Official documents of the Austrian government indicate the growing dependence of the economy and society on technical infrastructure, which required continuous research. Austria has developed a national research program to promote its economy, technology and cooperation. It is also intended to support the Austrian defence and civilian economy as a coherent part of the EU’s research, technology and economic structures. This text is based in particular on primary literature, which includes documents of EU institutions, Austrian security and defence strategies, and statements of the Ministry of Defense. This publication attempts to answer the question of how Austria made an effort to integrate security and defence issues with the national research-technology-innovation system (Forschung-Technologie-Innovation, hereinafter FTI), with the specificity of the domestic industry dominated by small and medium-sized enterprises. This paper is based on the analysis of documents and scientific interpretation of key EU and Austrian positions. The research aims to analyze and understand the role of research in the concept of (national) security in Austria and to link it with the EU’s security and defence policy. Research and this publication verify the assumption that the security and strategic autonomy of the EU / Member States require integrated solutions (Europeanization process). Going beyond the soft impact toward hard instruments requires a knowledge-based development and synergies of coherent strategies, technologies and research. The EU saw the need for a structured promotion of research and innovation in the field of security and defence. Austria has been developing such research for several years, mainly at the national level and application. The steps taken by Austria demonstrate the will to operate in wider EU (infra) structures and to benefit from financial instruments while supporting and profiting from socio-economic processes.
{"title":"Scientific Research in Austrian Security Strategies and Research on Security and Defence","authors":"K. Szewior","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.24","url":null,"abstract":"Official documents of the Austrian government indicate the growing dependence of the economy and society on technical infrastructure, which required continuous research. Austria has developed a national research program to promote its economy, technology and cooperation. It is also intended to support the Austrian defence and civilian economy as a coherent part of the EU’s research, technology and economic structures. This text is based in particular on primary literature, which includes documents of EU institutions, Austrian security and defence strategies, and statements of the Ministry of Defense. This publication attempts to answer the question of how Austria made an effort to integrate security and defence issues with the national research-technology-innovation system (Forschung-Technologie-Innovation, hereinafter FTI), with the specificity of the domestic industry dominated by small and medium-sized enterprises. This paper is based on the analysis of documents and scientific interpretation of key EU and Austrian positions. The research aims to analyze and understand the role of research in the concept of (national) security in Austria and to link it with the EU’s security and defence policy. Research and this publication verify the assumption that the security and strategic autonomy of the EU / Member States require integrated solutions (Europeanization process). Going beyond the soft impact toward hard instruments requires a knowledge-based development and synergies of coherent strategies, technologies and research. The EU saw the need for a structured promotion of research and innovation in the field of security and defence. Austria has been developing such research for several years, mainly at the national level and application. The steps taken by Austria demonstrate the will to operate in wider EU (infra) structures and to benefit from financial instruments while supporting and profiting from socio-economic processes.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of the article is to analyze the importance of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency in the ongoing process of securitization of asylum and migration in the European Union countries. Therefore, the paper will attempt to answer the following research questions: how has the evolution of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency’s activities contributed to the ongoing securitisation of asylum and migration in the European Union and can all of Frontex’s core tasks be considered securitisation practices? The article also attempts to attribute Frontex’s main tasks to two types of securitisation practices proposed by Thierry Balzacq: (1) traditional activities that have been implemented to address what are largely perceived as security issues; (2) extraordinary activities, not only in the sense of ‘exceptional’ or ‘illegal’ but more broadly in the sense of ‘unusual’ that is, never before used or rarely used in relation to migration and asylum.
{"title":"The Evolution and Relevance of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex) in Shaping the Asylum and Migration Securitization Process in the European Union","authors":"Sara Tomaszewska","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.19","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article is to analyze the importance of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency in the ongoing process of securitization of asylum and migration in the European Union countries. Therefore, the paper will attempt to answer the following research questions: how has the evolution of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency’s activities contributed to the ongoing securitisation of asylum and migration in the European Union and can all of Frontex’s core tasks be considered securitisation practices? The article also attempts to attribute Frontex’s main tasks to two types of securitisation practices proposed by Thierry Balzacq: (1) traditional activities that have been implemented to address what are largely perceived as security issues; (2) extraordinary activities, not only in the sense of ‘exceptional’ or ‘illegal’ but more broadly in the sense of ‘unusual’ that is, never before used or rarely used in relation to migration and asylum.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Although from the very beginning of its existence the Islamic Republic of Iran has been regularly accused of supporting international terrorism, including Sunni organizations, this phenomenon is also a significant and growing threat for Tehran itself. In recent years Iran has become a target for the Sunni jihadists, who have even announced that in the near future the Shi’ite regime in Tehran would collapse and the Islamic State would take over. At the same time Iran has to cope with more traditional threats, posed by ethnic separatists – mainly Arabs, Kurds and the Baloch people – as well as by the MEK (People’s Mujahedin of Iran). This paper analyzes main terrorism-related threats to contemporary Iran and to present both their causes and dynamics. The main argument of the paper is that although these challenges are mainly local (provincial), they have a potential to trigger a snowball effects and can weaken already a vulnerable stability of the Islamic Republic even further. Moreover, it is argued that decision-makers in Iran do not solve structural problems, but react with a further securitization. A risk is even higher now, when an increasing number of Iranians have become highly dissatisfied with their living conditions.
{"title":"Terrorism and Jihadism in the Islamic Republic of Iran","authors":"R. Czulda","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.6","url":null,"abstract":"Although from the very beginning of its existence the Islamic Republic of Iran has been regularly accused of supporting international terrorism, including Sunni organizations, this phenomenon is also a significant and growing threat for Tehran itself. In recent years Iran has become a target for the Sunni jihadists, who have even announced that in the near future the Shi’ite regime in Tehran would collapse and the Islamic State would take over. At the same time Iran has to cope with more traditional threats, posed by ethnic separatists – mainly Arabs, Kurds and the Baloch people – as well as by the MEK (People’s Mujahedin of Iran). \u0000This paper analyzes main terrorism-related threats to contemporary Iran and to present both their causes and dynamics. The main argument of the paper is that although these challenges are mainly local (provincial), they have a potential to trigger a snowball effects and can weaken already a vulnerable stability of the Islamic Republic even further. Moreover, it is argued that decision-makers in Iran do not solve structural problems, but react with a further securitization. A risk is even higher now, when an increasing number of Iranians have become highly dissatisfied with their living conditions.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article brings attention to the gap in the research on peacebuilding from the perspective of realist theories. Started by Johan Galtung, the peacebuilding field has been largely influenced by his understanding of peace and violence, as well as by the peace studies discipline itself. An Agenda for Peace turned the theoretical concept into international practice, and the liberal spirit accompanying it imprinted on the research approaches that guide peacebuilding activities. Executed in the form of democratic transformation and statebuilding, peacebuilding operations often did not bring the expected results and called on a lot of criticism. Besides, throughout the decades dominating approaches (liberalism complemented by institutional and critical IR theories) have not been able to explain the continuous unattainability of sustainable peace and exacerbation of violence. A little attention has been given to peacebuilding by the realist theory, which has limited interest in local conflicts. In this aspect, the article aims to discuss how the realist theories have been addressing the topic of peacebuilding so far, analyse what are the main assumptions related to peacebuilding from a realist perspective; and assess if the realist theories can be helpful in resolving the problem of peacebuilding ineffectiveness. The article opens further discussion on whether the realist perspective and its focus on states’ interests, rather than (democratic and liberal) values and institutions, can be used for analysing the problems of the peacebuilding process and can help to better understand situations, where it is ineffective.
{"title":"Realism – Forgotten Theory for Peacebuilding","authors":"Alina Baihuzhakava","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.5","url":null,"abstract":"The article brings attention to the gap in the research on peacebuilding from the perspective of realist theories. Started by Johan Galtung, the peacebuilding field has been largely influenced by his understanding of peace and violence, as well as by the peace studies discipline itself. An Agenda for Peace turned the theoretical concept into international practice, and the liberal spirit accompanying it imprinted on the research approaches that guide peacebuilding activities. Executed in the form of democratic transformation and statebuilding, peacebuilding operations often did not bring the expected results and called on a lot of criticism. Besides, throughout the decades dominating approaches (liberalism complemented by institutional and critical IR theories) have not been able to explain the continuous unattainability of sustainable peace and exacerbation of violence. A little attention has been given to peacebuilding by the realist theory, which has limited interest in local conflicts. In this aspect, the article aims to discuss how the realist theories have been addressing the topic of peacebuilding so far, analyse what are the main assumptions related to peacebuilding from a realist perspective; and assess if the realist theories can be helpful in resolving the problem of peacebuilding ineffectiveness. The article opens further discussion on whether the realist perspective and its focus on states’ interests, rather than (democratic and liberal) values and institutions, can be used for analysing the problems of the peacebuilding process and can help to better understand situations, where it is ineffective.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610938","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this article is to investigate Iranian-Israeli relations, which are based on hate speech and hybrid warfare, but can actually be reduced to a struggle for power and domination. In order to legitimize their military actions against an enemy state, both Iran and Israel must securitize the threat, which means they must convince the public that the opposing state poses an existential threat. Hate speech and aggressive rhetoric are used by both countries and represent a subjective perception of a threat, as well as a legitimizing tool to justify extraordinary measures to counter the threats. Appealing to fears and threats and the method of creating an enemy are well-known political strategies that ensure the legitimacy of power.
{"title":"From Speech Acts to Extraordinary Measures - Securitization and Hybrid Warfare in Iran-Israel Relations","authors":"Wojciech Grabowski","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.9","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to investigate Iranian-Israeli relations, which are based on hate speech and hybrid warfare, but can actually be reduced to a struggle for power and domination. In order to legitimize their military actions against an enemy state, both Iran and Israel must securitize the threat, which means they must convince the public that the opposing state poses an existential threat. Hate speech and aggressive rhetoric are used by both countries and represent a subjective perception of a threat, as well as a legitimizing tool to justify extraordinary measures to counter the threats. Appealing to fears and threats and the method of creating an enemy are well-known political strategies that ensure the legitimacy of power.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66613004","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of the paper is to analyze and assess the determinants of the participation of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations Mission in South Sudan. The first part of the paper presents the background of the Chinese army’s involvement in the Sudanese states, and the second part shows the specificity of its involvement in UNMISS. The next two parts deal, respectively, with political, military and strategic, and economic determinants of China’s involvement in this mission. The research problem is contained in the question what were the most important determinants of China’s involvement in the UN Mission in South Sudan? The hypothesis of the paper assumes that the main deterimnant of the involvement was the protection of China’s economic interests in South Sudan and East Africa. In addition, by being active in UN peacekeeping missions, China wants to strengthen this organization and create the image of the state responsible for maintaining international peace and security. The Chinese army is also interested in gaining experience in expeditionary mission to increase the ability of military operations in distant theaters. The method of text source analysis was used in the paper.
{"title":"Determinants of the Participation of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations Mission in South Sudan","authors":"Łukasz Jureńczyk","doi":"10.14746/ps.2021.1.26","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.26","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the paper is to analyze and assess the determinants of the participation of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations Mission in South Sudan. The first part of the paper presents the background of the Chinese army’s involvement in the Sudanese states, and the second part shows the specificity of its involvement in UNMISS. The next two parts deal, respectively, with political, military and strategic, and economic determinants of China’s involvement in this mission. The research problem is contained in the question what were the most important determinants of China’s involvement in the UN Mission in South Sudan? The hypothesis of the paper assumes that the main deterimnant of the involvement was the protection of China’s economic interests in South Sudan and East Africa. In addition, by being active in UN peacekeeping missions, China wants to strengthen this organization and create the image of the state responsible for maintaining international peace and security. The Chinese army is also interested in gaining experience in expeditionary mission to increase the ability of military operations in distant theaters. The method of text source analysis was used in the paper.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610463","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Today, strategic culture becomes an essential element of the national security policy of the Russian Federation. While absorbing some modern aspects, its strategic culture reflects historical lessons learnt by the Russian Empire and the USSR. Russia still cannot refuse from the idea to restore its superpower status and to fight for new territories. Thus, we can define a number of essential elements of the Russian strategic culture formed in relation to the historical and contemporary development of this state. Throughout the history, the Russians have legitimized the decisions and activities of the ruling elites. As the Russian leadership has long built up powerful associations which had taken root in the minds of people while remembering patriotism and love for their Motherland, the Russians believe in the importance of maintaining and enhancing patriotic feelings. While cultivating its civilizational and cultural detachment, Russia continues developing its own messianic idea which envisages the views of the special historical kismet of Russia. In order to fulfill its global tasks, Russia uses the policy of military interventions and violates state sovereignty of other countries, since the ‘militant’ political culture of its leaders has always militarized the strategic culture of the RF. So, the strategic culture of Russia emanates from the unique position and history of this state which manages to adapt it to the new realities. However, Russia’s aspirations to reclaim its status as a global superpower at any cost do not allow its strategic culture to be changed or even to be altered.
{"title":"Russian Strategic Culture: Why the Past Matters","authors":"M. Doroshko, I. Tsyrfa","doi":"10.14746/ps.2021.1.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.9","url":null,"abstract":"Today, strategic culture becomes an essential element of the national security policy of the Russian Federation. While absorbing some modern aspects, its strategic culture reflects historical lessons learnt by the Russian Empire and the USSR. Russia still cannot refuse from the idea to restore its superpower status and to fight for new territories. Thus, we can define a number of essential elements of the Russian strategic culture formed in relation to the historical and contemporary development of this state. Throughout the history, the Russians have legitimized the decisions and activities of the ruling elites. As the Russian leadership has long built up powerful associations which had taken root in the minds of people while remembering patriotism and love for their Motherland, the Russians believe in the importance of maintaining and enhancing patriotic feelings. While cultivating its civilizational and cultural detachment, Russia continues developing its own messianic idea which envisages the views of the special historical kismet of Russia. In order to fulfill its global tasks, Russia uses the policy of military interventions and violates state sovereignty of other countries, since the ‘militant’ political culture of its leaders has always militarized the strategic culture of the RF. \u0000So, the strategic culture of Russia emanates from the unique position and history of this state which manages to adapt it to the new realities. However, Russia’s aspirations to reclaim its status as a global superpower at any cost do not allow its strategic culture to be changed or even to be altered.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Total rejection of the aggression and territory occupation in the international law leads to their hybrid and concealed forms using gangs and mercenaries, proclaiming new “states” etc. These activities constitute serious threat to international security, can cause and already cause the fragmentation of states, anarchy, criminalization of politics, new forms of expansionism and so on. The authors of the article generalize the forms of illegal control over the territory in international law and their application considering the status of Donbas determination. International law for more than a century provides for the possibility of separate regulation of the sovereignty and legal rights of the state to the territory, on the one hand, and the implementation of the regime of illegal control over the territory – on the other. Authors argue that in the modern sense, primarily developed by doctrine and courts, illegal control over the territory can be considered as a legal regime, one of the forms of which is occupation, while others are defined as effective, overall, general, de facto control and related to undisclosed actions and informal means used by the aggressor states. This regime is characterized by the exercise of power over the territory by the will of a foreign state, and the forms of implementation of the regime differ depending on whether such a will is officially recognized or concealed. The transformation of international humanitarian law after the Second World War erased the boundaries between recognized and officially unrecognized occupation. But unlike occupation, the fact of which may be obvious, the fact of effective or other control over the territory requires the determination by judicial authorities. The qualification of illegal control by the Russian Federation of the Donbas in national and international law is ambiguous. The authors argue that the full recognition of the international armed conflict between Ukraine and Russia in Donbas, as well as Russia’s illegal control over latter should be expected in the process of consideration of a number of cases in the international judicial institutions.
{"title":"Illegal Control Over the Territory in International Law and the Status of Donbas Determination","authors":"O. Kresin, Iryna Kresina","doi":"10.14746/ps.2021.1.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.16","url":null,"abstract":"Total rejection of the aggression and territory occupation in the international law leads to their hybrid and concealed forms using gangs and mercenaries, proclaiming new “states” etc. These activities constitute serious threat to international security, can cause and already cause the fragmentation of states, anarchy, criminalization of politics, new forms of expansionism and so on. The authors of the article generalize the forms of illegal control over the territory in international law and their application considering the status of Donbas determination. \u0000International law for more than a century provides for the possibility of separate regulation of the sovereignty and legal rights of the state to the territory, on the one hand, and the implementation of the regime of illegal control over the territory – on the other. Authors argue that in the modern sense, primarily developed by doctrine and courts, illegal control over the territory can be considered as a legal regime, one of the forms of which is occupation, while others are defined as effective, overall, general, de facto control and related to undisclosed actions and informal means used by the aggressor states. This regime is characterized by the exercise of power over the territory by the will of a foreign state, and the forms of implementation of the regime differ depending on whether such a will is officially recognized or concealed. \u0000The transformation of international humanitarian law after the Second World War erased the boundaries between recognized and officially unrecognized occupation. But unlike occupation, the fact of which may be obvious, the fact of effective or other control over the territory requires the determination by judicial authorities. \u0000The qualification of illegal control by the Russian Federation of the Donbas in national and international law is ambiguous. The authors argue that the full recognition of the international armed conflict between Ukraine and Russia in Donbas, as well as Russia’s illegal control over latter should be expected in the process of consideration of a number of cases in the international judicial institutions.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"70 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The research aims at presenting and exploring the mechanisms for protection of the rights of national minorities (based on the example of Ukrainian minority) in the Warmia and Mazury Region of the Republic of Poland. The research hypothesis is based on the statement that in fact the protection of rights of national minorities at the level of the Warmia and Mazury Region could be treated as a model, and thus implemented in other regions in Poland, or even in other countries facing the problems related to the protection of national and ethnic minorities. The main research problems are addressed within the questions: how is Ukrainian minority distributed in the studied region?; What are the state and local government institutions working for national minorities in the studied region of Poland?; What activities do these institutions undertake to ensure equal treatment of national minorities and provision for their rights?; How are these activities assessed by organizations/representatives of the Ukrainian national minority? The leading research method was the institutional and legal one. The research also contained the interviewing method as well as the focus group interview. Obtained results of the study confirmed the research hypothesis. It turned out that the Warmia and Mazury Region has created an effective institutional environment for the development of national minorities, including the Ukrainian one. It was possible thanks to the activity of the only Polish Plenipotentiary of the Marshal for national minorities and also the only National and Ethnic Minorities Committee of the Regional Council in Poland.
{"title":"Institutional and Legal Mechanisms for Protection of the Rights of Ukrainian Minority in the Warmia and Mazury Region","authors":"Teresa Astramowicz-Leyk, Yaryna Turchyn","doi":"10.14746/ps.2021.1.23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.23","url":null,"abstract":"The research aims at presenting and exploring the mechanisms for protection of the rights of national minorities (based on the example of Ukrainian minority) in the Warmia and Mazury Region of the Republic of Poland. The research hypothesis is based on the statement that in fact the protection of rights of national minorities at the level of the Warmia and Mazury Region could be treated as a model, and thus implemented in other regions in Poland, or even in other countries facing the problems related to the protection of national and ethnic minorities. The main research problems are addressed within the questions: how is Ukrainian minority distributed in the studied region?; What are the state and local government institutions working for national minorities in the studied region of Poland?; What activities do these institutions undertake to ensure equal treatment of national minorities and provision for their rights?; How are these activities assessed by organizations/representatives of the Ukrainian national minority? The leading research method was the institutional and legal one. The research also contained the interviewing method as well as the focus group interview. Obtained results of the study confirmed the research hypothesis. It turned out that the Warmia and Mazury Region has created an effective institutional environment for the development of national minorities, including the Ukrainian one. It was possible thanks to the activity of the only Polish Plenipotentiary of the Marshal for national minorities and also the only National and Ethnic Minorities Committee of the Regional Council in Poland.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of the article is to show modern trends in identification in the context of globalization and the specific conditions of political and economic systems, to indicate ways of influencing their formation, to change the value paradigm of identification associated with harmonious human relations. А hypothesis is that modern identification in Ukraine does not correspond to the liberal-democratic tradition and will continue to generate conflict. The existing identification structure should be used to reorient individuals and groups to effective communication within organizations, which will contribute to the political stability and security of the state. The following approaches and research methods have been used as tools to achieve this purpose: synergetic method; the reflective method; the dialectical method; a comparative method; structural-systemic method; synthesis method. The article covers the following issues: Analysis of identification models; Features of the identification mechanism in post-soviet realities; Modern synergetic model of identification in Ukraine; Peculiarities of culture formation in the conditions of digital and socio-cultural globalization; A new approach to identification as a factor of political stability and security. The authors made the following conclusions: The “ethnic model” of identification turns into a strange attractor, resulting in the Ruelle-Takens scenario. According to the theory of synergetics, this scenario became possible after three bifurcations in the political and economic system of Ukraine over the past 29 years. The “turquoise paradigm” elements should be taken as a basis for model of national identity.
{"title":"Identification as an Indicator of Social Entropy Under Globalization: Ukrainian Realities and International Context","authors":"I. Ishchenko, Olena Bashkeieva, N. Zinukova","doi":"10.14746/ps.2021.1.24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.24","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the article is to show modern trends in identification in the context of globalization and the specific conditions of political and economic systems, to indicate ways of influencing their formation, to change the value paradigm of identification associated with harmonious human relations. А hypothesis is that modern identification in Ukraine does not correspond to the liberal-democratic tradition and will continue to generate conflict. The existing identification structure should be used to reorient individuals and groups to effective communication within organizations, which will contribute to the political stability and security of the state. The following approaches and research methods have been used as tools to achieve this purpose: synergetic method; the reflective method; the dialectical method; a comparative method; structural-systemic method; synthesis method. The article covers the following issues: Analysis of identification models; Features of the identification mechanism in post-soviet realities; Modern synergetic model of identification in Ukraine; Peculiarities of culture formation in the conditions of digital and socio-cultural globalization; A new approach to identification as a factor of political stability and security. The authors made the following conclusions: The “ethnic model” of identification turns into a strange attractor, resulting in the Ruelle-Takens scenario. According to the theory of synergetics, this scenario became possible after three bifurcations in the political and economic system of Ukraine over the past 29 years. The “turquoise paradigm” elements should be taken as a basis for model of national identity.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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