studies on ancient history and historical geography.","PeriodicalId":37539,"journal":{"name":"Gephyra","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134932558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-24DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1328137
Jan-mathieu CARBON
N. Eda Akyürek Şahin and Hüseyin Uzunoğlu have recently published an interesting dedication to Zeus Bronton from the 2nd-3rd c. AD in this journal (Gephyra 23, 2022, 119-120 no. 19, with phs.). Following an attempt to further elucidate the text, this inscription is here identified as a narrative account of the power of Zeus Bronton. While the inscription finds a place in a growing number of documents about the worship of this god in Phrygia Epiktetos, it also reveals important parallels with the so-called “confession stelai” from Lydia. More broadly, the text is to be situated within a wider genre of miracle narrative—aretalogy or eulogy—that is particularly prominent in the epigraphic evidence from Anatolia.
N. Eda aky rek Şahin和h seyin Uzunoğlu最近在该杂志上发表了一篇有趣的关于公元2 -3世纪宙斯·布朗顿的献词(Gephyra 232,2022, 119-120号)。19, with phs.)。在试图进一步阐明文本之后，这个铭文在这里被确定为宙斯·布朗顿力量的叙述。尽管在《弗里吉亚史诗》中，关于这位神的崇拜的文献越来越多，但它也揭示了与吕底亚所谓的“忏悔石碑”的重要相似之处。更广泛地说，文本是位于一个更广泛的类型的奇迹叙事- aretalogy或悼词-这是特别突出的铭文证据从安纳托利亚。
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