The article suggests and argues a theoretical framework for studying a particular case of memory securitization. It is based on the constructivist perception of security that is systematically framed in the studies of representatives of the Copenhagen School, who consider security as a socially constructed phenomenon and define identity protection to be one of its primary goals. Pursuant to this approach, the article presents a correlation between memory and security in at least three aspects. In the first instance, similar to security, collective memory is socially determined. In the second instance, collective memory lies at the core of various forms of identity, including national identity. In the third instance, collective memory is not only an object of protection but also a resource, which is used by securitization actors for threat identification, enemy image modeling as well as for defining the means of protection. The Latvian case is applied for setting the theoretical framework of the memory securitization model. In future, it might be used to study specific juridical and political mechanisms of memory securitization in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The authors perceive the securitization of memory as a diverse complex of measures aimed at establishing and setting a certain historical narrative, as well as convincing society to be actively loyal to it. Accordingly, the policy of memory is defined as a mechanism for putting securitization in practice. The initial conditions for understanding this process in Latvia are the post-communist transition, ethnocultural divisions of the society, and the external factor represented by Russia, that promotes its historical narratives. In one respect, R. Brubaker’s concept of the “nationalized” state is taken as a theoretical model of the politics of memory in Latvia. According to this concept, the official narrative of post-communist countries has been set as a nation-oriented one. On the other hand, the concept of the memory regime developed by M. Bernhard and J. Kubik is also considered. As per their theory, the memory regime in Latvia can be described as being divided into the official and alternative narrative of counter-memory, which is based on the Soviet legacy.
{"title":"Securitization of Memory: a Theoretical Framework to Study the Latvian Case","authors":"S. Pakhomenko, O. Sarajeva","doi":"10.14746/ps.2020.1.24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.24","url":null,"abstract":"The article suggests and argues a theoretical framework for studying a particular case of memory securitization. It is based on the constructivist perception of security that is systematically framed in the studies of representatives of the Copenhagen School, who consider security as a socially constructed phenomenon and define identity protection to be one of its primary goals. \u0000Pursuant to this approach, the article presents a correlation between memory and security in at least three aspects. In the first instance, similar to security, collective memory is socially determined. In the second instance, collective memory lies at the core of various forms of identity, including national identity. In the third instance, collective memory is not only an object of protection but also a resource, which is used by securitization actors for threat identification, enemy image modeling as well as for defining the means of protection. \u0000The Latvian case is applied for setting the theoretical framework of the memory securitization model. In future, it might be used to study specific juridical and political mechanisms of memory securitization in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. \u0000The authors perceive the securitization of memory as a diverse complex of measures aimed at establishing and setting a certain historical narrative, as well as convincing society to be actively loyal to it. Accordingly, the policy of memory is defined as a mechanism for putting securitization in practice. The initial conditions for understanding this process in Latvia are the post-communist transition, ethnocultural divisions of the society, and the external factor represented by Russia, that promotes its historical narratives. \u0000In one respect, R. Brubaker’s concept of the “nationalized” state is taken as a theoretical model of the politics of memory in Latvia. According to this concept, the official narrative of post-communist countries has been set as a nation-oriented one. On the other hand, the concept of the memory regime developed by M. Bernhard and J. Kubik is also considered. As per their theory, the memory regime in Latvia can be described as being divided into the official and alternative narrative of counter-memory, which is based on the Soviet legacy.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47148328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the era of extremely rapid technological development, the state is directing particular interest towards security in cyberspace and cyber security is becoming a dominant value in its policy. Such a policy may cause a number of negative consequences, such as the willingness to introduce legal regulations that may limit civil rights and freedoms, and in the next stage may lead to violence. As a result, their implementation causes excessive, and often unauthorized, interference of public authorities in the sphere of citizens’ privacy. It should also be stressed that the global nature of the Internet means that mechanisms based on territoriality in a rather limited way ensure effective protection of individual rights against violations by public authorities in cyberspace. In addition to significant physical damage and direct financial losses, the mere likelihood of future cyber threats may cause social distrust and unwillingness to work with new technologies.
{"title":"Right to Privacy and State Policy on Cyber Security. Necessity or Threat from the State","authors":"R. Maciejewski","doi":"10.14746/ps.2020.1.23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.23","url":null,"abstract":"In the era of extremely rapid technological development, the state is directing particular interest towards security in cyberspace and cyber security is becoming a dominant value in its policy. Such a policy may cause a number of negative consequences, such as the willingness to introduce legal regulations that may limit civil rights and freedoms, and in the next stage may lead to violence. As a result, their implementation causes excessive, and often unauthorized, interference of public authorities in the sphere of citizens’ privacy. It should also be stressed that the global nature of the Internet means that mechanisms based on territoriality in a rather limited way ensure effective protection of individual rights against violations by public authorities in cyberspace. In addition to significant physical damage and direct financial losses, the mere likelihood of future cyber threats may cause social distrust and unwillingness to work with new technologies.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48059252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper is devoted to an analysis of the institutional mechanisms that ensure national security in the information space of several leading countries – the United States, the United Kingdom and the Russian Federation. It is stated that institutional mechanisms that ensure national security in the information space of the leading countries all have a similar structure. The main components of these mechanisms involve public authorities (state leaders – president or prime minister, government, ministries, and agencies), local government bodies, civil society institutions, the academic community, business community, and the media. The gradual expansion of the system of institutions that ensure national security in the information space and increase in their powers occurs in all these states. The analysis also demonstrates the paradigm shifts in the development and implementation of US and UK information policy in the context of modern nonlinear processes. Paradigmatic shifts are currently being reoriented towards the interests and needs of target audiences, diversification of channels and mechanisms of the distribution of meaning (strategic narratives) in the information space, from vertical to horizontal interaction with internal and external audiences. Emphases are shifting to the involvement of a wide range of institutions and other stakeholders in the implementation of information policy and delegation of powers from the center to the periphery, while preserving the main parameters of the policy established by state structures.
{"title":"Institutional Mechanism to Ensure National Security in the Information Space of the United States, the United Kingdom and the Russian Federation","authors":"S. Bondarenko, T. Nagornyak, M. Polovyi","doi":"10.14746/ps.2020.1.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.16","url":null,"abstract":"The paper is devoted to an analysis of the institutional mechanisms that ensure national security in the information space of several leading countries – the United States, the United Kingdom and the Russian Federation. It is stated that institutional mechanisms that ensure national security in the information space of the leading countries all have a similar structure. The main components of these mechanisms involve public authorities (state leaders – president or prime minister, government, ministries, and agencies), local government bodies, civil society institutions, the academic community, business community, and the media. The gradual expansion of the system of institutions that ensure national security in the information space and increase in their powers occurs in all these states. The analysis also demonstrates the paradigm shifts in the development and implementation of US and UK information policy in the context of modern nonlinear processes. Paradigmatic shifts are currently being reoriented towards the interests and needs of target audiences, diversification of channels and mechanisms of the distribution of meaning (strategic narratives) in the information space, from vertical to horizontal interaction with internal and external audiences. Emphases are shifting to the involvement of a wide range of institutions and other stakeholders in the implementation of information policy and delegation of powers from the center to the periphery, while preserving the main parameters of the policy established by state structures.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48383719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The hypothesis of this research is that Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Before the political and military crisis in 2013, it was an indirect influence, whereas since 2014 it has been a direct impact in many spheres. It is necessary to underline that Ukraine has always been split into two parts in terms of foreign policy priorities, language, religion, and culture. This fact was mentioned by Samuel Huntington, who predicted an intense crisis in bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine in his work Clash of Civilizations. There were two parties in Ukraine that were widely supported in South-Eastern Ukraine, namely the Party of Regions and the Communist Party. The former never spoke about the integration of Ukraine as part of Russian integrational projects because its politicians were afraid of aggressive Russian capital. So they only used pro-Russian rhetoric to win elections. The Communist Party openly backed integration with Russia, but didn’t get enough support as for this idea. It is also demonstrated that there were no parties that were backed financially by Russia, because the parties that offered a kind of a union with Russia never got any seats in the parliament. Since 2014, Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine in various spheres, such as economics, politics, diplomacy, the military sphere, etc. Having signed two cease-fire agreements, Russia and Ukraine have failed to apply them and the crisis continues to this day.
本研究的假设是，自苏联解体以来，俄罗斯一直在对乌克兰施加影响。在2013年政治和军事危机之前，这是一种间接影响，而自2014年以来，它在许多领域产生了直接影响。有必要强调的是，乌克兰在外交政策重点、语言、宗教和文化方面一直被分成两部分。塞缪尔·亨廷顿(Samuel Huntington)在他的著作《文明的冲突》(Clash of Civilizations)中提到了这一事实，他预测俄罗斯和乌克兰之间的双边关系将出现严重危机。乌克兰有两个政党在乌克兰东南部得到广泛支持，即地区党和共产党。前者从未将乌克兰的一体化作为俄罗斯一体化项目的一部分，因为其政界人士害怕咄咄逼人的俄罗斯资本。所以他们只是用亲俄的言辞来赢得选举。共产党公开支持与俄罗斯合并，但这一想法没有得到足够的支持。这也证明了没有政党得到俄罗斯的财政支持，因为那些提出与俄罗斯结盟的政党从未在议会中获得任何席位。自2014年以来，俄罗斯一直在经济、政治、外交、军事等各个领域对乌克兰施加影响。俄罗斯和乌克兰签署了两项停火协议，但却未能执行，这场危机一直持续到今天。
{"title":"Russia’s Exogenous Factor in the Donbass Conflict","authors":"Yevgeny Ryabinin","doi":"10.14746/ps.2020.1.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.6","url":null,"abstract":"The hypothesis of this research is that Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Before the political and military crisis in 2013, it was an indirect influence, whereas since 2014 it has been a direct impact in many spheres. \u0000It is necessary to underline that Ukraine has always been split into two parts in terms of foreign policy priorities, language, religion, and culture. This fact was mentioned by Samuel Huntington, who predicted an intense crisis in bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine in his work Clash of Civilizations. There were two parties in Ukraine that were widely supported in South-Eastern Ukraine, namely the Party of Regions and the Communist Party. The former never spoke about the integration of Ukraine as part of Russian integrational projects because its politicians were afraid of aggressive Russian capital. So they only used pro-Russian rhetoric to win elections. The Communist Party openly backed integration with Russia, but didn’t get enough support as for this idea. It is also demonstrated that there were no parties that were backed financially by Russia, because the parties that offered a kind of a union with Russia never got any seats in the parliament. \u0000Since 2014, Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine in various spheres, such as economics, politics, diplomacy, the military sphere, etc. Having signed two cease-fire agreements, Russia and Ukraine have failed to apply them and the crisis continues to this day.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the article, the authors analyze the formation of the political identity of citizens of Ukraine as a security factor of Ukrainian statehood. It is noted that, in addition to political identity, there are many other identities, that are presented in the form of a matrix, the components of which continuously interact with, complement and influence each other. In terms of methodology, the process of forming political identity is considered from the standpoint of symbolic interactionism, where the emphasis is placed on political interaction. In addition, in order to objectively assess the effectiveness of the formation of political identity and potential negative consequences in the form of a crisis of statehood, the mechanism for transforming a situational identity into a basic political identity is considered from the standpoint of post-structuralism. The study identifies and formulates criteria for constructing this basic type of political identity, the prerequisites for their formation and correlation with the actual political situation in Ukraine. The multitude of approaches to the study of the formation of political identity is complemented by the consideration of various models of its construction. Fragmental, elite and organic models are considered. Particular attention is paid to the leading role of the state in the process of forming political identity, where the key participants are political elites, the media and civil society. To determine how the perception of the degree of influence of each participant affects the process of political identity formation by the population of Ukraine at different periods of time, with its intermittent outbursts of social activity, the method of factor analysis is used. On the basis of the results of the analysis of the constructed triangular diagrams, two patterns are extracted. According to one, an increase in positive perception and integration into the process of socialization of models of the political identity formation proposed by the political elite is observed in society after each surge in mass protests that leads to a regime change. The other pattern is manifested in the revealed tendentiousness of the influence of the media and political elites on the security level of Ukrainian statehood and the growth of tension in society.
{"title":"Political Identity as a Security Factor of Ukrainian Statehood","authors":"Mykola Prymush","doi":"10.14746/ps.2020.1.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.18","url":null,"abstract":"In the article, the authors analyze the formation of the political identity of citizens of Ukraine as a security factor of Ukrainian statehood. It is noted that, in addition to political identity, there are many other identities, that are presented in the form of a matrix, the components of which continuously interact with, complement and influence each other. In terms of methodology, the process of forming political identity is considered from the standpoint of symbolic interactionism, where the emphasis is placed on political interaction. In addition, in order to objectively assess the effectiveness of the formation of political identity and potential negative consequences in the form of a crisis of statehood, the mechanism for transforming a situational identity into a basic political identity is considered from the standpoint of post-structuralism. The study identifies and formulates criteria for constructing this basic type of political identity, the prerequisites for their formation and correlation with the actual political situation in Ukraine. The multitude of approaches to the study of the formation of political identity is complemented by the consideration of various models of its construction. Fragmental, elite and organic models are considered. Particular attention is paid to the leading role of the state in the process of forming political identity, where the key participants are political elites, the media and civil society. To determine how the perception of the degree of influence of each participant affects the process of political identity formation by the population of Ukraine at different periods of time, with its intermittent outbursts of social activity, the method of factor analysis is used. On the basis of the results of the analysis of the constructed triangular diagrams, two patterns are extracted. According to one, an increase in positive perception and integration into the process of socialization of models of the political identity formation proposed by the political elite is observed in society after each surge in mass protests that leads to a regime change. The other pattern is manifested in the revealed tendentiousness of the influence of the media and political elites on the security level of Ukrainian statehood and the growth of tension in society.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48126190","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of the article is to present the results of studies carried out in Wielkopolska regarding the perception of security by local communities, declared priorities and the impact of public debate and the media on these priorities. The studies were carried out in the former administrative region of Konin in 2015, 2016 and 2017. As the analysis shows, the narrative regarding individual and collective threats presented by politicians and the media had a large impact on individual priorities. This is evident from the assessment of the threat to national security and the assessment of such phenomena as terrorism, immigrants or the possibility of aggression from the East. With regard to individual security and changing priorities in this area, the impact of stabilization resulting from the implementation of social programs of the Law and Justice Party, with a special focus on the “Family 500 plus” program, is clearly noticeable. The results of the studies explicitly recommend their continuation in the years to come.
{"title":"Security Priorities and their Perception by Local Communities. A Survey of Population in Wielkopolska 2015-2017","authors":"Wojciech Nowiak","doi":"10.14746/ps.2019.1.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.13","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article is to present the results of studies carried out in Wielkopolska regarding the perception of security by local communities, declared priorities and the impact of public debate and the media on these priorities. The studies were carried out in the former administrative region of Konin in 2015, 2016 and 2017. As the analysis shows, the narrative regarding individual and collective threats presented by politicians and the media had a large impact on individual priorities. This is evident from the assessment of the threat to national security and the assessment of such phenomena as terrorism, immigrants or the possibility of aggression from the East. With regard to individual security and changing priorities in this area, the impact of stabilization resulting from the implementation of social programs of the Law and Justice Party, with a special focus on the “Family 500 plus” program, is clearly noticeable. The results of the studies explicitly recommend their continuation in the years to come.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Most researchers believe that states which are rich in natural resources are more able to maintain political stability in comparison to countries without such an access to exceptional profits. However, some rent resource autocracies are unanimously considered fragile, and their ability to extract maximum rents does not always contribute to political and economic security during price fluctuations. Based on the idea that the state’s ability to extract resources imposes on it certain ob- ligations, the research question touches upon the quality of governance as a supposed core factor, which mediates the resource dependence and political security in terms of stateness and the ability to fulfil the “social contract.” The latter is described as implementation of political decisions, provision of public goods and services. However, the quality of governance is substantially different in various autocratic systems. Using casestudy and descriptive statistics, the authors try to reveal the context and ascertain which factors trigger the horizon length of autocrats` political strategies during rising and falling resource prices. The authors affirm that resource dependence negatively affects political security less due to an absence of economic growth during price breaks, and more due to the struggle of political elites for the redistribution of resources, absence of disciplinary mechanisms, weak representation and accountability systems, and poor enabling environments as a basis for quality of resource management. The authors conclude that political security in autocratic resource economies is achieved through the coexistence of political will and triggers, conducive to specifying the length of the planning horizon.
{"title":"Political Security in Authoritarian Systems with a Resource Rent Economy: a Result of the „Social Contract” and High Resource Prices?","authors":"A. Akhremenko, Yulia Evgenievna Shulika","doi":"10.14746/ps.2019.1.19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.19","url":null,"abstract":"Most researchers believe that states which are rich in natural resources are more able to maintain political stability in comparison to countries without such an access to exceptional profits. However, some rent resource autocracies are unanimously considered fragile, and their ability to extract maximum rents does not always contribute to political and economic security during price fluctuations. Based on the idea that the state’s ability to extract resources imposes on it certain ob- ligations, the research question touches upon the quality of governance as a supposed core factor, which mediates the resource dependence and political security in terms of stateness and the ability to fulfil the “social contract.” The latter is described as implementation of political decisions, provision of public goods and services. However, the quality of governance is substantially different in various autocratic systems. Using casestudy and descriptive statistics, the authors try to reveal the context and ascertain which factors trigger the horizon length of autocrats` political strategies during rising and falling resource prices. The authors affirm that resource dependence negatively affects political security less due to an absence of economic growth during price breaks, and more due to the struggle of political elites for the redistribution of resources, absence of disciplinary mechanisms, weak representation and accountability systems, and poor enabling environments as a basis for quality of resource management. The authors conclude that political security in autocratic resource economies is achieved through the coexistence of political will and triggers, conducive to specifying the length of the planning horizon.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this article is to understand the factors determining the state of European Union-NATO relations since 2017. Current determinants of these relations are discussed alongside the structures of interinstitutional links between the two organizations. In order to properly investigate the research problems identified, qualitative selection of sources in the form of legal acts and ‘soft law’ documents of the organizations concerned has been employed. The research questions addressed in the analysis concern the sources and dynamics of changes in these relations. The answers are based on an examination of the determinants of behavior of participants in the decision-making process of both organizations. The article is based on the assumption that, in the period analyzed, the hitherto principle of correlation of tasks based on the two organizations mutually complementing their respective potentials, has been modified. Recurrent situations calling for a joint and multidimensional response to cri- ses have considerably widened the potential scope of strategic commitment of both partners and contributed to their links becoming stronger. Intensified activities aimed at developing the EU’s CSDP have occurred while political disputes regarding the role of both entities in the new balance of strategic forces have significantly multiplied. European limitations on ex- ercising an actual military influence in the region impede the chances of effective cooperation between the two entities.
{"title":"EU-NATO Partnership in 2017–2018 – Towards a New Model of Effective Response to Threats","authors":"Beata Przybylska-Maszner","doi":"10.14746/ps.2019.1.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.7","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to understand the factors determining the state of European Union-NATO relations since 2017. Current determinants of these relations are discussed alongside the structures of interinstitutional links between the two organizations. In order to properly investigate the research problems identified, qualitative selection of sources in the form of legal acts and ‘soft law’ documents of the organizations concerned has been employed. The research questions addressed in the analysis concern the sources and dynamics of changes in these relations. The answers are based on an examination of the determinants of behavior of participants in the decision-making process of both organizations. The article is based on the assumption that, in the period analyzed, the hitherto principle of correlation of tasks based on the two organizations mutually complementing their respective potentials, has been modified. Recurrent situations calling for a joint and multidimensional response to cri- ses have considerably widened the potential scope of strategic commitment of both partners and contributed to their links becoming stronger. Intensified activities aimed at developing the EU’s CSDP have occurred while political disputes regarding the role of both entities in the new balance of strategic forces have significantly multiplied. European limitations on ex- ercising an actual military influence in the region impede the chances of effective cooperation between the two entities.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of the publication is to learn the dimensions of social differentiation by applying socioeconomic indicators, as well as to indicate the importance of economic and social conditions as the leading factors in building the social order of national states and the European Union. The main research question concerned the issue whether and under what conditions it is possible to achieve improvement in the level of social cohesion? The experience and knowledge allow to assume that the most important in achieving social and economic cohesion are: the level of economic development and socio-political consensus regarding the distribution and circulation of social goods, rather than the model of national social policy. The adopted assumption was verified, confirmed the dominant role of the social contract, the scope of social solidarism and the developed GDP. These elements determine social development and determine the competitive advantage of national economies. In view of the weakness of institutions and EU-wide solutions, they consolidate the multidimensional disproportions between European societies. The analysis is based on research methods of politics and social policy. Statistical data was provided by national and EU institutions.
{"title":"Dimensions of Social Diversity in Europe","authors":"K. Szewior","doi":"10.14746/ps.2019.1.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.18","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the publication is to learn the dimensions of social differentiation by applying socioeconomic indicators, as well as to indicate the importance of economic and social conditions as the leading factors in building the social order of national states and the European Union. The main research question concerned the issue whether and under what conditions it is possible to achieve improvement in the level of social cohesion? The experience and knowledge allow to assume that the most important in achieving social and economic cohesion are: the level of economic development and socio-political consensus regarding the distribution and circulation of social goods, rather than the model of national social policy. The adopted assumption was verified, confirmed the dominant role of the social contract, the scope of social solidarism and the developed GDP. These elements determine social development and determine the competitive advantage of national economies. In view of the weakness of institutions and EU-wide solutions, they consolidate the multidimensional disproportions between European societies. The analysis is based on research methods of politics and social policy. Statistical data was provided by national and EU institutions.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main objective of this paper is to analyze Iran’s hydrological security and to verify the hypothesis that the low level of Iran’s hydrological security is one of the country’s most important ecological threats. An attempt to answer the following research questions is made using the quantitative method, decision-making method and institutional and legal analysis: (1) what water resources does Iran have, and are citizens suffering from a shortage of water?; (2) is the management of groundwater, closed reservoirs and rivers sustainable?; (3) do the actions of the Iranian authorities safeguard the hydrological security of the state? The analysis of the factors of Iran’s water security carried out in this paper leads to the conclusion that this country is facing a serious ecological crisis resulting from shrinking fresh water resources.
{"title":"Selected Aspects of Iran’s Hydrological Security","authors":"Anna Sakson-Boulet","doi":"10.14746/ps.2019.1.21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.21","url":null,"abstract":"The main objective of this paper is to analyze Iran’s hydrological security and to verify the hypothesis that the low level of Iran’s hydrological security is one of the country’s most important ecological threats. An attempt to answer the following research questions is made using the quantitative method, decision-making method and institutional and legal analysis: (1) what water resources does Iran have, and are citizens suffering from a shortage of water?; (2) is the management of groundwater, closed reservoirs and rivers sustainable?; (3) do the actions of the Iranian authorities safeguard the hydrological security of the state? The analysis of the factors of Iran’s water security carried out in this paper leads to the conclusion that this country is facing a serious ecological crisis resulting from shrinking fresh water resources.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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