Pub Date : 2022-06-27DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2092291
E. Novelli
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Pub Date : 2022-06-27DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2091257
Simona Piattoni
{"title":"The EU through multiple crises. Representation and cohesion dilemmas for a ‘sui generis’ polity","authors":"Simona Piattoni","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2091257","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2091257","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"15 1","pages":"111 - 113"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48743480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-18DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2090130
L. Raffini
theoretical framework of Karl Polanyi. With the definitive breakdown of the balance between democracy and the market, the primacy of politics has been undermined and this is the perfect context for the emergence of populism. Economic explanations are intertwined with political and cultural(istic) ones and populism emerges as a counter-movement with the aim of resisting the neoliberal hegemony of the market. The proposal to interpret the phenomenon from the perspective of Polanyi is appealing; however, in the face of what is called the compression of human development, there is the risk of interpreting the emergence of populism on the basis of the assumptions of TINA (There Is No Alternative). In conclusion, the effort of the contributors to cover such a broad field is commendable since the wealth of research on the theme does not make it an easy task. In this regard, to offer a most up-to-date reading – and in order to deepen reflection on such an interdisciplinary phenomenon – it would have been useful to refer to the crisis caused by the Coronavirus pandemic and the populist wave. Now more than ever, ‘leader democracy’, ‘immediate democracy’ and ‘populist democracy’ are important tools for advancing our understanding of political changes.
波兰尼的理论框架。随着民主与市场之间的平衡被彻底打破，政治的首要地位已被削弱，这是民粹主义出现的完美背景。经济解释与政治和文化(主义)解释交织在一起，民粹主义作为一种反运动出现，其目的是抵制市场的新自由主义霸权。从波兰尼的角度来解释这一现象的建议是有吸引力的;然而，面对所谓的人类发展的压缩，根据TINA (there is No Alternative)的假设来解释民粹主义的出现是有风险的。最后，作者为涵盖如此广泛的领域所作的努力是值得赞扬的，因为关于这一主题的大量研究并不是一件容易的事。在这方面，为了提供最新的解读，也为了加深对这一跨学科现象的反思，参考冠状病毒大流行和民粹主义浪潮引发的危机可能会有所帮助。现在，“领袖民主”、“直接民主”和“民粹主义民主”比以往任何时候都更重要，它们是增进我们对政治变革理解的重要工具。
{"title":"Verso la politica post-elettorale","authors":"L. Raffini","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2090130","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2090130","url":null,"abstract":"theoretical framework of Karl Polanyi. With the definitive breakdown of the balance between democracy and the market, the primacy of politics has been undermined and this is the perfect context for the emergence of populism. Economic explanations are intertwined with political and cultural(istic) ones and populism emerges as a counter-movement with the aim of resisting the neoliberal hegemony of the market. The proposal to interpret the phenomenon from the perspective of Polanyi is appealing; however, in the face of what is called the compression of human development, there is the risk of interpreting the emergence of populism on the basis of the assumptions of TINA (There Is No Alternative). In conclusion, the effort of the contributors to cover such a broad field is commendable since the wealth of research on the theme does not make it an easy task. In this regard, to offer a most up-to-date reading – and in order to deepen reflection on such an interdisciplinary phenomenon – it would have been useful to refer to the crisis caused by the Coronavirus pandemic and the populist wave. Now more than ever, ‘leader democracy’, ‘immediate democracy’ and ‘populist democracy’ are important tools for advancing our understanding of political changes.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"389 - 392"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44487080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-13DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2089742
Raffaella Fittipaldi
{"title":"I populismi tra economia e politica","authors":"Raffaella Fittipaldi","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2089742","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2089742","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"387 - 389"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46246317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-05DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2085449
Luigi Rullo
{"title":"Il governo dei giudici","authors":"Luigi Rullo","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2085449","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2085449","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"394 - 395"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43014248","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-24DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2080034
A. Criscitiello
{"title":"Italy of presidents. Four readings on the role of the head of state in changing times","authors":"A. Criscitiello","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2080034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2080034","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"15 1","pages":"103 - 110"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47852698","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2065127
James L. Newell
As the journal’s editors, Maurizio Carbone and I are delighted that with the publication of this issue, Contemporary Italian Politics is once again providing the platform for the English-language edition of Politica in Italia, the fifth year in a row that it has done so. Politica in Italia is published each year by il Mulino with the sponsorship of the Istituto Carlo Cattaneo based in Bologna, and the School of Advanced International Studies at the Johns Hopkins University of Bologna (SAIS-JHU). The latest edition, dedicated to developments in 2021, has been guest-edited by Giliberto Capano and Giulia Sandri to whom we are enormously grateful. By offering each year description and analysis of the most significant economic, social and political events of the previous twelve months, Politica in Italia implicitly invites its contributors, and especially the guest editors, to reflect on the extent to which the year in question has been one of continuity or change. In the present case, the editors’ reflections are especially interesting as 2021 began with the events culminating in the February appointment of the Draghi government. As the government was appointed in the middle of the pandemic emergency, and as Draghi himself is a man with considerable prestige – one whose authority derives directly from a president who, given the circumstances, was able to act independently of the parties – Draghi has, from the start, been very powerful as Italian prime ministers go. Consequently, 2021 was, as Capano and Sandri point out, a year that raised significant questions about the extent to which it marked continuity or change ‘in the evolution of the Italian political system and in the overall functioning of the Italian polity’ (Capano and Sandri 2022). Their conclusion is that the decisive governance exemplified by the Draghi executive was a significant novelty, a new trajectory of political change having been generated by the government’s formation; by the policy changes stemming from that, and by the changes among those in charge of managing responses to the pandemic. To reflect on whether the recent past has mainly been one of continuity or change is implicitly to make suggestions about what the future will look like. In that regard, it is significant that the Russian invasion of Ukraine appears to have brought the continuation of two of the most obvious novelties in Italian politics in 2021 (or more accurately 2021 and 2020), namely, perceptions of national emergency and the phenomenon of ‘rallying around the flag’ (Bordignon, Diamanti, and Turato 2022). These have in turn helped to ensure a continuation of Draghi’s authority and made it difficult for the parties to recover for themselves the role they play in ‘normal’ circumstances. At the beginning of the year, it had looked as though the fading of the Covid emergency and the approach of the next parliamentary election (which must be held no later than the spring of 2023), was increasing the government’
{"title":"Italian politics and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine: Quo vadis?","authors":"James L. Newell","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2065127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2065127","url":null,"abstract":"As the journal’s editors, Maurizio Carbone and I are delighted that with the publication of this issue, Contemporary Italian Politics is once again providing the platform for the English-language edition of Politica in Italia, the fifth year in a row that it has done so. Politica in Italia is published each year by il Mulino with the sponsorship of the Istituto Carlo Cattaneo based in Bologna, and the School of Advanced International Studies at the Johns Hopkins University of Bologna (SAIS-JHU). The latest edition, dedicated to developments in 2021, has been guest-edited by Giliberto Capano and Giulia Sandri to whom we are enormously grateful. By offering each year description and analysis of the most significant economic, social and political events of the previous twelve months, Politica in Italia implicitly invites its contributors, and especially the guest editors, to reflect on the extent to which the year in question has been one of continuity or change. In the present case, the editors’ reflections are especially interesting as 2021 began with the events culminating in the February appointment of the Draghi government. As the government was appointed in the middle of the pandemic emergency, and as Draghi himself is a man with considerable prestige – one whose authority derives directly from a president who, given the circumstances, was able to act independently of the parties – Draghi has, from the start, been very powerful as Italian prime ministers go. Consequently, 2021 was, as Capano and Sandri point out, a year that raised significant questions about the extent to which it marked continuity or change ‘in the evolution of the Italian political system and in the overall functioning of the Italian polity’ (Capano and Sandri 2022). Their conclusion is that the decisive governance exemplified by the Draghi executive was a significant novelty, a new trajectory of political change having been generated by the government’s formation; by the policy changes stemming from that, and by the changes among those in charge of managing responses to the pandemic. To reflect on whether the recent past has mainly been one of continuity or change is implicitly to make suggestions about what the future will look like. In that regard, it is significant that the Russian invasion of Ukraine appears to have brought the continuation of two of the most obvious novelties in Italian politics in 2021 (or more accurately 2021 and 2020), namely, perceptions of national emergency and the phenomenon of ‘rallying around the flag’ (Bordignon, Diamanti, and Turato 2022). These have in turn helped to ensure a continuation of Draghi’s authority and made it difficult for the parties to recover for themselves the role they play in ‘normal’ circumstances. At the beginning of the year, it had looked as though the fading of the Covid emergency and the approach of the next parliamentary election (which must be held no later than the spring of 2023), was increasing the government’","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"115 - 117"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47379276","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2064129
E. Pavolini, C. Saraceno
ABSTRACT The key question addressed by this article is whether the pandemic might represent one of those ‘critical conjunctures’ capable of altering the direction of development of the Italian welfare state. Having reviewed the main explanations found in the literature for the difficulties in modernizing the Italian welfare state, we provide an answer by analysing what happened in 2021 in three policy areas: that concerning families with children, and early childhood education and care (ECEC); that concerning the support of dependent old people, and that concerning minimum income policies, looking at the role played by party competition as well as by civil society. We find that while in the field of family policy and ECEC there has been a clear shift towards greater investment, in the area of care for dependent old people, developments have been more hesitant and more ambivalent. With regard to minimum income provision, political conflict has for the time being impeded any attempt at reform. The answer to the research question therefore is only partially positive
{"title":"2021: A year of transition for social security and welfare policies in Italy?","authors":"E. Pavolini, C. Saraceno","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2064129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2064129","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The key question addressed by this article is whether the pandemic might represent one of those ‘critical conjunctures’ capable of altering the direction of development of the Italian welfare state. Having reviewed the main explanations found in the literature for the difficulties in modernizing the Italian welfare state, we provide an answer by analysing what happened in 2021 in three policy areas: that concerning families with children, and early childhood education and care (ECEC); that concerning the support of dependent old people, and that concerning minimum income policies, looking at the role played by party competition as well as by civil society. We find that while in the field of family policy and ECEC there has been a clear shift towards greater investment, in the area of care for dependent old people, developments have been more hesitant and more ambivalent. With regard to minimum income provision, political conflict has for the time being impeded any attempt at reform. The answer to the research question therefore is only partially positive","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"260 - 274"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46931503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2061116
Anna Malandrino
ABSTRACT Italy’s education policy prioritized two main areas of action during the second year of the Covid-19 pandemic: mitigating the health impact of the crisis on students and educators, and implementing public policies that ensure the proper functioning of the country’s education system in view of a return to normalcy. In this article, I analyse education-policy decisions and non-decisions with a focus on their reception by the school personnel system. The analysis engages with the classical literature on public policy, distinguishing between ‘carrots’ and ‘sticks’ as instruments for policy change. I argue that the health crisis has revealed structural weaknesses that underlie the country’s education policy and politics. Through an analysis of the policy actors’ reactions to those decisions (and non-decisions), I show that a pattern of prolonged oversight by the national government has provoked an appetite not only for financial measures, but also for more policy regulation. The analysis underscores the dual need for 1) well-defined rules and policy regulations that allocate a clearer division of responsibilities, and 2) greater involvement by the national government in the area of post-pandemic education reform.
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Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2060171
F. Bordignon, I. Diamanti, Fabio Turato
ABSTRACT Until recently, the configuration of geopolitical orientations in the Italian electorate seemed to reflect processes of political polarization triggered by the upsurge of populism, which reached its zenith at the general election of 2018. In particular, the emergence of pro-Russian sympathies among Italian parties seemed to overlap Euroscepticism and a more general rejection of mainstream western politics. Russia’s military intervention in Ukraine, in February 2022, may further shift the geopolitical points of reference of Italian parties and the party system. The article uses survey data to analyse the reactions of the Italian electorate to the outbreak of war on the Eastern borders of the EU and to compare the geopolitical positions of party electorates before – in the spring of 2020 – and (immediately) after this new potential watershed. The results suggest an (at least temporary) consensus among Italian voters in favour of the Ukrainian cause, a marked weakening of pro-Russian sentiments, and an (at least provisional) suspension of the polarization linked to international references.
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