{"title":"The Global Pandemic of Terrorism – Another Mutation of The Terrorist Virus","authors":"S. Wojciechowski","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.1","url":null,"abstract":"From the editor","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610659","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the end of the Cold War, the Arctic has often been portrayed as a symbol of model cooperation. Individual states were prepared to cooperate extensively despite disputes in other areas. The Arctic was therefore customarily regarded as an area with little potential for conflict. Cooperation between states that were in strong competition with each other in other regions or areas was so rare that the “Arctic exceptionalism’ was commonly recognized. This article examines updated Arctic strategies of states directly involved in the region. It analyzes the changes over the past few years, which have mostly been a consequence of Russia’s aggression (as early as 2014) and its strong militarization of the region. The article discusses the initiated process of Sweden and Finland’s accession to NATO and the consequences of this historic change for the High North. Finally, it analyses decisions taken by a number of Arctic organizations to exclude, freeze, or “pause’ their relations with Russia in consequence of the February 24, 2022 attack on Ukraine. This raises questions about whether the Arctic can be managed without Russia and whether measures adopted can be effective.
{"title":"The End of Artic Exceptionalism? New Artic Approach after February 24, 2022","authors":"Tomasz Brańka","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.22","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.22","url":null,"abstract":"Since the end of the Cold War, the Arctic has often been portrayed as a symbol of model cooperation. Individual states were prepared to cooperate extensively despite disputes in other areas. The Arctic was therefore customarily regarded as an area with little potential for conflict. Cooperation between states that were in strong competition with each other in other regions or areas was so rare that the “Arctic exceptionalism’ was commonly recognized. \u0000This article examines updated Arctic strategies of states directly involved in the region. It analyzes the changes over the past few years, which have mostly been a consequence of Russia’s aggression (as early as 2014) and its strong militarization of the region. The article discusses the initiated process of Sweden and Finland’s accession to NATO and the consequences of this historic change for the High North. Finally, it analyses decisions taken by a number of Arctic organizations to exclude, freeze, or “pause’ their relations with Russia in consequence of the February 24, 2022 attack on Ukraine. This raises questions about whether the Arctic can be managed without Russia and whether measures adopted can be effective.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study discusses the formation and development of cybersecurity studies since the creation of the Internet. Although the origin of cybersecurity studies dates back to the 1970s, hacking, malicious software, computer intrusions, and espionage attacks that took place in the 1980s led cybersecurity studies to form in the area of computer science. By the 1990s, the Internet began to be used widely, and an increase in the level of attacks in cyberspace began to occur. This period was a major reason for the growth in writing on software and network security. Network security has become a key priority for governments and many industries. Cybersecurity studies have become a priority area in security studies with the increasing complexity of cyber threats towards 2000s. States and some supranational organizations have started to create cybersecurity strategies. The security of critical infrastructure and computer networks has begun to emerge as a high-priority area. It has been observed that the transition from classical security policies to modern security policies, which should be established in the information age, has begun. Cybersecurity studies were taken more seriously after the 2007 Estonian attacks, especially in the 2010s. In this period, the intensity of attacks on critical infrastructures and the occurrence of some physical attacks caused cybersecurity to deepen and become an issue on an international scale. Cybersecurity studies continue to be shaped by being influenced by many different disciplines, regardless of any discipline, with the important discussions and cyber incidents that have taken place in recent years. Therefore, the studies were handled from a multidisciplinary perspective.
{"title":"Historical Development of Cybersecurity Studies: A Literature Review and Its Place in Security Studies","authors":"Kamil Tarhan","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.23","url":null,"abstract":"This study discusses the formation and development of cybersecurity studies since the creation of the Internet. Although the origin of cybersecurity studies dates back to the 1970s, hacking, malicious software, computer intrusions, and espionage attacks that took place in the 1980s led cybersecurity studies to form in the area of computer science. By the 1990s, the Internet began to be used widely, and an increase in the level of attacks in cyberspace began to occur. This period was a major reason for the growth in writing on software and network security. Network security has become a key priority for governments and many industries. Cybersecurity studies have become a priority area in security studies with the increasing complexity of cyber threats towards 2000s. States and some supranational organizations have started to create cybersecurity strategies. The security of critical infrastructure and computer networks has begun to emerge as a high-priority area. It has been observed that the transition from classical security policies to modern security policies, which should be established in the information age, has begun. Cybersecurity studies were taken more seriously after the 2007 Estonian attacks, especially in the 2010s. In this period, the intensity of attacks on critical infrastructures and the occurrence of some physical attacks caused cybersecurity to deepen and become an issue on an international scale. Cybersecurity studies continue to be shaped by being influenced by many different disciplines, regardless of any discipline, with the important discussions and cyber incidents that have taken place in recent years. Therefore, the studies were handled from a multidisciplinary perspective.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Arab Uprisings in 2011 have led to redistribution of power in the Middle East. It has brought challenges and opportunities for regional powers such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey. While Turkey has perceived the developments as an opportunity to increase its influence in the region, it has created threat perceptions for Saudi Arabia’s hegemony in the Middle East. Especially, due to Turkey’s rising influence in Egypt and Syria it has been perceived as a second rival, after Iran, by Riyadh. This article argues that due to Turkey’s rising power in Egypt and Syria, Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy towards Turkey has been shifting by supporting local actors in Egypt and Syria in order to maintain the status quo. The paper aims to analyze shifts in Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy towards Turkey during and post-Arab uprisings in the Middle East in the framework of defensive realism through the regional level of analysis.
{"title":"Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Policy Towards Turkey During and After Arab Uprising: A Defensive Realism Approach","authors":"Muzaffer Kural, Gökhan Erdem","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.4","url":null,"abstract":"The Arab Uprisings in 2011 have led to redistribution of power in the Middle East. It has brought challenges and opportunities for regional powers such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey. While Turkey has perceived the developments as an opportunity to increase its influence in the region, it has created threat perceptions for Saudi Arabia’s hegemony in the Middle East. Especially, due to Turkey’s rising influence in Egypt and Syria it has been perceived as a second rival, after Iran, by Riyadh. This article argues that due to Turkey’s rising power in Egypt and Syria, Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy towards Turkey has been shifting by supporting local actors in Egypt and Syria in order to maintain the status quo. The paper aims to analyze shifts in Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy towards Turkey during and post-Arab uprisings in the Middle East in the framework of defensive realism through the regional level of analysis.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610925","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the second decade of the 21st century, many processes destabilized regional security in the Middle East. These include, first of all, the Arab Spring and the civil war in Syria, in which Russia, the United States, a number of regional powers and many non-state actors were involved. Iran’s nuclear ambitions turned out to be another major challenge, especially after the US withdrew from the JCPOA agreement in 2018. The pro-Israel stance of President Donald Trump’s administration has also strongly influenced the Middle East mosaic of interests. Under these circumstances, in 2020, Israel’s agreements with several Arab states, known as the Abraham Accords, were concluded. The aim of the article is to describe these agreements, analyze their causes and outline their consequences. The author adopted the hypothesis that the Abraham Accords constitute a significant step towards strengthening the acceptance of Arab states for Israel and its strategic interests. In the preparation of the text, the method of document and literature analysis was used primarily.
{"title":"Abraham Accords Against the Backdrop of the Middle East Political Mosaic","authors":"Michał M. Kosman","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.7","url":null,"abstract":"In the second decade of the 21st century, many processes destabilized regional security in the Middle East. These include, first of all, the Arab Spring and the civil war in Syria, in which Russia, the United States, a number of regional powers and many non-state actors were involved. Iran’s nuclear ambitions turned out to be another major challenge, especially after the US withdrew from the JCPOA agreement in 2018. The pro-Israel stance of President Donald Trump’s administration has also strongly influenced the Middle East mosaic of interests. Under these circumstances, in 2020, Israel’s agreements with several Arab states, known as the Abraham Accords, were concluded. The aim of the article is to describe these agreements, analyze their causes and outline their consequences. The author adopted the hypothesis that the Abraham Accords constitute a significant step towards strengthening the acceptance of Arab states for Israel and its strategic interests. In the preparation of the text, the method of document and literature analysis was used primarily.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66611596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Like the United States, Japan views its relations with Taiwan through a greater China framework. It uses a similar strategic ambiguity toward Taiwan to navigate its relations with China and Taiwan. However, Japan’s recent strong support for Taiwan to counter China’s pressure on the island seems to suggest that Japan’s Taiwan policy is moving away from its old strategic ambiguity toward a new strategic clarity. Why has Japan started to protect Taiwan proactively and directly in recent years? How to explain the transformation of Japan’s policy regarding Taiwan from strategic ambiguity to strategic clarity? Drawing upon various primary materials, this article approached those questions from a social constructivism lens. It argues that Japan’s new identity is a critical factor in Japan’s strategic transformation of its Taiwan policy. Japan’s new identity has first taken shape due to the growing challenge from China, and second been accelerated and hardened by the caprices of the United States. It is this new identity and its associated normative expectations that have caused Japan’s foreign behaviour to change fundamentally. This article will detail the process in which how Japan steadily changed its state identity over the years after showing that the existing explanations are unable to properly account for the shift of Japan’s policy toward Taiwan. Some policy implications will be offered in the conclusion section.
{"title":"Japan’s Taiwan Policy in the Xi Jinping Era: Moving Toward Strategic Clarity","authors":"Yu-Hua Chen","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.18","url":null,"abstract":"Like the United States, Japan views its relations with Taiwan through a greater China framework. It uses a similar strategic ambiguity toward Taiwan to navigate its relations with China and Taiwan. However, Japan’s recent strong support for Taiwan to counter China’s pressure on the island seems to suggest that Japan’s Taiwan policy is moving away from its old strategic ambiguity toward a new strategic clarity. Why has Japan started to protect Taiwan proactively and directly in recent years? How to explain the transformation of Japan’s policy regarding Taiwan from strategic ambiguity to strategic clarity? Drawing upon various primary materials, this article approached those questions from a social constructivism lens. It argues that Japan’s new identity is a critical factor in Japan’s strategic transformation of its Taiwan policy. Japan’s new identity has first taken shape due to the growing challenge from China, and second been accelerated and hardened by the caprices of the United States. It is this new identity and its associated normative expectations that have caused Japan’s foreign behaviour to change fundamentally. This article will detail the process in which how Japan steadily changed its state identity over the years after showing that the existing explanations are unable to properly account for the shift of Japan’s policy toward Taiwan. Some policy implications will be offered in the conclusion section.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main goal of this paper is to examine the Trump administration’s maximum-pressure policy toward the Islamic Republic of Iran. The main causes and rationale for withdrawing from the nuclear JCPOA are identified. In addition, the consequences of maximum pressure are addressed, which harm the so far failed JCPOA restoration negotiations. An additional thread in the article is a critical appraisal of the sanctions policy, which for decades has failed to deliver the results expected by the USA, which is an inhibiting factor in a dynamically changing international environment. Moreover, the costs to the US of sanctions pressure on Iran have been identified.
{"title":"The Policy of Maximum Pressure on Iran. US Policy Objectives and Effects","authors":"Radosław Fiedler","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.17","url":null,"abstract":"The main goal of this paper is to examine the Trump administration’s maximum-pressure policy toward the Islamic Republic of Iran. The main causes and rationale for withdrawing from the nuclear JCPOA are identified. In addition, the consequences of maximum pressure are addressed, which harm the so far failed JCPOA restoration negotiations. An additional thread in the article is a critical appraisal of the sanctions policy, which for decades has failed to deliver the results expected by the USA, which is an inhibiting factor in a dynamically changing international environment. Moreover, the costs to the US of sanctions pressure on Iran have been identified.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49089954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this paper is to present the outline of planned and already implemented social, political and economic changes in the context of gradual transition of power in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The main thesis put in this paper relates to Mohammed bin Salman’s leading project – “Vision 2030” which assumed gradual multi-dimensional transition in Saudi Arabia. Many of changes implemented already, including the limitation of clergy’s activity will not bring about quick social-political transition due to long-lasting and deeply rooted alliance between Saudi ruling clan and radical movement of Wahhabis, that determines conservative regime in the country. Basing on the main thesis Author tries to give the answer to research questions correlated with the thesis and touching the issue of possibility for implementation political, economic changes in Saudi Arabia by Mohammed bin Salman. In the paper following research methods has been applied: historical method, which refers to analysis of historical process of shaping and development Saudi monarchy; documentary analysis - relating to governmental project “Vision 2030” particularly; elements of systemic approach in which system is constituted by political regime of Saudi Arabia; elements of statistical method employed in the context of variable economic or social data and elements of predictive referring to the model of Saudi Arabia’s development under the rule of Mohammed bin Salman.
{"title":"Mohammed Bin Salman’s Rising to Power. Chances for Transition in Saudi Arabia?","authors":"R. Ożarowski","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.10","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to present the outline of planned and already implemented social, political and economic changes in the context of gradual transition of power in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The main thesis put in this paper relates to Mohammed bin Salman’s leading project – “Vision 2030” which assumed gradual multi-dimensional transition in Saudi Arabia. Many of changes implemented already, including the limitation of clergy’s activity will not bring about quick social-political transition due to long-lasting and deeply rooted alliance between Saudi ruling clan and radical movement of Wahhabis, that determines conservative regime in the country. Basing on the main thesis Author tries to give the answer to research questions correlated with the thesis and touching the issue of possibility for implementation political, economic changes in Saudi Arabia by Mohammed bin Salman. \u0000In the paper following research methods has been applied: historical method, which refers to analysis of historical process of shaping and development Saudi monarchy; documentary analysis - relating to governmental project “Vision 2030” particularly; elements of systemic approach in which system is constituted by political regime of Saudi Arabia; elements of statistical method employed in the context of variable economic or social data and elements of predictive referring to the model of Saudi Arabia’s development under the rule of Mohammed bin Salman.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"61 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610690","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this article is to distinguish the key assumptions and instruments of the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards territorial disputes in which this country is involved (with particular focus on the conflicts over islands and features in the South China Sea) through in-depth analysis of PRC’s policy in the conflict over Scarborough Shoal. According to the working hypothesis the events that took place in 2012 and ultimately led to the PRC’s de facto control over the shoal could be viewed as a model for the country’s future actions in the regional conflicts. The article has been divided into three parts. The first one presents the subject matter of the dispute and its historical determinants. The latter characterizes the interests of individual countries involved in the conflict, their position, and the legal background to the dispute. Finally, the third section analyzes the events of 2012 and their implications, along with an attempt to isolate the elements that may constitute the model of the PRC’s future policy with regard to territorial disputes in which it is involved (“Scarborough model”). The following research questions were asked for the purpose of structuring the analysis: 1) What is the factual and legal background to the Scarborough Shoal standoff? 2) How and by means of what instruments did China establish effective control of the atoll? 3) What is the role of the dispute in the context of the PRC’s remaining territorial claims over the South China Sea? The article primarily uses the method of gathering and observing facts, as well as the decision-making method in the context of analyzing the positions of the states involved in the dispute. Also, the process method was used to present the genesis of the studied political processes.
{"title":"The Scarborough Shoal Standoff and the Policy of the People’s Republic of China Towards Territorial Disputes in the South China Sea","authors":"Paweł Luzak","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.15","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to distinguish the key assumptions and instruments of the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards territorial disputes in which this country is involved (with particular focus on the conflicts over islands and features in the South China Sea) through in-depth analysis of PRC’s policy in the conflict over Scarborough Shoal. According to the working hypothesis the events that took place in 2012 and ultimately led to the PRC’s de facto control over the shoal could be viewed as a model for the country’s future actions in the regional conflicts. \u0000The article has been divided into three parts. The first one presents the subject matter of the dispute and its historical determinants. The latter characterizes the interests of individual countries involved in the conflict, their position, and the legal background to the dispute. Finally, the third section analyzes the events of 2012 and their implications, along with an attempt to isolate the elements that may constitute the model of the PRC’s future policy with regard to territorial disputes in which it is involved (“Scarborough model”). \u0000The following research questions were asked for the purpose of structuring the analysis: 1) What is the factual and legal background to the Scarborough Shoal standoff? 2) How and by means of what instruments did China establish effective control of the atoll? 3) What is the role of the dispute in the context of the PRC’s remaining territorial claims over the South China Sea? \u0000The article primarily uses the method of gathering and observing facts, as well as the decision-making method in the context of analyzing the positions of the states involved in the dispute. Also, the process method was used to present the genesis of the studied political processes.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Until recently, intellectual property law has been kept away from the political realm, as it was merely linked to economic and legal factors. However, in light of recent geopolitical processes and politically charged conflicts, political science has taken dominance in terms of intellectual property (IP) development and proclivities. In contemporary international politics, it is critical to explain and perceive IP tendencies and systems from the perspectives of political science and political economy, to consider appropriate retorts to processes arising from IPR conflicts in the Karabakh region of Azerbaijan during the occupation. Azerbaijan had been confronted with limitations of its control over its territory due to the nearly three decades of the Karabakh conflict. In this regard, the article will answer questions related to the violation of intellectual property rights, the exploitation of goods and services, as well as the other IPR problems encountered by Azerbaijan during the occupation of Karabakh.
{"title":"The Politicization of Intellectual Property Rights in the Context of Karabakh","authors":"A. Muradov, N. Hajiyeva","doi":"10.14746/ps.2022.1.25","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.25","url":null,"abstract":"Until recently, intellectual property law has been kept away from the political realm, as it was merely linked to economic and legal factors. However, in light of recent geopolitical processes and politically charged conflicts, political science has taken dominance in terms of intellectual property (IP) development and proclivities. In contemporary international politics, it is critical to explain and perceive IP tendencies and systems from the perspectives of political science and political economy, to consider appropriate retorts to processes arising from IPR conflicts in the Karabakh region of Azerbaijan during the occupation. Azerbaijan had been confronted with limitations of its control over its territory due to the nearly three decades of the Karabakh conflict. In this regard, the article will answer questions related to the violation of intellectual property rights, the exploitation of goods and services, as well as the other IPR problems encountered by Azerbaijan during the occupation of Karabakh.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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