Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.1955649
Robert P. Hager
ABSTRACT There have been conflicts where intervening states take pains to keep their role at least somewhat hidden. Sometimes this is for the purpose of avoiding escalation. What is interesting is that states on both sides of a conflict might wish to keep knowledge of the other side’s actions hidden. States also fight their wars by using groups inside a target state as proxies. This also can serve as a way of keep a conflict limited.
{"title":"Keeping a War Hidden","authors":"Robert P. Hager","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2021.1955649","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2021.1955649","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT There have been conflicts where intervening states take pains to keep their role at least somewhat hidden. Sometimes this is for the purpose of avoiding escalation. What is interesting is that states on both sides of a conflict might wish to keep knowledge of the other side’s actions hidden. States also fight their wars by using groups inside a target state as proxies. This also can serve as a way of keep a conflict limited.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122594029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.1955648
A. Sahu
{"title":"The India Way: Strategies for an Uncertain World","authors":"A. Sahu","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2021.1955648","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2021.1955648","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127911818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.1950383
Håvard Haugstvedt, Martin M. Sjøen
ABSTRACT Research on preventing violent extremism is still in its infancy concerning the question of who the target audiences might be willing to talk to if they need help. To explore this question, we utilized the “Young in Oslo” dataset from 2015, where attitudes toward the use of violence were expressed by students in upper-secondary school (n = 7801). Our analysis revealed that youths who support the use of violence were open to talking to adults in religious organizations if they needed help. This suggests that religious communities should be both consulted and partnered with more closely when (re-)designing prevention work.
{"title":"Exploring Youths’ Willingness to Engage with Civil Society and Public Sector Institutions: The Untapped Potential of Religious Communities in Preventing Violent Extremism","authors":"Håvard Haugstvedt, Martin M. Sjøen","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2021.1950383","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2021.1950383","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Research on preventing violent extremism is still in its infancy concerning the question of who the target audiences might be willing to talk to if they need help. To explore this question, we utilized the “Young in Oslo” dataset from 2015, where attitudes toward the use of violence were expressed by students in upper-secondary school (n = 7801). Our analysis revealed that youths who support the use of violence were open to talking to adults in religious organizations if they needed help. This suggests that religious communities should be both consulted and partnered with more closely when (re-)designing prevention work.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"82 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116258884","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-07DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.1934671
James J. Marquardt
ABSTRACT Throughout his presidency, Barack Obama promoted open government and transparency at home and abroad as instruments of American soft power. President Obama sought to improve the American people’s confidence in democracy by making the executive branch of the national government more open and transparent. Through the power of its example, Obama further sought to encourage other countries to do the same and want what America wants: the strengthening of liberal democracy globally, greater openness and transparency in international relations generally, and reinvigorated American leadership of the liberal international order. This paper relies on Obama’s own words, White House documents, and government reports to demonstrate why and how his administration sought to assert America’s global leadership through the power of America’s example. It identifies Obama’s open government and transparency agenda as a critical tool of the administration’s national security strategy to address growing disillusionment with liberal democratic governance in America and elsewhere and to counter the rising challenge to the liberal order by rival, authoritarian states – China and Russia especially.
{"title":"Leading by Example, Lighting the World: Open Government, Transparency, and Soft Power in Obama’s National Security Policy","authors":"James J. Marquardt","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2021.1934671","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2021.1934671","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Throughout his presidency, Barack Obama promoted open government and transparency at home and abroad as instruments of American soft power. President Obama sought to improve the American people’s confidence in democracy by making the executive branch of the national government more open and transparent. Through the power of its example, Obama further sought to encourage other countries to do the same and want what America wants: the strengthening of liberal democracy globally, greater openness and transparency in international relations generally, and reinvigorated American leadership of the liberal international order. This paper relies on Obama’s own words, White House documents, and government reports to demonstrate why and how his administration sought to assert America’s global leadership through the power of America’s example. It identifies Obama’s open government and transparency agenda as a critical tool of the administration’s national security strategy to address growing disillusionment with liberal democratic governance in America and elsewhere and to counter the rising challenge to the liberal order by rival, authoritarian states – China and Russia especially.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121038895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-15DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.1920930
Annelies van Vark
ABSTRACT Liberal democracy in the world is under pressure. This article will specifically look at security and stability related challenges for liberal democracy in a specific region, namely North-western Europe. As will be shown, three distinct security and stability related challenges put pressure on liberal democracy in this region. Firstly, the struggle by states to provide security for their citizens in an era where the blurring of internal and external security leads to “new” security threats. Secondly, the decline of social cohesion in society, causing unrest and instability. Thirdly, the undermining of liberal democracy by the state. As will be shown, these challenges have an impact on the organizations working in the security domain as well, in particular the armed forces and the police. Paradoxically, efforts by governments to counter the security and stability related challenges could eventually lead to a declining stability of liberal democracy.
{"title":"Under Pressure: Security and Stability Related Challenges for Liberal Democracy in North-western Europe","authors":"Annelies van Vark","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2021.1920930","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2021.1920930","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Liberal democracy in the world is under pressure. This article will specifically look at security and stability related challenges for liberal democracy in a specific region, namely North-western Europe. As will be shown, three distinct security and stability related challenges put pressure on liberal democracy in this region. Firstly, the struggle by states to provide security for their citizens in an era where the blurring of internal and external security leads to “new” security threats. Secondly, the decline of social cohesion in society, causing unrest and instability. Thirdly, the undermining of liberal democracy by the state. As will be shown, these challenges have an impact on the organizations working in the security domain as well, in particular the armed forces and the police. Paradoxically, efforts by governments to counter the security and stability related challenges could eventually lead to a declining stability of liberal democracy.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126444014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-15DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.1920929
Chikodiri Nwangwu, Freedom Chukwudi Onuoha, G. E. Ezirim, K. C. Iwuamadi
ABSTRACT Within the analytic purview of postcolonial feminist theory, this article investigates how women leverage their intelligence-gathering capabilities in Preventing/Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) in Nigeria. Although P/CVE is widely perceived as an androcentric project, the threat posed by violent extremism to global peace and security has heightened the clamor for increased involvement of women in the formulation and implementation of peace and security policies in Africa. In 2000, this clamor gained international recognition and support following the adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 which focuses on Women, Peace and Security (WPS). The resolution acknowledges the disproportionate impact of violent conflict on women and recognizes that women empowerment and gender equality are critical to the attainment of sustainable global peace and security. Notwithstanding, most Euro-American and other global frameworks against women victimization tend to accord the contributions of African women in P/CVE an epiphenomenal consideration. While academic discourses focus more closely on the victim-vanguard narratives of women in relation to terrorism and insurgency, the role of women in intelligence gathering for P/CVE has not received the needed attention in the literature. The universalizing posturing and influence of most global frameworks against women victimization hardly account for the role of African women, with their deep knowledge of their homes, families and communities, as invaluable resource for gathering actionable intelligence crucial for effective P/CVE.
{"title":"Women, Intelligence Gathering and Countering Violent Extremism in Nigeria: A Postcolonial Feminist Discourse","authors":"Chikodiri Nwangwu, Freedom Chukwudi Onuoha, G. E. Ezirim, K. C. Iwuamadi","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2021.1920929","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2021.1920929","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Within the analytic purview of postcolonial feminist theory, this article investigates how women leverage their intelligence-gathering capabilities in Preventing/Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) in Nigeria. Although P/CVE is widely perceived as an androcentric project, the threat posed by violent extremism to global peace and security has heightened the clamor for increased involvement of women in the formulation and implementation of peace and security policies in Africa. In 2000, this clamor gained international recognition and support following the adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 which focuses on Women, Peace and Security (WPS). The resolution acknowledges the disproportionate impact of violent conflict on women and recognizes that women empowerment and gender equality are critical to the attainment of sustainable global peace and security. Notwithstanding, most Euro-American and other global frameworks against women victimization tend to accord the contributions of African women in P/CVE an epiphenomenal consideration. While academic discourses focus more closely on the victim-vanguard narratives of women in relation to terrorism and insurgency, the role of women in intelligence gathering for P/CVE has not received the needed attention in the literature. The universalizing posturing and influence of most global frameworks against women victimization hardly account for the role of African women, with their deep knowledge of their homes, families and communities, as invaluable resource for gathering actionable intelligence crucial for effective P/CVE.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130052805","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.1913699
C. S. Lee
{"title":"Cybersecurity: Politics, Governance and Conflict in Cyberspace","authors":"C. S. Lee","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2021.1913699","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2021.1913699","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123869141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.1913698
Daniel E. Levenson
It has been over a decade now since the influential Islamist terrorist ideologue and facilitator Anwar Al-Awlaki was killed by US forces, and his legacy as a propagator of particularly pernicious propaganda and source of extremist inspiration, still lives on. In both life and death Awlaki’s methods have drawn the interest of not only counterterrorism practitioners and scholars, but captured the popular imagination as well, with his apparent facility with social media combined with his command of English and the impressive, if somewhat questionable upon closer inspection, credentials, he claimed as a scholar of Islam, casting him in a unique light, effectively rendering him, at times, an object as much of fascination of scorn in the west. This “popularity” and how Awlaki achieved, maintained, and used it to further the cause of violent jihad, is the focus of a new book by author Alexander MeleagrouHitchens, who does an excellent job of outlining the ways in which Awlaki harnessed social media and other online platforms to facilitate the spread of extremist Islamist ideology, and of terrorist violence in its name. Perhaps even more crucially, the author highlights the ways in which Awlaki is also clearly of a type, sharing both personal traits and methods with a range of other violent extremists rooted in a wide range of motivating ideologies. An awareness of these two aspects of Awlaki’s approach is critical for understanding why he was so successful. Awlaki was both highly motivated and creative when it came to his use of technology to spread violent Islamist ideology, and at the same time, it becomes clear in the this book that the backbone of his approach rested solidly on a foundation of previously proven propaganda techniques, employed by everyone from 19 century European Anarchists to left-wing radicals in 1960’s America to the militia and white supremacist movements of the last forty years. Awlaki proved a master propagandist, concocting a seemingly coherent worldview that was a mix of historical reframing, psychological manipulation, leveraging of individuals’ search for identity, as well as collective grievance and the concept of the spectacle of the deed – the same things that facilitators of terrorism and other forms of political violence have used for more than a century to transform discontent into violence. In this sense, highly effective but hardly unique. Meleagrou-Hitchens centers this work around an exploration of Awlaki’s personal evolution and his use of the aforementioned strategy and tactics, presenting a troubling portrait of an individual whose deadly influence has outlived his life as well as compelling lessons for both scholars and practitioners of counterterrorism. The observations shared and lessons gleaned from this book go beyond what one can say about Awlaki specifically, and provide both context and additional ways to think about the phenomena of both “radicalization” and “terrorism” in general, and with regard to t
{"title":"Incitement, Anwar Al-Awlaki’s Western Jihad","authors":"Daniel E. Levenson","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2021.1913698","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2021.1913698","url":null,"abstract":"It has been over a decade now since the influential Islamist terrorist ideologue and facilitator Anwar Al-Awlaki was killed by US forces, and his legacy as a propagator of particularly pernicious propaganda and source of extremist inspiration, still lives on. In both life and death Awlaki’s methods have drawn the interest of not only counterterrorism practitioners and scholars, but captured the popular imagination as well, with his apparent facility with social media combined with his command of English and the impressive, if somewhat questionable upon closer inspection, credentials, he claimed as a scholar of Islam, casting him in a unique light, effectively rendering him, at times, an object as much of fascination of scorn in the west. This “popularity” and how Awlaki achieved, maintained, and used it to further the cause of violent jihad, is the focus of a new book by author Alexander MeleagrouHitchens, who does an excellent job of outlining the ways in which Awlaki harnessed social media and other online platforms to facilitate the spread of extremist Islamist ideology, and of terrorist violence in its name. Perhaps even more crucially, the author highlights the ways in which Awlaki is also clearly of a type, sharing both personal traits and methods with a range of other violent extremists rooted in a wide range of motivating ideologies. An awareness of these two aspects of Awlaki’s approach is critical for understanding why he was so successful. Awlaki was both highly motivated and creative when it came to his use of technology to spread violent Islamist ideology, and at the same time, it becomes clear in the this book that the backbone of his approach rested solidly on a foundation of previously proven propaganda techniques, employed by everyone from 19 century European Anarchists to left-wing radicals in 1960’s America to the militia and white supremacist movements of the last forty years. Awlaki proved a master propagandist, concocting a seemingly coherent worldview that was a mix of historical reframing, psychological manipulation, leveraging of individuals’ search for identity, as well as collective grievance and the concept of the spectacle of the deed – the same things that facilitators of terrorism and other forms of political violence have used for more than a century to transform discontent into violence. In this sense, highly effective but hardly unique. Meleagrou-Hitchens centers this work around an exploration of Awlaki’s personal evolution and his use of the aforementioned strategy and tactics, presenting a troubling portrait of an individual whose deadly influence has outlived his life as well as compelling lessons for both scholars and practitioners of counterterrorism. The observations shared and lessons gleaned from this book go beyond what one can say about Awlaki specifically, and provide both context and additional ways to think about the phenomena of both “radicalization” and “terrorism” in general, and with regard to t","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114407077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-27DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.1891529
A. Aitken
ABSTRACT Within the sporting mega-events literature three key developments exist: 1. Security is performative and symbolic; 2. Security reactivates state authority and legitimacy in developing security responses; 3. Security measures have discernible security ‘legacies’. Taking a case study of the 2014 Commonwealth Games in Glasgow and the resultant securitization of an existing residential community, this article uses Baudrillard’s concepts of hyperreality and simulation (1981) and the ‘virtual’ (2005) to examine the above developments in depth. It is shown that mega-event securitization operates as a form of hyperreal performativity. For local residents, this heightens perceptions of risk, increases demands for security, and legitimizes security measures which impact on democratic freedoms.
{"title":"Sporting Mega-Event Security in Hyperreality and its Consequences for Democratic Security Governance","authors":"A. Aitken","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2021.1891529","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2021.1891529","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Within the sporting mega-events literature three key developments exist: 1. Security is performative and symbolic; 2. Security reactivates state authority and legitimacy in developing security responses; 3. Security measures have discernible security ‘legacies’. Taking a case study of the 2014 Commonwealth Games in Glasgow and the resultant securitization of an existing residential community, this article uses Baudrillard’s concepts of hyperreality and simulation (1981) and the ‘virtual’ (2005) to examine the above developments in depth. It is shown that mega-event securitization operates as a form of hyperreal performativity. For local residents, this heightens perceptions of risk, increases demands for security, and legitimizes security measures which impact on democratic freedoms.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120953340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-25DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.1899915
Ndubuisi Christian Ani
ABSTRACT Since 2011, Africa witnessed 7 different forms of popular uprisings leading to the overthrow of ruling heads of state. This includes the situations in Libya, Egypt and Tunisia in 2011, Burkina Faso in 2014, Zimbabwe in 2017 as well as the recent cases in Algeria and Sudan in 2019. During these uprisings, the African Union (AU) is criticized for its lack of responsiveness to government crackdown, but quick action to condemn the military-supported revolution. Using the case of Sudan, this article examines the complexities of popular uprisings in Africa and AU’s challenge in managing the situation. The paper argues that the AU faces the dilemma of protecting the rights of peaceful protesters in a sovereign state and ensuring long-term stability, including preventing the history of military adventurism on the continent. Yet, its role has often leaned disproportionately toward maintaining stability, which raises criticisms that it favors state regimes as opposed to its human-centric and democratic commitments. To enhance its credibility, the AU must adopt proactive roles to protect protesters against government crackdowns. Additionally, the AU needs to augment its existing African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG) with actionable policy guidance for protesters, governments, and security agencies during popular uprisings.
{"title":"Coup or Not Coup: The African Union and the Dilemma of “Popular Uprisings” in Africa","authors":"Ndubuisi Christian Ani","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2021.1899915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2021.1899915","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since 2011, Africa witnessed 7 different forms of popular uprisings leading to the overthrow of ruling heads of state. This includes the situations in Libya, Egypt and Tunisia in 2011, Burkina Faso in 2014, Zimbabwe in 2017 as well as the recent cases in Algeria and Sudan in 2019. During these uprisings, the African Union (AU) is criticized for its lack of responsiveness to government crackdown, but quick action to condemn the military-supported revolution. Using the case of Sudan, this article examines the complexities of popular uprisings in Africa and AU’s challenge in managing the situation. The paper argues that the AU faces the dilemma of protecting the rights of peaceful protesters in a sovereign state and ensuring long-term stability, including preventing the history of military adventurism on the continent. Yet, its role has often leaned disproportionately toward maintaining stability, which raises criticisms that it favors state regimes as opposed to its human-centric and democratic commitments. To enhance its credibility, the AU must adopt proactive roles to protect protesters against government crackdowns. Additionally, the AU needs to augment its existing African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG) with actionable policy guidance for protesters, governments, and security agencies during popular uprisings.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115346009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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