Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2051831
S. Vassallo
ABSTRACT The 2021 round of Italian local elections involved a total of 1,339 municipalities. However, the attention of political leaders and the media was almost entirely focused on the competitions in the five largest cities (Rome, Milan, Naples, Turin and Bologna) which were seen as a national political test. The media placed the greatest emphasis on suggestions that the results were a surprising victory for the centre left, marking an important shift in the electoral balance of power between the parties. This article documents the extent of this ‘victory’, examines what was responsible for it and considers its possible effects on politics at the national level. The analysis is based on a new dataset created by the Cattaneo Institute which allows a spatial analysis of voting within each city for all elections over a period of more than twenty years. This allows us to examine not only voting trends over time, but also how votes have been distributed in the different areas of each city with their different levels of socio-economic well-being. In doing so, the article contributes to the literature on the spatial divergence of voting behaviour by showing that the increasing divergence between larger/urban and smaller/rural centres, and that between central and peripheral (more disadvantaged) areas within large cities, cannot be linked to the same explanatory factors, as their timing is different.
{"title":"The local elections of 2021. Voting in the large cities","authors":"S. Vassallo","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2051831","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2051831","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 2021 round of Italian local elections involved a total of 1,339 municipalities. However, the attention of political leaders and the media was almost entirely focused on the competitions in the five largest cities (Rome, Milan, Naples, Turin and Bologna) which were seen as a national political test. The media placed the greatest emphasis on suggestions that the results were a surprising victory for the centre left, marking an important shift in the electoral balance of power between the parties. This article documents the extent of this ‘victory’, examines what was responsible for it and considers its possible effects on politics at the national level. The analysis is based on a new dataset created by the Cattaneo Institute which allows a spatial analysis of voting within each city for all elections over a period of more than twenty years. This allows us to examine not only voting trends over time, but also how votes have been distributed in the different areas of each city with their different levels of socio-economic well-being. In doing so, the article contributes to the literature on the spatial divergence of voting behaviour by showing that the increasing divergence between larger/urban and smaller/rural centres, and that between central and peripheral (more disadvantaged) areas within large cities, cannot be linked to the same explanatory factors, as their timing is different.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"151 - 171"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43856178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2051121
Francesco Marangoni, A. Kreppel
ABSTRACT This article analyses the Draghi government in its first nine months in office, focusing on three main areas: (1) the formation and characteristics of the executive; (2) the positioning of the executive on the supranational political stage, in particular, its relationship with the European Union; (3) the legislative and policymaking activity of the Government. The main aim is to highlight the extent to which the technocratic nature of the executive played a role in each of these three areas of analysis. Elements of change and continuity with the governments of the recent past are also emphasized.
{"title":"From the ‘yellow-red’ to the technocratic government in the pandemic era. The formation and activity of the Draghi government during its first nine months in charge","authors":"Francesco Marangoni, A. Kreppel","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2051121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2051121","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses the Draghi government in its first nine months in office, focusing on three main areas: (1) the formation and characteristics of the executive; (2) the positioning of the executive on the supranational political stage, in particular, its relationship with the European Union; (3) the legislative and policymaking activity of the Government. The main aim is to highlight the extent to which the technocratic nature of the executive played a role in each of these three areas of analysis. Elements of change and continuity with the governments of the recent past are also emphasized.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"133 - 150"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44220758","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2058263
G. Capano, Giulia Sandri
ABSTRACT 2021 has been a year marking a turning point in the struggle against the pandemic and a time of economic and social transition in European Member States (MS). Italy has fared quite well in comparison to other MS, both with regard to the efficacy of its vaccination campaign and with regard to the drafting of its National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP). Most of these successes can certainly be explained by the change of government, and by a revolution in the style of leadership, due to the arrival in office of the new prime minister, Mario Draghi. Yet, it is not entirely clear to what extent Draghi’s leadership has substantially changed Italian politics, especially in the management of periods of crisis. To what extent have unresolved problems in Italian politics been tackled, and to what extent do they persist? Is Draghi’s new leadership style a fleeting phenomenon, or has it triggered a substantial change in the functioning of the Italian polity? After establishing the distinguishing characteristics of Draghi’s leadership, the article describes the most significant of the positive and successful measures adopted by the Government, not forgetting those that were less positive and less successful. Then we discuss the impact of those political, institutional and policy legacies that could have hindered the scope and efficacy of the Government’s actions.
{"title":"The political leadership of Mario Draghi: an historical watershed or an inevitable bump in the road?","authors":"G. Capano, Giulia Sandri","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2058263","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2058263","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT 2021 has been a year marking a turning point in the struggle against the pandemic and a time of economic and social transition in European Member States (MS). Italy has fared quite well in comparison to other MS, both with regard to the efficacy of its vaccination campaign and with regard to the drafting of its National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP). Most of these successes can certainly be explained by the change of government, and by a revolution in the style of leadership, due to the arrival in office of the new prime minister, Mario Draghi. Yet, it is not entirely clear to what extent Draghi’s leadership has substantially changed Italian politics, especially in the management of periods of crisis. To what extent have unresolved problems in Italian politics been tackled, and to what extent do they persist? Is Draghi’s new leadership style a fleeting phenomenon, or has it triggered a substantial change in the functioning of the Italian polity? After establishing the distinguishing characteristics of Draghi’s leadership, the article describes the most significant of the positive and successful measures adopted by the Government, not forgetting those that were less positive and less successful. Then we discuss the impact of those political, institutional and policy legacies that could have hindered the scope and efficacy of the Government’s actions.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"118 - 132"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44342885","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2063099
L. Russo, M. Valbruzzi
ABSTRACT In 2021, the Covid-19 pandemic dominated the agenda of Italian politics as much as it had done in 2020. Political conflicts within the parties were relegated to the background or else were heavily influenced by the debate concerning management of the health emergency. The global scale of the pandemic and the measures taken at European level to mitigate the economic impact helped first to put an end to the Conte II government and then to bring to office a government of national unity led by Mario Draghi. All the parties represented in Parliament joined the government with the sole exception of Brothers of Italy, which decided to remain in opposition. In this context, the parties found themselves having to grapple with the need to cooperate as governing partners while also maintaining their recognizable profiles. Moreover, the effective absence of the coalitions with which they had previously been associated forced the parties to consider potentially new alliances and what they would mean for future political equilibria. This article will explore the state of the Italian party system, taking as our point of departure these circumstances, which are of considerable significance both nationally and internationally. First, we shall consider the dynamics of the party system as a whole and then, in more detail, we will explore the dynamics within the main parties and their respective coalitions.
{"title":"The impact of the pandemic on the Italian party system. The Draghi government and the ‘new’ polarisation","authors":"L. Russo, M. Valbruzzi","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2063099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2063099","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 2021, the Covid-19 pandemic dominated the agenda of Italian politics as much as it had done in 2020. Political conflicts within the parties were relegated to the background or else were heavily influenced by the debate concerning management of the health emergency. The global scale of the pandemic and the measures taken at European level to mitigate the economic impact helped first to put an end to the Conte II government and then to bring to office a government of national unity led by Mario Draghi. All the parties represented in Parliament joined the government with the sole exception of Brothers of Italy, which decided to remain in opposition. In this context, the parties found themselves having to grapple with the need to cooperate as governing partners while also maintaining their recognizable profiles. Moreover, the effective absence of the coalitions with which they had previously been associated forced the parties to consider potentially new alliances and what they would mean for future political equilibria. This article will explore the state of the Italian party system, taking as our point of departure these circumstances, which are of considerable significance both nationally and internationally. First, we shall consider the dynamics of the party system as a whole and then, in more detail, we will explore the dynamics within the main parties and their respective coalitions.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"172 - 190"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44172520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2049513
S. Bolgherini, A. Lippi
ABSTRACT This article considers how intergovernmental relationships (Igr) between the State and the Regions in Italy changed during 2021, the second year of the pandemic outbreak. Three events altered significantly the previous cooperative arrangements and opened a new phase: the vaccination campaign, the new government led by Mario Draghi, and the launch of the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP). These events helped to shift the former cooperative governance (grounded in joint decision-making in the development of provisions and policies) towards a centralized governance (grounded in the leadership of the Prime Minister and an ‘adhocracy’) where the Regions had mostly an implementation rather than a more active decision-making role. This change is visible through two analytic dimensions: delegation/autonomy and cooperation/conflict. Empirical evidence was gathered on both dimensions. The article argues that the new centralized governance implied no formal change at the institutional level. Political variables determined it, analogously with what occurred in 2020 with cooperative governance. This means that relations between State and Regions in Italy change according to the political climate: they are more prone to politicization, than to institutionalization and permanent consolidation.
{"title":"Politicization without institutionalization: relations between State and Regions in crisis governance","authors":"S. Bolgherini, A. Lippi","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2049513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2049513","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article considers how intergovernmental relationships (Igr) between the State and the Regions in Italy changed during 2021, the second year of the pandemic outbreak. Three events altered significantly the previous cooperative arrangements and opened a new phase: the vaccination campaign, the new government led by Mario Draghi, and the launch of the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP). These events helped to shift the former cooperative governance (grounded in joint decision-making in the development of provisions and policies) towards a centralized governance (grounded in the leadership of the Prime Minister and an ‘adhocracy’) where the Regions had mostly an implementation rather than a more active decision-making role. This change is visible through two analytic dimensions: delegation/autonomy and cooperation/conflict. Empirical evidence was gathered on both dimensions. The article argues that the new centralized governance implied no formal change at the institutional level. Political variables determined it, analogously with what occurred in 2020 with cooperative governance. This means that relations between State and Regions in Italy change according to the political climate: they are more prone to politicization, than to institutionalization and permanent consolidation.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"224 - 240"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46257151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-30DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2059900
E. Diodato
ABSTRACT Until its success at the election of 2013, the Five-star Movement had not paid a great deal of attention to foreign policy. In 2017, in preparation for the election the following year, the Movement’s MPs began collating what they considered the most relevant policy proposals in order to draft a new electoral programme. Using the Movement’s web platform, Rousseau, the M5s asked registered members to choose the three most important issues of foreign policy from a list of ten. The aim of this article is to see how the Movement defined its foreign policy. This analysis helps us to understand the EU turn that has characterized the foreign-policy agenda of the Movement in recent years. Having embraced the possibility of Italy’s exit from the Eurozone in 2013, the Movement today appears to be in favour of strengthening the European institutions.
{"title":"The UE turn of a populist movement: at the roots of the Five-star Movement’s foreign-policy agenda","authors":"E. Diodato","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2059900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2059900","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Until its success at the election of 2013, the Five-star Movement had not paid a great deal of attention to foreign policy. In 2017, in preparation for the election the following year, the Movement’s MPs began collating what they considered the most relevant policy proposals in order to draft a new electoral programme. Using the Movement’s web platform, Rousseau, the M5s asked registered members to choose the three most important issues of foreign policy from a list of ten. The aim of this article is to see how the Movement defined its foreign policy. This analysis helps us to understand the EU turn that has characterized the foreign-policy agenda of the Movement in recent years. Having embraced the possibility of Italy’s exit from the Eurozone in 2013, the Movement today appears to be in favour of strengthening the European institutions.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"15 1","pages":"60 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45495895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-19DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2046099
Ekaterina Domorenok, Igor Guardiancich
ABSTRACT As one of the greatest beneficiaries of the NextGenerationEU (NGEU) recovery package, and given its low past absorption capacity of European Structural and Investment Funds and lacklustre implementation rates of Country-Specific Recommendations within the European Semester, in 2022, Italy is at the centre of the attention of its European partners. What are the chances of success of the Mediterranean country, which has disproportionately suffered from the fallouts of the global financial crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic? The article tries to assess the odds by looking at the Italian case from two perspectives. First, it evaluates Italy’s past performance in light of the several modifications to the conditionality that underpins the NGEU’s Recovery and Resilience Facility. Second, it elaborates on the implications of the governance structure introduced by Mario Draghi’s government to implement Italy’s National Recovery and Resilience Plan. The evaluation yields mixed results. Considering that several – but not all – aspects of EU conditionality have been strengthened, this may force Italy, as much as other member states, more closely to follow supranational recommendations. Yet, the risk that path-dependent shortcomings in the reform and absorption capacity of the country may prevail is great. Moreover, the new, very centralized governance structure may generate implementation problems, as sub-national actors have been somehow side-lined, against European advice.
{"title":"The Italian National Recovery and Resilience Plan: coordination and conditionality","authors":"Ekaterina Domorenok, Igor Guardiancich","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2046099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2046099","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As one of the greatest beneficiaries of the NextGenerationEU (NGEU) recovery package, and given its low past absorption capacity of European Structural and Investment Funds and lacklustre implementation rates of Country-Specific Recommendations within the European Semester, in 2022, Italy is at the centre of the attention of its European partners. What are the chances of success of the Mediterranean country, which has disproportionately suffered from the fallouts of the global financial crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic? The article tries to assess the odds by looking at the Italian case from two perspectives. First, it evaluates Italy’s past performance in light of the several modifications to the conditionality that underpins the NGEU’s Recovery and Resilience Facility. Second, it elaborates on the implications of the governance structure introduced by Mario Draghi’s government to implement Italy’s National Recovery and Resilience Plan. The evaluation yields mixed results. Considering that several – but not all – aspects of EU conditionality have been strengthened, this may force Italy, as much as other member states, more closely to follow supranational recommendations. Yet, the risk that path-dependent shortcomings in the reform and absorption capacity of the country may prevail is great. Moreover, the new, very centralized governance structure may generate implementation problems, as sub-national actors have been somehow side-lined, against European advice.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"191 - 206"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42488463","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-17DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2052485
Davide Angelucci, Luca Carrieri
ABSTRACT Party-system dynamics and party EU ideology have traditionally influenced trends in EU issue-voting, with opposition and Eurosceptic parties being more likely to benefit electorally from EU issues. While the electoral benefits of Eurosceptic and opposition parties on the EU have been separately analysed, less is known about the persistence of these preference configurations when Eurosceptic parties move into government. This raises a key question: Does the electoral potential of Eurosceptic parties change once they take over government? We address this question focusing on the Italian case, which, due to the experience of having had a fully-fledged Eurosceptic cabinet in the 2018–2019 period, allows us to test whether changes in governing/opposition status affect the electoral performance of Eurosceptic/Europhile parties on EU issues. While confirming that Italian voters are likely, electorally, to reward opposition and Eurosceptic parties on Europe more than governing and Europhile parties, the article shows that Eurosceptic parties, by assuming government office, tend to lose their electoral advantage on EU issues, not only as compared to Europhile parties, but also to Eurosceptic parties remaining in opposition. In contrast, governing/opposition status does not condition the electoral potential of Europhile parties on the EU dimension.
{"title":"Not for ideology but opportunity? The foundations of EU issue-voting in Eurosceptic Italy","authors":"Davide Angelucci, Luca Carrieri","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2052485","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2052485","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Party-system dynamics and party EU ideology have traditionally influenced trends in EU issue-voting, with opposition and Eurosceptic parties being more likely to benefit electorally from EU issues. While the electoral benefits of Eurosceptic and opposition parties on the EU have been separately analysed, less is known about the persistence of these preference configurations when Eurosceptic parties move into government. This raises a key question: Does the electoral potential of Eurosceptic parties change once they take over government? We address this question focusing on the Italian case, which, due to the experience of having had a fully-fledged Eurosceptic cabinet in the 2018–2019 period, allows us to test whether changes in governing/opposition status affect the electoral performance of Eurosceptic/Europhile parties on EU issues. While confirming that Italian voters are likely, electorally, to reward opposition and Eurosceptic parties on Europe more than governing and Europhile parties, the article shows that Eurosceptic parties, by assuming government office, tend to lose their electoral advantage on EU issues, not only as compared to Europhile parties, but also to Eurosceptic parties remaining in opposition. In contrast, governing/opposition status does not condition the electoral potential of Europhile parties on the EU dimension.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"15 1","pages":"5 - 23"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48727827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-15DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2049806
S. Profeti
ABSTRACT From the start of 2021, the vaccination campaign against SARS-CoV-2 was high on the agenda of governments everywhere and the Italian Government was no exception. In this article, we shall describe the progress of the anti-Covid vaccination campaign in Italy with a particular focus on the policy tools adopted by the Government to encourage citizens’ compliance and to combat reluctance. After considering the problem of engaging with the vaccination campaign using the analytic framework provided by studies of compliance, focus will be first on how the targets of the vaccination campaign came to be defined and the infrastructural facilities for administering the doses established, and then on the measures the Government took to overcome popular resistance to the vaccines and to maximise compliance, considering them in terms of their degree of ‘intrusiveness’. In the final section, we conclude by highlighting the strengths and weaknesses of the campaign and by offering an assessment of the coherence and the timing of the Government’s measures.
{"title":"‘I hope you like jabbing, too’. The Covid vaccination campaign in Italy and the measures to promote compliance","authors":"S. Profeti","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2049806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2049806","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT From the start of 2021, the vaccination campaign against SARS-CoV-2 was high on the agenda of governments everywhere and the Italian Government was no exception. In this article, we shall describe the progress of the anti-Covid vaccination campaign in Italy with a particular focus on the policy tools adopted by the Government to encourage citizens’ compliance and to combat reluctance. After considering the problem of engaging with the vaccination campaign using the analytic framework provided by studies of compliance, focus will be first on how the targets of the vaccination campaign came to be defined and the infrastructural facilities for administering the doses established, and then on the measures the Government took to overcome popular resistance to the vaccines and to maximise compliance, considering them in terms of their degree of ‘intrusiveness’. In the final section, we conclude by highlighting the strengths and weaknesses of the campaign and by offering an assessment of the coherence and the timing of the Government’s measures.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"241 - 259"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43388522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-15DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2022.2047255
J. Davidson, C. Monteleone
ABSTRACT Italy’s presidency of the G20 defied the odds and resulted in costly commitments by the members on a range of issues: global health, climate change, a minimum global tax, and the crisis in Afghanistan. How can we explain this success? Italy’s prime minister, Mario Draghi, and his extensive prior experience and widespread respect was certainly a factor. The global context was also important, with the new Biden administration in the US leading a group of countries seeking multilateral solutions to pressing international problems.
{"title":"The 2021 G20 and Italy: keeping our dreams alive?","authors":"J. Davidson, C. Monteleone","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2022.2047255","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2022.2047255","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Italy’s presidency of the G20 defied the odds and resulted in costly commitments by the members on a range of issues: global health, climate change, a minimum global tax, and the crisis in Afghanistan. How can we explain this success? Italy’s prime minister, Mario Draghi, and his extensive prior experience and widespread respect was certainly a factor. The global context was also important, with the new Biden administration in the US leading a group of countries seeking multilateral solutions to pressing international problems.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"207 - 223"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48124507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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