Pub Date : 2023-08-24DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1332467
Michael WÖRRLE, Fatih ONUR
The first part of this article deals with a Severan family monument from Asarönü: Statue bases of father (new) and mother (first published in 1991), erected by their sons in the local sanctuary of Apollo, show important public functions of the elite family in Limyra: local priesthood to the emperors, organisation of sitonia, embassies to the emperors in Rome and Britain, and in the Lycian Confederacy: priesthood to the Roma. The second chapter presents a fragmentary stele from the same sanctuary of Apollo (3rd century B.C.): Asarönü, then still an autonomous polis, was incorporated into the polis of Limyra as a dependent community with the rank and function of a peripolion under the Rhodian occupation of Lycia (188-167 B.C.). The appendix presents a fragmentary Late Hellenistic inscription from Limyra, which informs about the strategia, the division of the official year into two hexamenoi, and the Apolloneioi as Asarönü’s ‘demotikon’ in Limyra.
本文的第一部分涉及来自Asarönü的塞维兰家族纪念碑:父亲(新)和母亲的雕像基地(1991年首次出版)，由他们的儿子在阿波罗当地的圣所竖立，展示了利米拉精英家庭的重要公共职能:皇帝的当地祭司，西托尼亚组织，罗马和英国皇帝的大使馆，以及在利西亚联盟:罗马人的祭司。第二章展示了来自阿波罗神庙(公元前3世纪)的一块残片石碑:Asarönü，当时仍然是一个自治城邦，被并入利米拉城邦，作为一个独立的社区，在吕西亚(公元前188-167年)的罗得斯占领下，具有peripolion的等级和功能。附录展示了来自利米拉的晚期希腊文铭文的碎片，其中介绍了战略，将官方年划分为两个六年，阿波罗年作为Asarönü ' s ' demotikon '在利米拉。
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Pub Date : 2023-08-08DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1331598
Diether SCHÜRR
Auf seinem Sarkophag in Limyra ist Khñtabura nackt zwischen zwei alten sitzenden Männern dargestellt, die als Araχa und Khinaχa bezeichnet werden. Bei dem zweiten könnte es sich um den Dynasten Khinaχa handeln, der schon viel früher in Limyra Münzen prägte, denn es gibt andere Fälle, in denen das Andenken an Dynasten in Inschriften gepflegt wird, auch in griechischen Inschriften in hellenistischer Zeit, und sogar in byzantinischer Zeit werden die Säulengräber von Dynasten geehrt. Hier wird wahrscheinlich Khinaχa als Vorfahre von Khñtabura gedacht.
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Pub Date : 2023-07-25DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1268129
Sergio ESPAÑA CHAMORRO
This article presents a new reading that completes the text of an already published inscription. This new reading has important new information regarding the family relationships, the onomastic study and the chronology of the monument.
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Pub Date : 2023-05-15DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1263947
Tolga Özhan, Davut Kaplan
This article presents six inscriptions from the sanctuary of Apollo Smintheus. Of these, inscription no. 2 was discovered during a survey in 2006 and the other five were found during the excavations at the site from 2009 onwards. In addition to the contribution of these inscriptions to the onomastic repertoire of Alexandreia Troas in general, inscription no. 1, which attests for the first time to the existence of the office of hieronomos at the sanctuary, and inscription no. 6, which records a religious association called ἱερὰ συμβίωσις are of particular interest. Inscription no. 1 is carved on an architectural block from a building of the Hellenistic period. It is not possible to determine with certainty to which building this block belongs, but the building or restoration costs were covered by the revenues of the god, and this construction activity is dated by the office of hieronomos. Also dating to the Hellenistic period, inscription no. 2 on an altar commemorates Kallistos, son of Agemachos, after his death. The depiction of a temple key on this altar suggests that Kallistos may have served Apollo Smintheus as a key-bearer. In inscription no. 3, a benefactor named Titus Aelius Metrodoros, bearing the title philopatris, is honoured by his dearest fatherland (γλυκυτάτη πατρίς), Alexandreia Troas. Inscription no. 4 on a marble plinth is a dedication of a column to Apollo Smintheus by Publius Quintilius Axios, probably a freedman of the Publii branch of the Quintilii, a senatorial family of Alexandreia Troas, and his wife Daphne. Inscription no. 5 is a dedication to Apollo Smintheus by Turianius Gamos, which is a variant of the rare nomen Turrianius. The final inscription no. 6 is an ex-voto offered to a sacred association (ἱερὰ συμβίωσις) by a person, for whom only the father's name and the nickname, Publius, have survived.
这篇文章介绍了阿波罗·斯明修斯神庙的六个铭文。其中，题词号。其中2件是在2006年的一次调查中发现的，另外5件是在2009年以后的挖掘过程中发现的。除了这些铭文对亚历山大特罗阿斯的onomastic曲目的贡献之外，铭文no。第1号，这是第一次证明在圣所存在的办公室，并铭文编号。6，其中记录了一个名为“ο ερ ο σ μβ ωσις”的宗教协会，特别令人感兴趣。铭文。它被雕刻在希腊化时期一座建筑的一块建筑块上。我们不可能确定这个街区属于哪座建筑，但建造或修复的费用是由神的收入支付的，这种建筑活动是由hieronomos办公室确定的。同样可以追溯到希腊化时期，碑文编号。阿格玛科斯的儿子卡利斯托斯死后的祭坛上。祭坛上神庙钥匙的描绘表明，卡利斯托斯可能曾为阿波罗·斯明修斯提供过钥匙。题词:3，一位名叫提图斯·埃利乌斯·米特罗多罗斯的恩人，被称为philopatris，被他最亲爱的祖国(γλ κ κ τ τη η πατρ末路ς)亚历山大·特罗亚斯授予荣誉。铭文。大理石基座上刻着一根献给阿波罗·斯敏修斯的石柱，作者是普普利乌斯·昆提利乌斯·阿克索斯，他可能是普普利乌斯分支的自由人，普普利乌斯是亚历山大·特罗阿斯和他的妻子达芙妮的元老院家族。铭文。5号是图里亚尼乌斯·伽摩斯献给阿波罗·斯明修斯的献词，图里亚尼乌斯是罕见的图里亚尼乌斯的变体。最后题词号:6是一个人献给一个神圣协会的前voto (ο ερ ο σ μβ ωσις)，只有父亲的名字和绰号“Publius”留存了下来。
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Pub Date : 2023-05-15DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1252687
Emmanouil Vouti̇ras
Two inscribed bases of votive offerings to Zeus Larasios from Tralleis (Aydin), dating from the late second or early third century AD, have been repeatedly discussed ever since the first of them was published in the 19th century. The starting point of the discussion has been the fact that the women who dedicated the offerings identify themselves as pallakai (concubines), a sacred function that was hereditary and could be held only once (or in exceptional cases twice) in a lifetime. There is no agreement among scholars on the duties performed by the pallakai every four years, on the occasion of the penteteric festival of Zeus Larasios. The hypothesis that they were sacred prostitutes, put forward by W. Ramsey in 1883, has been abandoned. The proposal of K. Latte to recognize the pallakai as prophetesses (on the model of the Pythia) is also problematic. The explanation of the term pallake or pallakis by ancient lexicographers as a young girl at the beginning of puberty suggests that the pallakai of Zeus Larasios performed a ritual signaling the transition from childhood to reproductive age. Strabo records a ritual of this kind in Egyptian Thebes.
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Pub Date : 2023-05-15DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1202238
Zsolt Simon
The similarity of two terms of Carian funerary terminology, ś(j)as ‘funerary monument’ (attested in Carian inscriptions) and σοῦα(ν) ‘tomb’ (preserved by Stephan of Byzantium) was recognized long ago, but their connection, if it exists at all, is unclear. This paper argues that both forms go back to the same underlying word by regular phonological and morphological processes.
卡里安丧葬术语的两个术语，作为“丧葬纪念碑”(在卡里安碑文中得到证实)和σο ο α(ν)“坟墓”(由拜占庭的斯蒂芬保存)的相似性很久以前就被认识到，但它们之间的联系，如果存在的话，是不清楚的。本文认为，这两种形式都可以通过规则的语音和形态过程回到同一个潜在的单词。
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Pub Date : 2023-05-15DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1254915
Pınar Aytaçlar
In this paper, four new honorific inscriptions from Aizanoi are presented. All of the inscriptions have been found in Çavdarhisar during the excavation seasons of 2021 and 2022 and excluding n. 2, the stones are rectangular bomos-type statue bases. Inscriptions are dated to the Roman Imperial Period. N.1 is the honorary inscription of Lucius Claudius Lepidus who was the life-long high priest of the emperor in the reign of Commodus. He was the chief priest of Asia and the neokoros of the temples in Smyrna. The inscription was erected by the phyle Asklepias, the name of which first came into light due to the excavations in the theater in 2020. N. 2 is a honorific inscription of a chreophylakes whose name is unfortunately missing. Chreophylakia was a prominent public office in Aizanoi, as seen in the honorific inscriptions of the city’s elite citizens. N. 3 and n. 4 are rectangular bomos-type statue bases. Both of them are honours of the “πατρίς”. Although ἡ πατρὶς occurs frequently in the inscriptions of Aizanoi, it was in the nominative case in only two published examples. N. 3 belongs to Philiskos, son of Philiskos, the ephebos. Finally, n. 4 is the statue base of Neikostratos, son of Dionysios, the stephanephoros, honoured by his fatherland.
本文介绍了四种新的艾札诺敬文。所有的铭文都是在2021年和2022年的挖掘季节在Çavdarhisar发现的，除了2号之外，这些石头都是矩形的形像底座。碑文可以追溯到罗马帝国时期。N.1是Lucius Claudius Lepidus的荣誉铭文，他是康茂德统治时期皇帝的终身大祭司。他是亚细亚的大祭司，也是士麦拿神殿的祭司。碑文是由阿斯克勒皮亚斯神庙竖立的，由于2020年在剧院的挖掘，它的名字首次曝光。N. 2是一种革藻的铭文，它的名字不幸丢失了。Chreophylakia在Aizanoi是一个重要的公共职位，从城市精英公民的敬文中可以看出。n. 3和n. 4为矩形异形雕像底座。两者都是“πατρ末梢ς”的荣誉。虽然ς πατρ ς在Aizanoi的铭文中经常出现，但仅在两个已发表的例子中以主格形式出现。N. 3属非利士的儿子非利士，以弗伯。最后，第4号是狄俄尼索斯的儿子涅科斯特拉托斯的雕像底座，他受到祖国的尊敬。
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Pub Date : 2023-05-15DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1276838
Gregor Staab, Nalan Eda AKYÜREK ŞAHİN, Hüseyin Uzunoğlu
This article is a continuation of the articles we published in the previous issues of Gephyra (23, 2022 and 24, 2022). The article analyses three inscriptions found in various villages of Bilecik. On the second artefact there is both an epigram (no. 2a) and a grave inscription in prose (no. 2b). Of these inscriptions, only the stele described in no. 3 is today in the Bilecik Museum. The other two inscriptions are probably still in the field. We read the first inscription from a photograph given to us by the museum authorities, but we did not see the inscription itself. We read the second inscription from a photograph given to us by a person in Bozüyük, but we did not see the stone itself either. The first inscription found in the village of Danışment in Yenipazar is a funerary epigram written for an old man named Antonius. It appears that one of his sons, Maximus, was a gerusiastes who ruled the gerusia. The second inscription found during the construction of the major intercity road in Bozüyük consists of two separate inscriptions carved on stone in different periods. Inscription A is a funerary epigram for a man named Gaius and his family. Inscription B was carved later and the Gaianus mentioned in the inscription is probably the grandson of the Gaius mentioned in inscription A. Inscription B is not an epigram, although it contains poetic words. Although the right half of the last epigram, no. 3, is missing, the inscription could be restored to a large extent. The grave owner, a farmer, probably died at the age of 70, leaving behind a young wife and three small children as orphans.
本文是我们在前几期Gephyra(2022年23日和2022年24日)上发表的文章的延续。本文分析了在比勒西克不同村庄发现的三个铭文。在第二个人工制品上有一个警句(不。2a)和一个用散文写的墓志铭(no。2 b)。在这些铭文中，只有石碑上没有描述。现在在比莱克克博物馆展出。另外两个铭文可能还在现场。我们从博物馆当局给我们的一张照片上读到了第一个铭文，但我们没有看到铭文本身。我们从boz y k的一个人给我们的照片中读到了第二个铭文，但我们也没有看到石头本身。在Yenipazar的Danışment村发现的第一个铭文是为一位名叫Antonius的老人写的葬礼铭文。他的一个儿子马克西姆斯(Maximus)似乎是统治古鲁西亚的古鲁西亚人。第二个铭文是在博兹 y克主要城际公路建设期间发现的，由两个不同时期刻在石头上的独立铭文组成。碑文A是一个叫盖乌斯的人和他的家人的葬礼警句。碑文B是后来雕刻的，碑文中提到的盖亚努斯很可能是碑文a中提到的盖亚努斯的孙子。碑文B不是警句，尽管它包含了诗歌。虽然最后一句警句的右半部分，没有。3、是丢失的，碑文可以在很大程度上得到修复。坟墓的主人是一个农民，可能在70岁时去世，留下了一个年轻的妻子和三个年幼的孩子作为孤儿。
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Pub Date : 2023-05-15DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1264663
Marcus Chin
The koina of pre-Roman Asia Minor, comprising several major organisations along its western and southern coasts like the koina of Athena Ilias, the Lesbians, the Ionians, the Chrysaorians, and the Lykians, present a collection of federal states less well understood than better documented koina in mainland Greece. This paper highlights the regional characteristics of these Anatolian koina by examining their monetary and political economies. It first suggests that federalising behaviour in Hellenistic western Asia Minor tended to be centred on regional sanctuaries and festivals, and less involved in the formation of cohesive political institutions through federal law-making or military mobilisation. This also had the effect that they present the impression of being monetarily ‘light’, as is explained in the second section, because they were not by and large fiscally cohesive, or had close oversight of monetary supply, with the notable exception of the Lykian league – taxation was not hugely intrusive or extensive, and little federal coinage was produced. The last two sections consider this ‘lightness’ as a function of the regional specificities of political and economic power in the region, suggesting that koina functioned parasitically as organisations ensconced between imperial states and civic communities, both reflecting and shaping the dominant role in the region of these two types of polity in the Hellenistic period.
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Pub Date : 2023-05-15DOI: 10.37095/gephyra.1245711
Diether Schürr
Die "etymologische Methode" ist kein zuverlässiges Instrument zum Verständnis der lykischen Gedichte, selbst wenn man sich auf den Vergleich mit anderen anatolischen Sprachen beschränkt. Der Anspruch, sie zu übersetzen, kann nur phantasievolle Ergebnisse hervorbringen, wie bereits in der Vergangenheit gezeigt wurde. Eine bescheidenere Methode versucht, innerlykische Etymologien (oder einfach Verbindungen mit anderen Wörtern) zu verwenden, einschließlich Namen in späteren griechischen Inschriften aus Lykien.
{"title":"Methodological Considerations in Investigating Lycian Poems","authors":"Diether Schürr","doi":"10.37095/gephyra.1245711","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1245711","url":null,"abstract":"Die \"etymologische Methode\" ist kein zuverlässiges Instrument zum Verständnis der lykischen Gedichte, selbst wenn man sich auf den Vergleich mit anderen anatolischen Sprachen beschränkt. Der Anspruch, sie zu übersetzen, kann nur phantasievolle Ergebnisse hervorbringen, wie bereits in der Vergangenheit gezeigt wurde. Eine bescheidenere Methode versucht, innerlykische Etymologien (oder einfach Verbindungen mit anderen Wörtern) zu verwenden, einschließlich Namen in späteren griechischen Inschriften aus Lykien.","PeriodicalId":37539,"journal":{"name":"Gephyra","volume":"83 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82372736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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