It has been evident that Russia as the heir of Soviet foreign policy, could neither achieve to integrate herself into the international order, nor could the international order achieve to find a solution to Russian foreign policy identity quest. As long as Russia cannot find a stable and permanent status for herself in the world politics, her foreign policy will signify a permanent instability on the behalf of the international order. The current hegemonic international order is far from residing technical capabilities in terms of satisfying Russia’s foreign policy expectations, because it is unprecedentedly rigid in terms of allowing or refusing the incorporation of hegemonic power like Russia. While it cannot return to multipolarity, it could not set a community based international order either. Since the current international order was founded upon liberal anti-Soviet values, it entered into a lightness of exposing Russia to make clear-cut choices in her foreign policy. As much as the current international order was founded upon liberal anti-Soviet values, its demands from the new members would much higher that especially Russia would not easily adapt herself to.
{"title":"International Order and the Access Problem of the Defeated Hegemon: the Case of Russia in the Post-Cold War Era","authors":"Gülteki̇n Sümer","doi":"10.14746/ps.2021.1.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.2","url":null,"abstract":"It has been evident that Russia as the heir of Soviet foreign policy, could neither achieve to integrate herself into the international order, nor could the international order achieve to find a solution to Russian foreign policy identity quest. As long as Russia cannot find a stable and permanent status for herself in the world politics, her foreign policy will signify a permanent instability on the behalf of the international order. The current hegemonic international order is far from residing technical capabilities in terms of satisfying Russia’s foreign policy expectations, because it is unprecedentedly rigid in terms of allowing or refusing the incorporation of hegemonic power like Russia. While it cannot return to multipolarity, it could not set a community based international order either. Since the current international order was founded upon liberal anti-Soviet values, it entered into a lightness of exposing Russia to make clear-cut choices in her foreign policy. As much as the current international order was founded upon liberal anti-Soviet values, its demands from the new members would much higher that especially Russia would not easily adapt herself to.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One of the main characteristics of the post-Soviet transformation was the religious resurgence. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the post-Soviet Islamic revival in the 1990s. The awakening of Islam and seeking the place for Muslims in the society significantly influenced the formation of today’s Russian Federation. The authors examine the factors that influenced the role of Islam in newly created post-Soviet Russia and the federal government’s response to its dynamics. The paper is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the Islamic revival after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The second chapter is focused on the Kremlin’s reaction to new radical movements that emerged during the Islamic awakening and the separatist sentiments in Russia’s Muslim regions. Using the qualitative research method, the authors drew a conclusion that Islamic radicalisation in post-Soviet Russia was caused by several external and internal factors. The political developments in the Russian Federation between the second half of the 1990s and the early 21st century were characterised by restrictions on religious freedom and consolidation of federalism.
{"title":"Seeking a Place for Islam in Post-Soviet Russia","authors":"Zuzana Rozkošová, Ľubomír Čech","doi":"10.14746/ps.2021.1.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.11","url":null,"abstract":"One of the main characteristics of the post-Soviet transformation was the religious resurgence. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the post-Soviet Islamic revival in the 1990s. The awakening of Islam and seeking the place for Muslims in the society significantly influenced the formation of today’s Russian Federation. The authors examine the factors that influenced the role of Islam in newly created post-Soviet Russia and the federal government’s response to its dynamics. The paper is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the Islamic revival after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The second chapter is focused on the Kremlin’s reaction to new radical movements that emerged during the Islamic awakening and the separatist sentiments in Russia’s Muslim regions. Using the qualitative research method, the authors drew a conclusion that Islamic radicalisation in post-Soviet Russia was caused by several external and internal factors. The political developments in the Russian Federation between the second half of the 1990s and the early 21st century were characterised by restrictions on religious freedom and consolidation of federalism.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48617960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The events and processes of the recent decades drive us to awake from the hypnotic illusion of the ‘end of history’. The ‘return of history’ is not only a necessary step that has to be taken, but it is ontologically inevitable. Blinded by the mobile army of metaphors, metonyms and anthropomorphisms, we need to see that the processes of the 21st century are no different from the old politics which were recorded in history, thus it is unavoidable to think within the ‘dialectics of Old and New’. Globalization, relativization of values, removal of borders and the re-narration of borders in previously unseen areas lead us to an existential zero point. Borders play significant self-determining and self-definition role in our life and society, thus their relocation, reorientation and blurring of their meaning is a question that has to be analysed and closely watched. Together with the narration of borders, the narration of security plays major role. Migration and the question of open, permeable borders have become one of the most important security narrations of our everyday life.
{"title":"Borders, De-Borderization and Migration Narratives in Hungary","authors":"Teodor Gyelník","doi":"10.14746/ps.2021.1.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.8","url":null,"abstract":"The events and processes of the recent decades drive us to awake from the hypnotic illusion of the ‘end of history’. The ‘return of history’ is not only a necessary step that has to be taken, but it is ontologically inevitable. Blinded by the mobile army of metaphors, metonyms and anthropomorphisms, we need to see that the processes of the 21st century are no different from the old politics which were recorded in history, thus it is unavoidable to think within the ‘dialectics of Old and New’. Globalization, relativization of values, removal of borders and the re-narration of borders in previously unseen areas lead us to an existential zero point. Borders play significant self-determining and self-definition role in our life and society, thus their relocation, reorientation and blurring of their meaning is a question that has to be analysed and closely watched. Together with the narration of borders, the narration of security plays major role. Migration and the question of open, permeable borders have become one of the most important security narrations of our everyday life.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
S. Khalatur, K. Zhylenko, I. Vinichenko, O. Trokhymets, L. Kriuchko
The purpose of the study is to review the academic literature on food security issues in order to examine the indicators of rational and minimal nutrition, facilitating the analysis of the existing system of indicators by which to assess the state of the food security system in a country. The aim of the article is to investigate and demonstrate the imperatives behind the formation of Ukraine’s national (food) security in the context of globalization. National food security in the broad sense should be considered as the state of the economy, and more narrowly – as the guaranteed ability of a state to meet the needs of the population by providing each citizen with the required volume, range and quality of food at a level that ensures the health and intellectual development of the individual, based on the principles of self-sufficiency of basic products and their economic and physical accessibility, regardless of the influence of external and internal factors. The Global Food Security Index Ranks of the European Union and Ukraine are analyzed. Consumer expenditure on food consumed at home in Ukraine is analyzed in the article. Average food security indicators of the EU and Ukraine are analyzed for 2001–2018, in particular for food exports, food imports, food production index, food, beverages and tobacco. The dynamics and forecasts of wheat and maize harvest and crop production in Ukraine and the EU are compared. The analysis of the Suite of Food Security Indicators of the EU and Ukraine is presented alongside a comprehensive analysis of the multifactor regression model of Food Production Index from foreign direct investment, net inflows, GDP growth, GNI per capita growth, short-term debt, tax revenue, total natural resources rents, and trade. The analysis has shown that for the analysis of the food production index it is effective to build a regression model, because it allows not only to estimate the degree of influence of the factor on the result, but also to most effectively predict the size of the food production index for the future.
{"title":"The Formation of the International Imperatives of the National (Food) Security Coefficient in Ukraine under Globalization","authors":"S. Khalatur, K. Zhylenko, I. Vinichenko, O. Trokhymets, L. Kriuchko","doi":"10.14746/ps.2020.1.28","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.28","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the study is to review the academic literature on food security issues in order to examine the indicators of rational and minimal nutrition, facilitating the analysis of the existing system of indicators by which to assess the state of the food security system in a country. The aim of the article is to investigate and demonstrate the imperatives behind the formation of Ukraine’s national (food) security in the context of globalization. National food security in the broad sense should be considered as the state of the economy, and more narrowly – as the guaranteed ability of a state to meet the needs of the population by providing each citizen with the required volume, range and quality of food at a level that ensures the health and intellectual development of the individual, based on the principles of self-sufficiency of basic products and their economic and physical accessibility, regardless of the influence of external and internal factors. The Global Food Security Index Ranks of the European Union and Ukraine are analyzed. Consumer expenditure on food consumed at home in Ukraine is analyzed in the article. Average food security indicators of the EU and Ukraine are analyzed for 2001–2018, in particular for food exports, food imports, food production index, food, beverages and tobacco. The dynamics and forecasts of wheat and maize harvest and crop production in Ukraine and the EU are compared. The analysis of the Suite of Food Security Indicators of the EU and Ukraine is presented alongside a comprehensive analysis of the multifactor regression model of Food Production Index from foreign direct investment, net inflows, GDP growth, GNI per capita growth, short-term debt, tax revenue, total natural resources rents, and trade. The analysis has shown that for the analysis of the food production index it is effective to build a regression model, because it allows not only to estimate the degree of influence of the factor on the result, but also to most effectively predict the size of the food production index for the future.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Iran, Terrorism, and ISIS. Radosław Fiedler’s Interview with Bruce Hoffman","authors":"Radosław Fiedler","doi":"10.14746/ps.2020.1.29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.29","url":null,"abstract":"Intervievs","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610357","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The South China Sea is the most inflammable area in the region of Southeast Asia due to its natural resources, commercial and political importance. The ASEAN countries directly involved in the dispute have conflicting interests, mainly related to their relationship with China, a pretender for the whole area. Therefore, attemps to settle the dispute are not successful. On July 12, 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague issued a verdict taking into account the Law of the Sea, in which it accepted the Philippines’s arguments and rejected China’s claims based on historical arguments against the islands in the South China Sea. China did not take part in the trial and found its sentences non-binding but at the same time it has entered into a dialogue with ASEAN on the code of conduct (COC) in the South China Sea. The purpose of the article is to discuss how the parties are involved in the conflict, progress towards signing the Code of Conduct for the Parties in the South China Sea and the attitude of ASEAN countries to this conflict. Due to the degree of dependence of economies on Chinese influence, and relations with other powers, mainly the US, the behavior of individual countries is different. Hence the problem with the organization’s cohesion and attempts to break the deadlock, which have been unsuccessful so far. The basic research hypothesis that will be verified is to maintain the status quo in the South China Sea in the long run. At the same time, it was noted that Vietnam is prepared for long-term actions, based on diplomatic tools combined with a tough attitude, to solve problems related to the sovereignty of disputed areas. ASEAN will have to face up with the issues more consistently, by making greater use of quiet diplomacy. The theoretical basis of the article is Hurrell’s theory of neorealism, which analyzes, among other things, the principles and objectives of regional organizations in the international environment. Hurrell assumes that all regional organizations cannot be understood differently from their regional balance of power and regional dominant forces policy and ASEAN’s attitude proves this point of view.
{"title":"The ASEAN’s Attitude to the South China Sea Dispute after the Verdict of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague","authors":"Małgorzata Pietrasiak","doi":"10.14746/ps.2020.1.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.13","url":null,"abstract":"The South China Sea is the most inflammable area in the region of Southeast Asia due to its natural resources, commercial and political importance. The ASEAN countries directly involved in the dispute have conflicting interests, mainly related to their relationship with China, a pretender for the whole area. Therefore, attemps to settle the dispute are not successful. On July 12, 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague issued a verdict taking into account the Law of the Sea, in which it accepted the Philippines’s arguments and rejected China’s claims based on historical arguments against the islands in the South China Sea. China did not take part in the trial and found its sentences non-binding but at the same time it has entered into a dialogue with ASEAN on the code of conduct (COC) in the South China Sea. The purpose of the article is to discuss how the parties are involved in the conflict, progress towards signing the Code of Conduct for the Parties in the South China Sea and the attitude of ASEAN countries to this conflict. Due to the degree of dependence of economies on Chinese influence, and relations with other powers, mainly the US, the behavior of individual countries is different. Hence the problem with the organization’s cohesion and attempts to break the deadlock, which have been unsuccessful so far. The basic research hypothesis that will be verified is to maintain the status quo in the South China Sea in the long run. At the same time, it was noted that Vietnam is prepared for long-term actions, based on diplomatic tools combined with a tough attitude, to solve problems related to the sovereignty of disputed areas. ASEAN will have to face up with the issues more consistently, by making greater use of quiet diplomacy. The theoretical basis of the article is Hurrell’s theory of neorealism, which analyzes, among other things, the principles and objectives of regional organizations in the international environment. Hurrell assumes that all regional organizations cannot be understood differently from their regional balance of power and regional dominant forces policy and ASEAN’s attitude proves this point of view.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47942564","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nezir Akyesilmen, Vanessa Tinker, Mohammed Ishmeal
Turkey and the United States of America have been strategic partners for over seven decades. Nevertheless, their relationship has not always been a smooth one, and the two countries have encountered temporary bilateral crises from time to time. In spite of the challenges, over the years, the NATO allies – the United States and Turkey have continued to reaffirm their commitment to cooperate with each other as “strategic partners.” However, the ensuing Syrian crisis has brought the relationship between the allies to an all-time historic low. This study examines Turkey-US relations in the context of the ongoing Syrian conflict using a conflict analysis framework. With this framework, we analyze the historical background, identify the root causes of the crisis and conduct an actor analysis. Based on our findings, we provide policy recommendations to de-escalate and transform the current crisis in US-Turkey relations in order to both restore their mutual trust and find new ways to cooperate as strategic partners.
{"title":"Turkey-US Relations in the Context of the Syrian Conflict: from Cooperation to Confrontation","authors":"Nezir Akyesilmen, Vanessa Tinker, Mohammed Ishmeal","doi":"10.14746/ps.2020.1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.5","url":null,"abstract":"Turkey and the United States of America have been strategic partners for over seven decades. Nevertheless, their relationship has not always been a smooth one, and the two countries have encountered temporary bilateral crises from time to time. In spite of the challenges, over the years, the NATO allies – the United States and Turkey have continued to reaffirm their commitment to cooperate with each other as “strategic partners.” However, the ensuing Syrian crisis has brought the relationship between the allies to an all-time historic low. This study examines Turkey-US relations in the context of the ongoing Syrian conflict using a conflict analysis framework. With this framework, we analyze the historical background, identify the root causes of the crisis and conduct an actor analysis. Based on our findings, we provide policy recommendations to de-escalate and transform the current crisis in US-Turkey relations in order to both restore their mutual trust and find new ways to cooperate as strategic partners.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
M. Gladysh, O. Krayevska, Oksana Holovko-Havrysheva
The conceptual bases of resilience in modern political science are analyzed, including the key conceptual approaches that are used in academic studies for understanding the policy of resilience, characterizing the reaction of subjects to stress or threat of any kind and origin. The concept of resilience is applied to analyze the cooperation among the Baltic-Black Sea countries as a regional interaction model which should be formed in order to reduce or avoid security crises. The Baltic-Black Sea countries have developed and formed strong ties in different dimensions among one another, opening an opportunity for intellectual adventures in the area of the conceptualization of their interaction modes under the regional cooperation frameworks. Based upon the analyzed doctrinal views and available documentary backgrounds on resilience in the UN and the EU, the possible visions and scenarios for the creation of the Baltic-Black Sea region as a resilient one are given. The existing and potential obstacles to cooperation in the region are highlighted. The main threats and challenges for the Baltic-Black Sea region at present are investigated.
{"title":"Baltic-Black Sea Region as a Resilient Region: Political and Security Aspects","authors":"M. Gladysh, O. Krayevska, Oksana Holovko-Havrysheva","doi":"10.14746/ps.2020.1.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.10","url":null,"abstract":"The conceptual bases of resilience in modern political science are analyzed, including the key conceptual approaches that are used in academic studies for understanding the policy of resilience, characterizing the reaction of subjects to stress or threat of any kind and origin. The concept of resilience is applied to analyze the cooperation among the Baltic-Black Sea countries as a regional interaction model which should be formed in order to reduce or avoid security crises. \u0000The Baltic-Black Sea countries have developed and formed strong ties in different dimensions among one another, opening an opportunity for intellectual adventures in the area of the conceptualization of their interaction modes under the regional cooperation frameworks. Based upon the analyzed doctrinal views and available documentary backgrounds on resilience in the UN and the EU, the possible visions and scenarios for the creation of the Baltic-Black Sea region as a resilient one are given. The existing and potential obstacles to cooperation in the region are highlighted. The main threats and challenges for the Baltic-Black Sea region at present are investigated.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47991382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Sanctions, Accommodation, and Defiance. A Long Track of US Sanctions Targeted at Iran. Radosław Fiedler’s Interview with Richard Nephe","authors":"Radosław Fiedler","doi":"10.14746/ps.2020.1.30","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.30","url":null,"abstract":"Interviews","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610367","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The growth and dissemination of Russia’s propaganda have become a serious threat in recent years. But these efforts of Russia are not new, they have a basis in the past – known as “active measures.” Therefore, the problem of detecting and counteracting these “active measures,” first and foremost, is that there is no commonly accepted definition of the term. Therefore, the authors addressed the specific problem of the definition of “active measures.” The authors found that all “active measures” were subordinated to a single political strategic idea, and this idea was carried out by various methods. The authors are convinced that any classification of current “active measures” should be based on the methods detected. In order to identify these methods, the scheme of “active measures,” suggested by S. K. Whittle, is used. At the same time, his scheme has been supplemented, and the relevant cases for the application of different methods of “active measures” are given. An attempt is made to compare the methods of applying “active measures” with current aspects of the hybrid war of the Russian Federation, in particular in Ukraine.
近年来，俄罗斯宣传的增长和传播已成为一个严重的威胁。但俄罗斯的这些努力并不新鲜，它们有过去的基础——被称为“积极措施”。因此，检测和抵制这些“主动措施”的首要问题是，没有一个普遍接受的术语定义。因此，笔者对“积极措施”的具体定义问题进行了探讨。作者发现，一切“积极措施”都服从于一个单一的政治战略理念，而这一理念是通过各种方法来实现的。作者确信，对当前“积极措施”的任何分类都应以检测到的方法为基础。为了识别这些方法，采用了S. K. Whittle提出的“主动措施”方案。同时对他的方案进行了补充，并给出了不同“积极措施”方法应用的相关案例。有人试图将实施“积极措施”的方法与俄罗斯联邦特别是在乌克兰的混合战争的当前方面进行比较。
{"title":"“Active Measures” of the USSR Against the USA: Old Soviet Games in the New Geopolitical Reality","authors":"D. Dubov, Anastasiia Barovska, Iryna Koretska","doi":"10.14746/ps.2020.1.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.2","url":null,"abstract":"The growth and dissemination of Russia’s propaganda have become a serious threat in recent years. But these efforts of Russia are not new, they have a basis in the past – known as “active measures.” Therefore, the problem of detecting and counteracting these “active measures,” first and foremost, is that there is no commonly accepted definition of the term. Therefore, the authors addressed the specific problem of the definition of “active measures.” The authors found that all “active measures” were subordinated to a single political strategic idea, and this idea was carried out by various methods. The authors are convinced that any classification of current “active measures” should be based on the methods detected. In order to identify these methods, the scheme of “active measures,” suggested by S. K. Whittle, is used. At the same time, his scheme has been supplemented, and the relevant cases for the application of different methods of “active measures” are given. An attempt is made to compare the methods of applying “active measures” with current aspects of the hybrid war of the Russian Federation, in particular in Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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