Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.22586/review.v17i1.19689
Ivica Šute
The largest and most luxurious passenger ship in the Adriatic was the steamship “Queen Mary”, that initially held constant 12-days line from Sušak, via Split and Dubrovnik to Greece. Later, that line was extended to Palestine and Egypt, and has attracted the attention of members of the Zagreb elite. Among the first ones who have travelled that line, from September 13th until October 7th, 1933, was the prominent Zagreb’s entrepreneurial family Deutsch-Maceljski. Their experience and atmosphere from the cruise and places they visited were recorded by the film camera. They recorded footage and descriptions of Istanbul, the Bosphorus, Rhodes, Beirut, Lebanon and Damascus, and the most fascinating images and descriptions were the family visits to Jaffa, Jerusalem, the Dead Sea, Bethlehem, Tel Aviv and Cairo. In this article, we will analyze this rare film that has been preserved in the Cinematheque of the Croatian State Archives in Zagreb.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.22586/review.v17i1.19691
Marica Karakaš Obradov
Due to the production of food and cattle fattening, the Slavonian and Srijem peasants were in the centre of interest of both the state authorities and the partisan movement during the Second World War. Both sides were very preoccupied with finding a way to win them over or force them to give the surplus to one or the other. Unwillingness to cooperate with the state authorities and partisans put the peasant’s both life and property in danger. Sowing, harvesting and other agricultural work were often only possible with an armed escort. The wheat harvests in the Slavonian and Srijem fields in 1942, 1943 and 1944 was followed by the destruction of crops, i.e. burning of wheat and the destruction of threshers. Despite such conditions, the local population managed to meet their needs, and therefore there was no famine. Due to the destruction of transport infrastructure and means of transport, in attacks by partisans and later by the Western Allies’ air force, it was difficult to transport the collected food. The population of Slavonian cities, especially workers and low-income civil servants, were in a difficult position due to irregular and scarce supplies in approvisations; and therefore, they were forced to purchase the basic foodstuffs on the “black market” at extremely high prices. The daily life became even more difficult in 1944 due to air strikes by the Western Allies and the Red Army air force. The paper gives a brief overview of these issue in the cities, mostly with examples from Brod na Savi / Slavonski Brod, and as for rural areas, mostly with examples from the mountain areas and to a lesser ex-tent from the plains, eastern Slavonia and Srijem.
由于生产粮食和养牛，斯拉夫人和斯里杰姆农民在第二次世界大战期间成为国家当局和党派运动的关注中心。双方都非常专注于找到一种方法来赢得他们的支持，或者迫使他们把剩余的钱给其中一方。由于不愿与国家当局和游击队合作，农民的生命和财产都处于危险之中。播种、收割和其他农业工作通常只有在武装护卫下才能进行。1942年、1943年和1944年，斯拉沃尼亚和斯里杰姆地区的小麦收获后，庄稼遭到破坏，即焚烧小麦和破坏脱粒机。尽管情况如此，当地居民还是设法满足了他们的需要，因此没有发生饥荒。由于交通基础设施和运输工具遭到破坏，在游击队和后来的西方盟军空军的袭击中，很难运输收集的食物。斯拉夫城市的人口，特别是工人和低收入的公务员，由于不定期和缺乏批准的供应而处于困难的地位;因此，他们被迫在“黑市”上以极高的价格购买基本食品。1944年，由于西方盟国和红军空军的空袭，日常生活变得更加困难。本文简要概述了城市中的这些问题，主要以Brod na Savi / Slavonski Brod为例，至于农村地区，主要以山区为例，平原、斯拉沃尼亚东部和斯里耶姆的例子较少。
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Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.22586/review.v17i1.19692
Zlatko Begonja
Reverend Eugen Šutrin was a victim of the supremacy of the communist ideological passion that ruled the entire area of Croatia in the immediate post-war period, including the town of Privlaka near Zadar. In this imposed atmosphere, individuals and groups of people who were close to or ideologically committed to the communist principles took it upon them-selves to decide on the fate of others. Quite often, their personal assessments and evaluations resulted in attacks on property and on the lives of individuals for whom they were determined to be their worldview or class enemies. There were two components involved in the case of Rev. Eugen Šutrin, who was murdered at the end of 1945: the first defined him as a worldview opponent and the second saw him as a witness to the events at the Italian concentration camp for civilian internees on Molat. The investigative actions taken against the suspects for the committed crime and the subsequent trials did not fully reveal which of the previously mentioned components was the key motive for the murder of Rev. Eugen Šutrin.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.22586/review.v17i1.19690
A. De Maria
Alla fine della guerra di Candia, i confini lungo la frontiera dalmata rappresentarono una questione di particolare interesse per i Veneziani e gli Ottomani. Questo saggio si sofferma sul ruolo dei dragomanni, figure che, nelle negoziazioni postbelliche relative alla questione confinaria, giocarono una funzione primaria accanto ai rappresentanti diplomatici (l’ambasciatore straordinario per la Serenissima, da una parte, e il gran visir ottomano, dall’altra) e ai due commissari specificamente delegati alla definizione della nuova “linea Nani”. Generalmente, nei testi ufficiali degli accordi diplomatici e confinari i dragomanni appaiono perlopiù nel ruolo di interpreti che essi ricoprivano a livello formale. Tuttavia, sulla base di documenti conservati presso l’Archivio di Stato di Venezia, è possibile osservare che, lungi dall’essere dei semplici traduttori, i dragomanni assumevano la poliedrica veste ora di intermediari e portavoce dei rappresentanti diplomatici, ora di negoziatori, ora di confidenti e informatori, se non addirittura di spie. Grazie alle capacità linguistiche, alle abilità diplomatiche e agli stretti legami familiari e sociali intessuti con le comunità locali (musulmane e non), essi occupavano una posizione privilegiata all’interno della rete diplomatica e informativa che si estendeva in tutto il Levante ottomano, intrattenendo, in via pressoché esclusiva, un contatto costante e diretto con i ministri e i sudditi del sultano. In particolare, Ambrogio Grillo e Tommaso Tarsia, dragomanni al servizio della Repubblica di Venezia, nonché il “grande dragomanno” del Divano Panaiotis Nikousios, appaiono, secondo la documentazione proveniente dalla Casa del bailo a Costantinopoli, quali veri e propri protagonisti nella conduzione delle difficili trattative diplomatiche e confinarie che seguirono alla guerra di Candia. Pertanto, le negoziazioni postbelliche che questo saggio analizza come emblematico caso di studio sono oltremodo rappresentative del singolare ruolo giocato dai dragomanni che, profittando delle capacità linguistiche ch’essi possedevano in via quasi esclusiva, non erano soltanto in grado di condurre le trattative ma, talora, anche di manipolarle attraverso l’“imbroglio” cui potevano con facilità ricorrere intervenendo strategicamente nel lavoro di traduzione da un idioma all’altro.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.22586/review.v17i1.14330
Ana Holjevac Tuković
The role Franjo Tuđman and the Croatian government played in the process of peaceful reintegration of Croatian Danube region Hrvatsko Podunavlje (the Croatian Danube region) and in the establishment of the country’s full sovereignty is presented and analyzed, on the basis of documentary evidence, in this work. Also contained in this work are explanations and analyses related to the main objectives of the Republic of Croatia’s policies in the period from the end of 1995 to 1998. The influence of the USA and the international community on the process of resolving the conflict in the former Yugoslavia and their relationship with Franjo Tuđman is also presented. In this context this work gives an overview of the most relevant circumstances that led to the political agreement on peaceful reintegration of Hrvatsko Podunavlje and the two-year long implementation of the process.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.22586/review.v17i1.19693
Slađana Josipović Batorek, Valentina Kežić
The Communist Party of Yugoslavia’s (CPY) rise to power in 1945 was followed by a period of fundamental socio-political changes that encompassed all aspects of life. In order to establish a complete political and ideological authority, the government attempted to suppress all elements which, in their view, were not aligned with the doctrine of the Communist Party. As a result, everything that was perceived as remnants of the old socio-political order was marginalised, such as religion, tradition and customs. Moreover, reinterpretation of the past also took place, as well as creation of new rituals and Tito’s cult of personality. Accordingly, a completely new calendar of official, state holidays was established, deprived of any national or religious tradition. One of those holidays was May Day, which was celebrated for two days and whose purpose, like most other holidays of that period, was to create uniqueness of feelings and actions in society, focusing on the working class, socialism, CPY, Yugoslavia and Josip Broz Tito. Besides, celebrations of major anniversaries and holidays, including May Day, presented an opportunity for transmission of ideological and political messages, most often articulated through numerous slogans which clearly defined the direction in which the society should move. The media played a key role in this process. Therefore, the central part of the paper consists of the analysis of newspaper articles from Glas Slavonije in order to understand its role in the implementation of those new political rituals and social values.
{"title":"The Role of the Media in Shaping and Propagating May Day Rituals","authors":"Slađana Josipović Batorek, Valentina Kežić","doi":"10.22586/review.v17i1.19693","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22586/review.v17i1.19693","url":null,"abstract":"The Communist Party of Yugoslavia’s (CPY) rise to power in 1945 was followed by a period of fundamental socio-political changes that encompassed all aspects of life. In order to establish a complete political and ideological authority, the government attempted to suppress all elements which, in their view, were not aligned with the doctrine of the Communist Party. As a result, everything that was perceived as remnants of the old socio-political order was marginalised, such as religion, tradition and customs. Moreover, reinterpretation of the past also took place, as well as creation of new rituals and Tito’s cult of personality. Accordingly, a completely new calendar of official, state holidays was established, deprived of any national or religious tradition. One of those holidays was May Day, which was celebrated for two days and whose purpose, like most other holidays of that period, was to create uniqueness of feelings and actions in society, focusing on the working class, socialism, CPY, Yugoslavia and Josip Broz Tito. Besides, celebrations of major anniversaries and holidays, including May Day, presented an opportunity for transmission of ideological and political messages, most often articulated through numerous slogans which clearly defined the direction in which the society should move. The media played a key role in this process. Therefore, the central part of the paper consists of the analysis of newspaper articles from Glas Slavonije in order to understand its role in the implementation of those new political rituals and social values.","PeriodicalId":37870,"journal":{"name":"Review of Croatian History","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68228624","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.22586/review.v17i1.19696
Danuta Gibas-Krzak
The main aim of this paper is to show the participation of mercenaries in the war in former Yugoslavia who fought on the Muslim side. The author presents the thesis that they were recruited to participate in the defense of Muslim community, which they believed was threatened by Serbs. However, their goal soon became to conduct jihad. Muslim mercenaries, also known as warriors of Allah (warriors of God) or Garibi, often proved to be cruel and committed war crimes. Among them were veterans of the war in Afghanistan, the Mujahideen. After the end of hostilities, many of God’s warriors remained in the Balkans, and their settlement brought a lot of negative changes to the social and political life of the region. The Garibi contributed greatly to the strengthening of influence of Islamic states and institutions in the Balkans, as well as to the development of Wahhabi sects supporting terrorism.
{"title":"Participation of Allah's Warriors in the War in Former Yugoslavia (1992 - 1995)","authors":"Danuta Gibas-Krzak","doi":"10.22586/review.v17i1.19696","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22586/review.v17i1.19696","url":null,"abstract":"The main aim of this paper is to show the participation of mercenaries in the war in former Yugoslavia who fought on the Muslim side. The author presents the thesis that they were recruited to participate in the defense of Muslim community, which they believed was threatened by Serbs. However, their goal soon became to conduct jihad. Muslim mercenaries, also known as warriors of Allah (warriors of God) or Garibi, often proved to be cruel and committed war crimes. Among them were veterans of the war in Afghanistan, the Mujahideen. After the end of hostilities, many of God’s warriors remained in the Balkans, and their settlement brought a lot of negative changes to the social and political life of the region. The Garibi contributed greatly to the strengthening of influence of Islamic states and institutions in the Balkans, as well as to the development of Wahhabi sects supporting terrorism.","PeriodicalId":37870,"journal":{"name":"Review of Croatian History","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68228699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.22586/review.v17i1.16637
Domagoj Knežević, Darjan Godić
In collective human memory, there have always been years that are remembered for the major political and social changes that took place during them. Thus, 1918 and 1945 were the years when the two world wars ended, and their outcomes shaped the political architecture of the world for many years. We can consider 1989 another such historical year, because it marked the collapse of a decades-long bipolar political world order. In 1989, the democratisation process began in communist Croatia, during which Franjo Tuđman became the key personality of the newly established non-Communist opposition. Tuđman’s political ascent can today be reconstructed very easily with the help of the available documents from the former State Security Service of the Republican Secretariat of the Interior of the Socialist Republic of Croatia and the relevant literature. The main chronological divide in this paper is 17 June 1989, when the Croatian Democratic Union was established in a non-public space, and Franjo Tuđman was elected its first president.
{"title":"Dr Franjo Tuđman and 1989","authors":"Domagoj Knežević, Darjan Godić","doi":"10.22586/review.v17i1.16637","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22586/review.v17i1.16637","url":null,"abstract":"In collective human memory, there have always been years that are remembered for the major political and social changes that took place during them. Thus, 1918 and 1945 were the years when the two world wars ended, and their outcomes shaped the political architecture of the world for many years. We can consider 1989 another such historical year, because it marked the collapse of a decades-long bipolar political world order. In 1989, the democratisation process began in communist Croatia, during which Franjo Tuđman became the key personality of the newly established non-Communist opposition. Tuđman’s political ascent can today be reconstructed very easily with the help of the available documents from the former State Security Service of the Republican Secretariat of the Interior of the Socialist Republic of Croatia and the relevant literature. The main chronological divide in this paper is 17 June 1989, when the Croatian Democratic Union was established in a non-public space, and Franjo Tuđman was elected its first president.","PeriodicalId":37870,"journal":{"name":"Review of Croatian History","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68228371","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.22586/review.v17i1.19695
S. Bekavac, Ivica Miškulin
In this paper authors analyze the prosecution of the widespread chant “Marjane, Marjane” during 1980’s in Socialist Republic of Croatia. Widespread version of the chant regime has proscribed, declaring it a form of hostile or anti-state act. Individuals who would sing any of prohibited versions would be mostly subjugated to political felony procedure and sentenced to prison.
{"title":"\"He who sings, thinks evil!\"","authors":"S. Bekavac, Ivica Miškulin","doi":"10.22586/review.v17i1.19695","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22586/review.v17i1.19695","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper authors analyze the prosecution of the widespread chant “Marjane, Marjane” during 1980’s in Socialist Republic of Croatia. Widespread version of the chant regime has proscribed, declaring it a form of hostile or anti-state act. Individuals who would sing any of prohibited versions would be mostly subjugated to political felony procedure and sentenced to prison.","PeriodicalId":37870,"journal":{"name":"Review of Croatian History","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68228684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.22586/review.v17i1.14023
Željka Križe
This work is devoted to analyzing, in the context of political propaganda and by using selected newspaper and magazine articles, the portrayal of Franjo Tuđman in the Serbian press in the period from the First General Assembly of the HDZ to the beginning of the Serb rebellion in Croatia. The role and purpose of the newspaper and magazine articles in creating a negative image of Franjo Tuđman through a process of artificially constructing an illusion of an enemy is shown and explained. The Serbian press, from the beginning, portrayed Franjo Tuđman as a Croatian nationalist and an enemy of the Serbian people. The media campaign against Franjo Tuđman seamlessly blended in with the patterns of the Greater Serbian propaganda campaign against Croatia. That broader campaign began in mid-1989 and steadily gathered pace. It was fuelled, first and foremost, by negative depictions of the Ustasha regime and the Independent State of Croatia (NDH).
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