The tenet of this article is the conceptualisation of social multiplicity, rather than politics, being the deepest code of internationality as a property of human existence. As a consequence of that understanding of internationality, International Relations (IR) extends beyond dealing with the traditional concepts of politics and economy. All the manifestations of human activity arise in a context of social multiplicity, in which individuals are aware of paths of development separate from their own, and in which ideas, technologies and resources are constantly taken from one social environment and combined with others, in order to produce new and original results. From this perspective, IR concerns nearly everything: multiplicity and identity; multiplicity and sexuality; the interactive life of languages; structures of world literature; the unequal yet connected development of music; international relations of food and cooking; social strategies of dealing with difference, and internationality experienced through the senses. This article illustrates how olfaction is present in international relations through power relations, olfactory others, the issues of migration and asylum, olfactory travelogy and alternative cultures of smell. The analysis confirms that sensual internationality may show a new aspect in understanding relations between politically organised societies. Sensuality – sensory experience – may be a foundation for a hitherto neglected way of understanding internationality. Sensual IR enables the discipline to return to the everyday life of internationality. It helps us to experience internationality and to dispose of the dominant belief in IR that internationality cannot be seen, or that we do not know where its “inter” is located or what it is.
{"title":"The Smell of Internationality. Towards a Sensual Approach to International Relations","authors":"Andrzej Gałganek","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.2","url":null,"abstract":"The tenet of this article is the conceptualisation of social multiplicity, rather than politics, being the deepest code of internationality as a property of human existence. As a consequence of that understanding of internationality, International Relations (IR) extends beyond dealing with the traditional concepts of politics and economy. All the manifestations of human activity arise in a context of social multiplicity, in which individuals are aware of paths of development separate from their own, and in which ideas, technologies and resources are constantly taken from one social environment and combined with others, in order to produce new and original results. From this perspective, IR concerns nearly everything: multiplicity and identity; multiplicity and sexuality; the interactive life of languages; structures of world literature; the unequal yet connected development of music; international relations of food and cooking; social strategies of dealing with difference, and internationality experienced through the senses. \u0000This article illustrates how olfaction is present in international relations through power relations, olfactory others, the issues of migration and asylum, olfactory travelogy and alternative cultures of smell. The analysis confirms that sensual internationality may show a new aspect in understanding relations between politically organised societies. Sensuality – sensory experience – may be a foundation for a hitherto neglected way of understanding internationality. Sensual IR enables the discipline to return to the everyday life of internationality. It helps us to experience internationality and to dispose of the dominant belief in IR that internationality cannot be seen, or that we do not know where its “inter” is located or what it is.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47250356","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Over the last three decades, the Middle East countries have frequently witnessed popular protests against the authoritarian regimes. The question is why these protests never come to a desirable end? Regardless of the role played by foreign actors in perpetuating the authoritarian regimes of the Middle East, it seems that what causes the protests not to be pervasive and the political infrastructures not to collapse is that the protests have not been supported by the people’s majority. The present article argues that such a dearth of support refers to a fundamental cause that we named the fear cycle. This cycle includes the masses’ fear of the regime, fear of the movement’s failure and its dire consequences, and fear of the political system that is supposed to come to power after the overthrow of the incumbent government. The governments have an important role in creating and perpetuating this fear and turning it into a panic.
{"title":"Insecurity in the Middle East: Why Do the Reformist Movements Constantly Fail? Towards a New Conceptual Framework","authors":"Ali Bagheri Dolatabadi, Mohsen Shafie Seifabadi","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.11","url":null,"abstract":"Over the last three decades, the Middle East countries have frequently witnessed popular protests against the authoritarian regimes. The question is why these protests never come to a desirable end? Regardless of the role played by foreign actors in perpetuating the authoritarian regimes of the Middle East, it seems that what causes the protests not to be pervasive and the political infrastructures not to collapse is that the protests have not been supported by the people’s majority. The present article argues that such a dearth of support refers to a fundamental cause that we named the fear cycle. This cycle includes the masses’ fear of the regime, fear of the movement’s failure and its dire consequences, and fear of the political system that is supposed to come to power after the overthrow of the incumbent government. The governments have an important role in creating and perpetuating this fear and turning it into a panic.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the postures of the last three former US presidents towards North Korean nuclear issue. The study applies Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis (CDA) model as a new approach to examine this topic. By analyzing 17 speech corpuses, this study sheds light on the foreign policy adapted G. W. Bush, Obama, and Trump to address North Korea Nuclear issue. Theoretically, the study uses both Waltz’s foreign policy analysis model and Aristotle modes of persuasion to analyze the findings. It also clarifies the original foundations of each presidents’ foreign policy based on the four American IR school of thoughts. Results indicate that the legacy of the Cold War continues to shape and influence the stances of US presidents toward DPRK, despite the differences in their rhetorical and political strategies. While this study focuses individually on presidents as the main unit of analysis, future studies can further expand the use of CDA analysis to examine the stances of other key decision makers in the presidents’ administration to fully understand the relation between discourses and power structure.
{"title":"From Rhetoric to Posture: a Comparative Study of George W. Bush, Barack H. Obama and Donald J. Trump’s Stances Towards DPRK Nuclear Issue","authors":"Shurooq Al Hashimi","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.21","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the postures of the last three former US presidents towards North Korean nuclear issue. The study applies Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis (CDA) model as a new approach to examine this topic. By analyzing 17 speech corpuses, this study sheds light on the foreign policy adapted G. W. Bush, Obama, and Trump to address North Korea Nuclear issue. Theoretically, the study uses both Waltz’s foreign policy analysis model and Aristotle modes of persuasion to analyze the findings. It also clarifies the original foundations of each presidents’ foreign policy based on the four American IR school of thoughts. Results indicate that the legacy of the Cold War continues to shape and influence the stances of US presidents toward DPRK, despite the differences in their rhetorical and political strategies. While this study focuses individually on presidents as the main unit of analysis, future studies can further expand the use of CDA analysis to examine the stances of other key decision makers in the presidents’ administration to fully understand the relation between discourses and power structure.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since 2011, the Syrian Civil War has become an arena of international competition between regional and global powers. As a dominant regional actor, Turkey has important interests in this conflict. However, although great importance is given to civil war factors and power balances at the field level, Turkey’s internal conditions play a role as well as these externalities. Therefore, an analysis of Turkey’s foreign policy towards Syria from a local perspective is needed to reveal some negligible dynamics. In this direction, this study aims to analyse Turkey’s foreign policy towards Syria, taking into account the interaction between Turkey’s external and internal dynamics within the framework of neoclassical realist theory. Within this scope, we ask “how do Turkish external and internal dynamics explain its foreign policy in Syria?” as the leading search question and conduct our analysis using the explanatory case study method. Based on our findings, we provide a broad perspective on the significant impacts of four main internal factors on Turkish foreign policy, from the start of the Civil War to the most recent “Operation Spring Shield” by the Turkish Army and local Syrian armed groups.
{"title":"The Analysis of Turkish Foreign Policy in Syria: A Neoclassical Realist Perspective","authors":"B. Karaca, Berk Köksal","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.3","url":null,"abstract":"Since 2011, the Syrian Civil War has become an arena of international competition between regional and global powers. As a dominant regional actor, Turkey has important interests in this conflict. However, although great importance is given to civil war factors and power balances at the field level, Turkey’s internal conditions play a role as well as these externalities. Therefore, an analysis of Turkey’s foreign policy towards Syria from a local perspective is needed to reveal some negligible dynamics. In this direction, this study aims to analyse Turkey’s foreign policy towards Syria, taking into account the interaction between Turkey’s external and internal dynamics within the framework of neoclassical realist theory. Within this scope, we ask “how do Turkish external and internal dynamics explain its foreign policy in Syria?” as the leading search question and conduct our analysis using the explanatory case study method. Based on our findings, we provide a broad perspective on the significant impacts of four main internal factors on Turkish foreign policy, from the start of the Civil War to the most recent “Operation Spring Shield” by the Turkish Army and local Syrian armed groups.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48469310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The efficiency and effectiveness of the international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) in ensuring peace and security as relevant and growing only in dynamic interaction and cooperation with other international actors (international governmental organisations, non-governmental actors, and civil society institutions) have been justified. The features, models and problems of interaction of INGOs with other international actors in maintaining peace, stability and security, solving and preventing modern security challenges of the international system have been comprehensively studied. Such interaction and coordination of the efforts of INGOs and other international actors is viewed through the prism of expanding the areas of competence of non-governmental international organisations and increasing their activity in various areas. Some examples of an active involvement of non-governmental organisations in the activities of the UN (and its structures), NATO, OSCE, CoE, EU are given. Challenges of the interaction of governmental and non-governmental sectors in the international arena are analysed. International non-governmental actors, being independent (mostly) of their governments and officials of other international structures, are emphasised to have the opportunity to respond to strategic security challenges quickly and effectively, update public opinion, and mobilise the international community to address security issues at the regional and global levels.
{"title":"Peculiarities, Models and Problems of Interaction of International Non-Governmental Organisations With Other International Actors in Ensuring Peace and Security","authors":"Oksana Kruchinina, Lesia Dorosh, Uliana Ilnytska","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.13","url":null,"abstract":"The efficiency and effectiveness of the international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) in ensuring peace and security as relevant and growing only in dynamic interaction and cooperation with other international actors (international governmental organisations, non-governmental actors, and civil society institutions) have been justified. The features, models and problems of interaction of INGOs with other international actors in maintaining peace, stability and security, solving and preventing modern security challenges of the international system have been comprehensively studied. Such interaction and coordination of the efforts of INGOs and other international actors is viewed through the prism of expanding the areas of competence of non-governmental international organisations and increasing their activity in various areas. Some examples of an active involvement of non-governmental organisations in the activities of the UN (and its structures), NATO, OSCE, CoE, EU are given. Challenges of the interaction of governmental and non-governmental sectors in the international arena are analysed. International non-governmental actors, being independent (mostly) of their governments and officials of other international structures, are emphasised to have the opportunity to respond to strategic security challenges quickly and effectively, update public opinion, and mobilise the international community to address security issues at the regional and global levels.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47659749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article aims to introduce the activities of selected Central Asian countries – having a direct border with Afghanistan, i.e. Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan – to ensure security after the change of power in Kabul. Familiarisation with the subject matter made it possible to pose the following research questions: 1) Do the selected Central Asian states show predestination to pursue an independent policy towards the Afghan problem? 2) Has the Taliban’s seizure of control of the country been reflected in the strengthening of the position of China, the United States and Russia in the region? 3) ) Has the Taliban’s seizure of control of the country been reflected in the strengthening of the position of China, the United States and Russia in the region?? The collected materials in the form of official government communiqués and press releases provided the key to analyzing the selected actions of state bodies in the situation of increasing threat, tracing the attempts to expand cooperation with subjects of international law understood as states and international organizations. While highlighting the issues of maintaining internal order, it was impossible to omit the issue of the military potential of the state, influencing the security strategy planning process. The main research methods used while creating the article were: synthesis through causal association, analogy, induction and deduction.
{"title":"The Potential of Selected Central Asian States to Provide Security in Crises","authors":"Krystian Pachucki-Włosek","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.14","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to introduce the activities of selected Central Asian countries – having a direct border with Afghanistan, i.e. Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan – to ensure security after the change of power in Kabul. Familiarisation with the subject matter made it possible to pose the following research questions: 1) Do the selected Central Asian states show predestination to pursue an independent policy towards the Afghan problem? 2) Has the Taliban’s seizure of control of the country been reflected in the strengthening of the position of China, the United States and Russia in the region? 3) ) Has the Taliban’s seizure of control of the country been reflected in the strengthening of the position of China, the United States and Russia in the region?? The collected materials in the form of official government communiqués and press releases provided the key to analyzing the selected actions of state bodies in the situation of increasing threat, tracing the attempts to expand cooperation with subjects of international law understood as states and international organizations. While highlighting the issues of maintaining internal order, it was impossible to omit the issue of the military potential of the state, influencing the security strategy planning process. The main research methods used while creating the article were: synthesis through causal association, analogy, induction and deduction.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47229864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article explores the information aggression of Russian mass media in the hybrid war against Ukraine by analyzing cases when Russian media spread distorted or fake information in their coverage of the annexation of Crimea, the military conflict in Donbas, and political events inside and outside Ukraine. The research employs content and comparative analyses to study the structure of fake news as well as methods to use and disseminate the news among readers. In particular, attention is paid to manipulation technologies in social media. The article examines the concept of hybrid war that Russia managed to actualize during its occupation of Crimea and a part of Eastern Ukraine, its methods to expand into external information space during the Ukrainian presidential election and its increasing tension in relations with the United States and Iran. The results of the research consist of the analysis of techniques used in Russian mass media texts to spread fake news and influence audiences; the article also puts forward a classification of fake news as well as offers recommendations on ways to counteract disinformation in crisis communication. It is also argued that Russia is waging the war not only in the content environment of Ukraine but also that of many other countries. It is urgent that various forms and methods of Russian influence on the public opinion, its attempts to shape pro-Russian views in the democratic Western world, imposition of one-sided interpretation of international treaties should be resisted by teaching media literacy to audiences as well as by granting them with transparency and unimpeded access to original information sources.
{"title":"Fake News and Content Manipulation Under Russian Information Aggression","authors":"Vitalii Kornieiev, V. Ryabichev, T. Glushkova","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.12","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores the information aggression of Russian mass media in the hybrid war against Ukraine by analyzing cases when Russian media spread distorted or fake information in their coverage of the annexation of Crimea, the military conflict in Donbas, and political events inside and outside Ukraine. The research employs content and comparative analyses to study the structure of fake news as well as methods to use and disseminate the news among readers. In particular, attention is paid to manipulation technologies in social media. The article examines the concept of hybrid war that Russia managed to actualize during its occupation of Crimea and a part of Eastern Ukraine, its methods to expand into external information space during the Ukrainian presidential election and its increasing tension in relations with the United States and Iran. The results of the research consist of the analysis of techniques used in Russian mass media texts to spread fake news and influence audiences; the article also puts forward a classification of fake news as well as offers recommendations on ways to counteract disinformation in crisis communication. It is also argued that Russia is waging the war not only in the content environment of Ukraine but also that of many other countries. It is urgent that various forms and methods of Russian influence on the public opinion, its attempts to shape pro-Russian views in the democratic Western world, imposition of one-sided interpretation of international treaties should be resisted by teaching media literacy to audiences as well as by granting them with transparency and unimpeded access to original information sources.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48946540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Islamic world is one of the most important regions in the world in terms of geopolitical competition, focusing on the region of Southwest Asia in terms of geo-economic, geo-strategic and geo-culture. Despite the widespread commonalities in the political geography of the Islamic world in structural and functional terms, the interdependence of the region has not been able to move towards convergence, cooperation and interaction. One of the influential variables in the political trends of this region has been the geopolitical policies of the United States of America. The United States has always influenced the political trends of this strategic region based on its goals and interests. The result of researches show that the United States has a significant impact on divergence of Islamic world in terms of geo-culture in promoting the discourse of liberalism, geo-strategy on arms sales and stabilization of military rivalries between world powers, and geo-economics in free market competition and cheap energy resources. The convergence of Islamic world has been against the geopolitical interests of the United States of America.
{"title":"The Study of the Effects of us Geopolitical Policies on the Divergence of the Islamic World. Case Study: Southwest Asia","authors":"R. Afzali, Seyedmohammad Seyedi Asl","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.16","url":null,"abstract":"The Islamic world is one of the most important regions in the world in terms of geopolitical competition, focusing on the region of Southwest Asia in terms of geo-economic, geo-strategic and geo-culture. Despite the widespread commonalities in the political geography of the Islamic world in structural and functional terms, the interdependence of the region has not been able to move towards convergence, cooperation and interaction. One of the influential variables in the political trends of this region has been the geopolitical policies of the United States of America. The United States has always influenced the political trends of this strategic region based on its goals and interests. The result of researches show that the United States has a significant impact on divergence of Islamic world in terms of geo-culture in promoting the discourse of liberalism, geo-strategy on arms sales and stabilization of military rivalries between world powers, and geo-economics in free market competition and cheap energy resources. The convergence of Islamic world has been against the geopolitical interests of the United States of America.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49276527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of the article is to find the similarities and differences between Poland and Cuba by comparing them totalitarian regimes. The research problem consisting in determining the importance of exogenous and endogenous factors favoring the regime or disintegrate it. In this case, the method of desk research is appropriate. The comparison was made using the same and operationalized criteria (hegemony or domination of the party-state apparatus, the intensity of political gnosis, and the scope and extent political mobilization) based on Juan Linz’s modified concept of totalitarianism. At the beginning of the 1960s, in Cuba, the uncivil society had a hegemonic position. In the 21st century, its status changed from hegemonic to dominant, closely linked with the totalitarian party-state apparatus. The political regime slowly evolved from strong to weak totalitarianism. In post-war Poland, the political regime evolved from strong to weak totalitarianism, to become authoritarian after 1980 behind the façade of an inoperable party-state apparatus, and in 1989 it collapsed. In both cases, exogenous factors were of much less importance than endogenous ones.
{"title":"Cuba and Poland: an Outline of Comparative Analysis of Totalitarian Regimes","authors":"R. Bäcker","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.20","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article is to find the similarities and differences between Poland and Cuba by comparing them totalitarian regimes. The research problem consisting in determining the importance of exogenous and endogenous factors favoring the regime or disintegrate it. In this case, the method of desk research is appropriate. The comparison was made using the same and operationalized criteria (hegemony or domination of the party-state apparatus, the intensity of political gnosis, and the scope and extent political mobilization) based on Juan Linz’s modified concept of totalitarianism. At the beginning of the 1960s, in Cuba, the uncivil society had a hegemonic position. In the 21st century, its status changed from hegemonic to dominant, closely linked with the totalitarian party-state apparatus. The political regime slowly evolved from strong to weak totalitarianism. In post-war Poland, the political regime evolved from strong to weak totalitarianism, to become authoritarian after 1980 behind the façade of an inoperable party-state apparatus, and in 1989 it collapsed. In both cases, exogenous factors were of much less importance than endogenous ones.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The research results presented in this publication aim to identify the basic task areas that are critical in the response of public security institutions to contemporary terrorist attacks. Corresponding to the objective of the research process is the research question - what are the key task areas of public security institutions that will be critical in responding to contemporary terrorist acts? The author assumed in the research hypothesis the existence of such key task areas, initially assigning them to organisational, communication, educational and logistical activities. The research described in the text was based on scientific methods in the form of document analysis, case studies and participant observation. The research results obtained became the basis for developing key task areas that should be taken into account in the preparation of solutions for institutional response to contemporary terrorist acts. The results of the research also concern several universal features of contemporary terrorist attacks, which take into account the diversity of methods and tools used in carrying them out.
{"title":"The Practical Dimension of the Response of Public Security Institutions to Contemporary Terrorist Attacks","authors":"J. Stelmach","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.8","url":null,"abstract":"The research results presented in this publication aim to identify the basic task areas that are critical in the response of public security institutions to contemporary terrorist attacks. Corresponding to the objective of the research process is the research question - what are the key task areas of public security institutions that will be critical in responding to contemporary terrorist acts? The author assumed in the research hypothesis the existence of such key task areas, initially assigning them to organisational, communication, educational and logistical activities. The research described in the text was based on scientific methods in the form of document analysis, case studies and participant observation. The research results obtained became the basis for developing key task areas that should be taken into account in the preparation of solutions for institutional response to contemporary terrorist acts. The results of the research also concern several universal features of contemporary terrorist attacks, which take into account the diversity of methods and tools used in carrying them out.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66612607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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