Abstract This article deals with issues of transitional justice in selected Central European countries. The relationship between the mode of democratic transition and the mechanisms and pace of transitional justice processes is discussed. The main focus is on the analysis and comparison of transitional justice issues in three Central European countries – the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia. The authors conclude that the mode of democratic transition is not as important as other political factors, such as the presence or absence of leftist parties in the government.
{"title":"Different Paths of Transitional Justice in the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland","authors":"Katarína Šipulová, Vít Hloušek","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2013-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2013-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article deals with issues of transitional justice in selected Central European countries. The relationship between the mode of democratic transition and the mechanisms and pace of transitional justice processes is discussed. The main focus is on the analysis and comparison of transitional justice issues in three Central European countries – the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia. The authors conclude that the mode of democratic transition is not as important as other political factors, such as the presence or absence of leftist parties in the government.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"24 1","pages":"31 - 69"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76544671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Drawing on the concept of representative bureaucracy, this article examines how two multilingual states – Canada and Switzerland – deal with issues related to the participation of different linguistic communities in the federal public service. Following a political mobilization of the linguistic cleavage, strategies to promote multilingualism in the public service have been adopted in both countries. The Canadian strategy focuses on equal treatment of Anglophones and Francophones in the public service. In Switzerland, adequate representation of the linguistic communities is the primary goal. These differences are explained by the characteristics of the linguistic regimes in each of the two countries as well as by the peculiarities of consociational democracy in Switzerland. In both countries, the linguistic origins of public administration staff, overall, mirrors the proportions of the linguistic communities in the wider society. Within administrative units, however, linguistic diversity is hampered by the logics of language rationalization, where minorities are under pressure to communicate in the language of the majority.
{"title":"Towards a Representative Bureaucracy: Promoting Linguistic Representation and Diversity in the Swiss and Canadian Federal Public Services","authors":"D. Kübler, Émilienne Kobelt, S. Andrey","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2012-0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Drawing on the concept of representative bureaucracy, this article examines how two multilingual states – Canada and Switzerland – deal with issues related to the participation of different linguistic communities in the federal public service. Following a political mobilization of the linguistic cleavage, strategies to promote multilingualism in the public service have been adopted in both countries. The Canadian strategy focuses on equal treatment of Anglophones and Francophones in the public service. In Switzerland, adequate representation of the linguistic communities is the primary goal. These differences are explained by the characteristics of the linguistic regimes in each of the two countries as well as by the peculiarities of consociational democracy in Switzerland. In both countries, the linguistic origins of public administration staff, overall, mirrors the proportions of the linguistic communities in the wider society. Within administrative units, however, linguistic diversity is hampered by the logics of language rationalization, where minorities are under pressure to communicate in the language of the majority.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"75 1","pages":"272 - 296"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90856129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Economic development and growth may induce infrastructure investment and service provision by the public sector. This article investigates to what degree economic performance affects infrastructure spending at the state and local levels. For further elaboration, it examines the differential impacts of economic performance on state and local spending on different types of infrastructure. For that purpose, infrastructure is classified into two types: knowledge infrastructure and physical infrastructure. Methodologically, it uses the time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) data from 1977 to 2000 in 50 states of the USA. To correct the complex error terms in TSCS data, it uses the ordinary least square estimation using the Prais-Winsten procedure and panel-corrected standard errors. Some endogeneity issues are also corrected. Research finds that economic development and growth contributes to the increasing infrastructure spending on a per capita basis by state and local governments; however, its magnitude is not large. When infrastructure spending is disaggregated, economic performance also contributes to the increasing state and local spending on both knowledge and physical infrastructures. In particular, the magnitude of the positive effects on physical infrastructure spending is approximately two times as large as that on knowledge infrastructure spending. However, economic performance has no significant effects on the proportion of infrastructure spending out of the total state and local spending, regardless of whether infrastructure is aggregated or disaggregated. In short, there are level effects of economic performance, but there are no compositional effects. This finding implies that state and local governments increase infrastructure investment and its service provision in responding to the economic growth; yet, they do not consider it as a top priority in comparison with other types of functional areas.
{"title":"The Effects of Economic Performance on Infrastructure Spending at the State and Local Levels","authors":"Suho Bae","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2012-0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Economic development and growth may induce infrastructure investment and service provision by the public sector. This article investigates to what degree economic performance affects infrastructure spending at the state and local levels. For further elaboration, it examines the differential impacts of economic performance on state and local spending on different types of infrastructure. For that purpose, infrastructure is classified into two types: knowledge infrastructure and physical infrastructure. Methodologically, it uses the time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) data from 1977 to 2000 in 50 states of the USA. To correct the complex error terms in TSCS data, it uses the ordinary least square estimation using the Prais-Winsten procedure and panel-corrected standard errors. Some endogeneity issues are also corrected. Research finds that economic development and growth contributes to the increasing infrastructure spending on a per capita basis by state and local governments; however, its magnitude is not large. When infrastructure spending is disaggregated, economic performance also contributes to the increasing state and local spending on both knowledge and physical infrastructures. In particular, the magnitude of the positive effects on physical infrastructure spending is approximately two times as large as that on knowledge infrastructure spending. However, economic performance has no significant effects on the proportion of infrastructure spending out of the total state and local spending, regardless of whether infrastructure is aggregated or disaggregated. In short, there are level effects of economic performance, but there are no compositional effects. This finding implies that state and local governments increase infrastructure investment and its service provision in responding to the economic growth; yet, they do not consider it as a top priority in comparison with other types of functional areas.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"61 1","pages":"330 - 349"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78262091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The study examines the contemporary normative debate on social justice from the perspective of the normative political theory of “egalitarian liberalism”. Contrary to an anti-egalitarian liberal political theory, or “libertarianism”, the argument is that a notion of “effective freedom”, and not negative freedom, is central to egalitarian liberalism. Additionally, in contrast to a theoretical current of egalitarianism known as “luck egalitarianism”, the article further argues that although egalitarian liberalism assigns special importance to individual responsibility, it does so (unlike luck egalitarianism) without implying any concession to the conservative critique of egalitarianism and the state’s redistributive action.
{"title":"Liberalism, Social Justice, and Individual Responsibility","authors":"Álvaro de Vita","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2012-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The study examines the contemporary normative debate on social justice from the perspective of the normative political theory of “egalitarian liberalism”. Contrary to an anti-egalitarian liberal political theory, or “libertarianism”, the argument is that a notion of “effective freedom”, and not negative freedom, is central to egalitarian liberalism. Additionally, in contrast to a theoretical current of egalitarianism known as “luck egalitarianism”, the article further argues that although egalitarian liberalism assigns special importance to individual responsibility, it does so (unlike luck egalitarianism) without implying any concession to the conservative critique of egalitarianism and the state’s redistributive action.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"24 1","pages":"297 - 329"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82664520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The goal of this paper is to put into focus and explain distinctive features of the political developments in Lithuania during second post-communist decade, comparing them with other Baltic States (Latvia and Estonia) and those Central European countries with political systems which resembled most closely Lithuania (Poland and Hungary) by the end of the first post-communist decade. In all these countries, second post-communist decade witnessed the rise of the new successful populist parties. The author argues that this populist rise is the proper context for understanding of Rolandas Paksas’ impeachment in Lithuania in 2003–2004. His Order and Justice Party has to be classified together with the Kaczynski twins Law and Justice Party and its even more radical allies in Poland, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz and Gábor Vona’s Jobbik in Hungary, Juhan Part’s Res Publica in Estonia and Einars Repše’s New Era in Latvia. They all were right-wing populist parties, proclaiming in their anti-establishment rhetoric the war on corruption of the (ex-communist) elite and the coming of new politics. While the rise of right-wing populism did not change the political system in Estonia and Latvia, its outcome in Hungary and Poland was the breakup of the ex-communist and anti-communist elites pact which was the foundation of the political stability during first post-communist decade. The Kaczynski twins founded Rzecz Pospolita IV (4th Republic of Poland), grounded in the thorough and comprehensive lustration of the ex-communist cadres. Fidesz leader Orban used the two-thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament to promulgate a new constitution. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti-communist elites pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated thanks to the collaboration of all, by this time, established and left-of-center populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment of Paksas can be considered as the stress test of the young Lithuanian liberal democracy just on the eve of the accession of Lithuania to the European Union and NATO. An unhappy peculiarity of the stress tests is that they sometimes break or damage the items tested. Preventing the transformation of liberal post-communism into populist post-communism in Lithuania, the impeachment as stress test was a success. However, against the expectation of many observers, it did not enhance the quality of democracy of Lithuania. The legacy of impeachment are disequilibrium of the balance of power between government branches in favor of the Constitutional Court, strengthening of the left-of-centre populist political forces and the interference of secret services into Lithuanian politics with the self-assumed mission to safeguard Lithuanian democracy from the perils of populism.
{"title":"Political Development of Lithuania: A Comparative Analysis of Second Post-communist Decade","authors":"Zenonas Norkus","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2012-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The goal of this paper is to put into focus and explain distinctive features of the political developments in Lithuania during second post-communist decade, comparing them with other Baltic States (Latvia and Estonia) and those Central European countries with political systems which resembled most closely Lithuania (Poland and Hungary) by the end of the first post-communist decade. In all these countries, second post-communist decade witnessed the rise of the new successful populist parties. The author argues that this populist rise is the proper context for understanding of Rolandas Paksas’ impeachment in Lithuania in 2003–2004. His Order and Justice Party has to be classified together with the Kaczynski twins Law and Justice Party and its even more radical allies in Poland, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz and Gábor Vona’s Jobbik in Hungary, Juhan Part’s Res Publica in Estonia and Einars Repše’s New Era in Latvia. They all were right-wing populist parties, proclaiming in their anti-establishment rhetoric the war on corruption of the (ex-communist) elite and the coming of new politics. While the rise of right-wing populism did not change the political system in Estonia and Latvia, its outcome in Hungary and Poland was the breakup of the ex-communist and anti-communist elites pact which was the foundation of the political stability during first post-communist decade. The Kaczynski twins founded Rzecz Pospolita IV (4th Republic of Poland), grounded in the thorough and comprehensive lustration of the ex-communist cadres. Fidesz leader Orban used the two-thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament to promulgate a new constitution. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti-communist elites pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated thanks to the collaboration of all, by this time, established and left-of-center populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment of Paksas can be considered as the stress test of the young Lithuanian liberal democracy just on the eve of the accession of Lithuania to the European Union and NATO. An unhappy peculiarity of the stress tests is that they sometimes break or damage the items tested. Preventing the transformation of liberal post-communism into populist post-communism in Lithuania, the impeachment as stress test was a success. However, against the expectation of many observers, it did not enhance the quality of democracy of Lithuania. The legacy of impeachment are disequilibrium of the balance of power between government branches in favor of the Constitutional Court, strengthening of the left-of-centre populist political forces and the interference of secret services into Lithuanian politics with the self-assumed mission to safeguard Lithuanian democracy from the perils of populism.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"27 1","pages":"217 - 251"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91242121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract A few scholars regard the European Union and its specific forms of governance as an experimental ground for the development of democratic structures and processes beyond the nation-state. Over the past years, the debate has been strongly affected by representatives of a theory of deliberative democracy who – often following the conceptual reflections of Jürgen Habermas – emphasize the communicative potential of reason inherent to European networks of deliberation and decision-making. The present article addresses the question of whether or rather to what extent the theory of deliberative democracy conceives and interprets the non-democratic character of the forms of European network governance in an appropriate way. The article argues that this is only partly the case. On the one hand, the developed theoretical perspective is instructive to focus on the procedural political-institutional embeddedness of deliberative policy-making; on the other hand, the theory of deliberative democracy is analytically too weak in order to identify the political economic and political sociological causes of the non-democratic quality of European network governance.
{"title":"European Governance: On the Relationship Between Democratic and Non-democratic Deliberation Within the European Multi-level System","authors":"H. Bieling","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2012-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A few scholars regard the European Union and its specific forms of governance as an experimental ground for the development of democratic structures and processes beyond the nation-state. Over the past years, the debate has been strongly affected by representatives of a theory of deliberative democracy who – often following the conceptual reflections of Jürgen Habermas – emphasize the communicative potential of reason inherent to European networks of deliberation and decision-making. The present article addresses the question of whether or rather to what extent the theory of deliberative democracy conceives and interprets the non-democratic character of the forms of European network governance in an appropriate way. The article argues that this is only partly the case. On the one hand, the developed theoretical perspective is instructive to focus on the procedural political-institutional embeddedness of deliberative policy-making; on the other hand, the theory of deliberative democracy is analytically too weak in order to identify the political economic and political sociological causes of the non-democratic quality of European network governance.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":"201 - 216"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83104539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract What impact do majority rule and unanimity rule have on welfare and decision costs? According to Buchanan and Tullock ([1962] 1999) the unanimity principle must be regarded as a democratic norm, because it guarantees Pareto-efficient welfare effects. We present experimental results from a public goods game, which demonstrate in contrast to this assumption that majority rule can produce greater welfare effects than unanimity rule. This result suggests a critical revision of theoretical approaches which narrow the legitimacy of majority rule in this respect.
{"title":"Decision Costs and Welfare Effects of Democratic Voting Rules: an Experimental Analysis","authors":"Ulrich Glassmann, Jan Sauermann","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2012-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract What impact do majority rule and unanimity rule have on welfare and decision costs? According to Buchanan and Tullock ([1962] 1999) the unanimity principle must be regarded as a democratic norm, because it guarantees Pareto-efficient welfare effects. We present experimental results from a public goods game, which demonstrate in contrast to this assumption that majority rule can produce greater welfare effects than unanimity rule. This result suggests a critical revision of theoretical approaches which narrow the legitimacy of majority rule in this respect.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"11 1","pages":"159 - 183"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83470765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract With some exceptions, efforts to systematically apply a historical-institutionalist framework to the study of federalism have been few and far between. This paper argues, however, that historical institutionalism lends itself particularly well for addressing two important research questions in the field of comparative federalism: the origins of federal systems and their dynamics. It is suggested that a historical-institutionalist framework can significantly contribute to encourage theoretical cross-fertilization within the field of comparative federalism.
{"title":"Historical Institutionalism and Comparative Federalism","authors":"Jörg Broschek","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2012-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract With some exceptions, efforts to systematically apply a historical-institutionalist framework to the study of federalism have been few and far between. This paper argues, however, that historical institutionalism lends itself particularly well for addressing two important research questions in the field of comparative federalism: the origins of federal systems and their dynamics. It is suggested that a historical-institutionalist framework can significantly contribute to encourage theoretical cross-fertilization within the field of comparative federalism.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"101 - 128"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83335270","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article reflects main discrepancies between basic coordinates of classic anarchist thought and coordinates of contemporary anarchism, as it developed within the “post-Seattle” alter-globalization movement. The article ascertains that the anarchist renaissance within the alter-globalization movement is not fostered only by classical anarchism, but also by ideational currents that in the past had represented its main counterpoint. The question that the author addresses is therefore: Is it possible to talk about a “new” anarchism? Following a thorough examination of the alter-globalization movement, its genealogy and the main ideational currents within the movement, the author concludes, that a “new” or “post-ideological” anarchism does not offer important innovations only on the level of political praxis, but also on the level of theoretical paradigms. In the last part of the article, the author affirms these findings with an outline of redefinition of violence, political power, nation state and democracy within (contemporary) anarchism.
{"title":"A “New” Anarchism? – On Bifurcation and Transformation of Contemporary Anarchist Thought and Praxis","authors":"Žiga Vodovnik","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2012-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article reflects main discrepancies between basic coordinates of classic anarchist thought and coordinates of contemporary anarchism, as it developed within the “post-Seattle” alter-globalization movement. The article ascertains that the anarchist renaissance within the alter-globalization movement is not fostered only by classical anarchism, but also by ideational currents that in the past had represented its main counterpoint. The question that the author addresses is therefore: Is it possible to talk about a “new” anarchism? Following a thorough examination of the alter-globalization movement, its genealogy and the main ideational currents within the movement, the author concludes, that a “new” or “post-ideological” anarchism does not offer important innovations only on the level of political praxis, but also on the level of theoretical paradigms. In the last part of the article, the author affirms these findings with an outline of redefinition of violence, political power, nation state and democracy within (contemporary) anarchism.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"48 1","pages":"48 - 69"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77928009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article analyzes the implementation of the Italian railway reforms, with a focus on the process of regionalization started in 1997. Indeed, this sector represents a relevant challenge for the Italian legacy in the field, traditionally regulated by the bureaucratic structure of the Italian Railways, under direct ministerial control since 1905. However, after 10 years of implementation, Regions seem to have not yet enough financial resources and administrative capacity to deal with this policy. In addition, the national incumbent (FS) initiated a successful lobbying campaign to restrict the market condition at regional level in order to protect its own domain. As a result, the regionalization process appears to be dominated by national actors and highly politicized dynamics which undermine the creation of a stable and accountable regulatory framework.
{"title":"Principals or Beginners? The Regions and the Local Railway System (1997–2011)","authors":"M. Giulio","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2012-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article analyzes the implementation of the Italian railway reforms, with a focus on the process of regionalization started in 1997. Indeed, this sector represents a relevant challenge for the Italian legacy in the field, traditionally regulated by the bureaucratic structure of the Italian Railways, under direct ministerial control since 1905. However, after 10 years of implementation, Regions seem to have not yet enough financial resources and administrative capacity to deal with this policy. In addition, the national incumbent (FS) initiated a successful lobbying campaign to restrict the market condition at regional level in order to protect its own domain. As a result, the regionalization process appears to be dominated by national actors and highly politicized dynamics which undermine the creation of a stable and accountable regulatory framework.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"26 1","pages":"129 - 158"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87910339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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