Abstract Although many EU countries have reduced corporate taxes in the recent years, there is still a substantial variance between the 12 oldest EU-member states. This contribution revisits this variation and analyses the determinants of corporate tax reforms and their magnitude from a perspective which is new in two respects. First, we combine logistic panel regression and fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) analysis allowing for an integration of qualitative assessments of tax reforms in the QCA analysis. This adds to the existing studies on tax reform which almost exclusively rely on regression techniques. Second, we focus on the time period 1998–2011 where we expect tax competition to be especially intense. The results of our analyses confirm the major impact of tax competition on national corporate tax policies. This relationship dominates the regression analyses as well as the fsQCA. Furthermore, our findings allow nuancing the existing results on the influence of institutional constraints and partisan politics.
{"title":"Strong Competition Equals Strong Reforms? A New Perspective on Corporate Tax Reforms in 15 EU Countries (1998–2011)","authors":"Alexander von Kulessa, Georg Wenzelburger","doi":"10.1515/wps-2016-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2016-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Although many EU countries have reduced corporate taxes in the recent years, there is still a substantial variance between the 12 oldest EU-member states. This contribution revisits this variation and analyses the determinants of corporate tax reforms and their magnitude from a perspective which is new in two respects. First, we combine logistic panel regression and fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) analysis allowing for an integration of qualitative assessments of tax reforms in the QCA analysis. This adds to the existing studies on tax reform which almost exclusively rely on regression techniques. Second, we focus on the time period 1998–2011 where we expect tax competition to be especially intense. The results of our analyses confirm the major impact of tax competition on national corporate tax policies. This relationship dominates the regression analyses as well as the fsQCA. Furthermore, our findings allow nuancing the existing results on the influence of institutional constraints and partisan politics.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"11 1","pages":"301 - 346"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90206939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper examines the causes of the increase in the number of women candidates in local Israeli government elections during October 2013. To do so, it develops a new model called the four anchors model based on (1) authentic leadership, (2) organizations with gender awareness, (3) practices that provide organized training for women only and (4) networking for women. Establishment of each one of the anchors with synergy among all four of them will encourage more women to be active in political life at the local level. The research combines mixed research methods based on seven different information sources such as questionnaires, interviews, content analysis of newsletters from the Local Councilwomen’s Union, observations and informal talks with women council members.
{"title":"The Four Anchors Model – Women Political Participation","authors":"Osnat Akirav, Yael Ben-Horin","doi":"10.1515/wps-2016-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2016-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines the causes of the increase in the number of women candidates in local Israeli government elections during October 2013. To do so, it develops a new model called the four anchors model based on (1) authentic leadership, (2) organizations with gender awareness, (3) practices that provide organized training for women only and (4) networking for women. Establishment of each one of the anchors with synergy among all four of them will encourage more women to be active in political life at the local level. The research combines mixed research methods based on seven different information sources such as questionnaires, interviews, content analysis of newsletters from the Local Councilwomen’s Union, observations and informal talks with women council members.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"49 1","pages":"241 - 259"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85037358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article presents the main empirical findings of the analysis of the European Union’s activity for conflict prevention in three case studies – Cyprus, Kosovo and Palestine. After having clarified the meaning of conflict ‘resolution’, ‘prevention’ and ‘Europeanization’, it is proposed a classification of the main foreign policy tools at the disposal of the Union to intervene before the escalation of the conflicts, during and after it. Then, the article focuses on the empirical findings of the Europeanization of the conflicts in the case studies, and therefore not only on the instruments used and on the norms promoted, but also on the mechanisms and the conditions that have enabled or not the Union to exert its leverage.
{"title":"The European Union and Conflict Prevention. What Europeanization?","authors":"Elena Baracani","doi":"10.1515/wps-2016-0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2016-0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article presents the main empirical findings of the analysis of the European Union’s activity for conflict prevention in three case studies – Cyprus, Kosovo and Palestine. After having clarified the meaning of conflict ‘resolution’, ‘prevention’ and ‘Europeanization’, it is proposed a classification of the main foreign policy tools at the disposal of the Union to intervene before the escalation of the conflicts, during and after it. Then, the article focuses on the empirical findings of the Europeanization of the conflicts in the case studies, and therefore not only on the instruments used and on the norms promoted, but also on the mechanisms and the conditions that have enabled or not the Union to exert its leverage.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"20 1","pages":"219 - 239"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77179646","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
J. Dahlgaard, J. H. Hansen, Kasper M. Hansen, Martin Larsen
Abstract Similar to all other types of information, public opinion polls can influence public opinion. We present two hypotheses to understand how polls affect public opinion: the bandwagon and the underdog effect. The bandwagon effect claims that voters “jump on the bandwagon,” which means that if a party is gaining in the polls, the party will gain additional support from the voters, and vice versa if the party is losing in the polls. The underdog effect suggests that if a party is losing in the polls, the party will gain some sympathy votes to offset this loss. We use a survey experiment to test the two hypotheses. We find evidence of the bandwagon effect, and the effect is strongest in the positive direction. When voters learn that a party is gaining in the polls, voters will be more likely to vote for it. There is also some evidence for the negative bandwagon effect. We find no evidence for the underdog effect. The effects head in the same direction regardless of the size of the party. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings with regards to a potential ban on publishing opinion polls.
{"title":"How are Voters Influenced by Opinion Polls? The Effect of Polls on Voting Behavior and Party Sympathy","authors":"J. Dahlgaard, J. H. Hansen, Kasper M. Hansen, Martin Larsen","doi":"10.1515/wps-2016-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2016-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Similar to all other types of information, public opinion polls can influence public opinion. We present two hypotheses to understand how polls affect public opinion: the bandwagon and the underdog effect. The bandwagon effect claims that voters “jump on the bandwagon,” which means that if a party is gaining in the polls, the party will gain additional support from the voters, and vice versa if the party is losing in the polls. The underdog effect suggests that if a party is losing in the polls, the party will gain some sympathy votes to offset this loss. We use a survey experiment to test the two hypotheses. We find evidence of the bandwagon effect, and the effect is strongest in the positive direction. When voters learn that a party is gaining in the polls, voters will be more likely to vote for it. There is also some evidence for the negative bandwagon effect. We find no evidence for the underdog effect. The effects head in the same direction regardless of the size of the party. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings with regards to a potential ban on publishing opinion polls.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":"283 - 300"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88770232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article helps to better understand the role orientations of the Central European Members of the European Parliament, the factors that influence their strategies, and the relationship between their roles and activities. Based on the results of a quantitative survey research with MEPs from the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia in the 2009–2014 term, I argue that it is possible to explain the political roles of MEPs by their attitudes towards politics and policy, and the territorial focus of representation (European vs. national level). Due to the internal mechanisms of the EP and its position in the multi-level governance system of European politics, these two dimensions represent dilemmas that all MEPs face, when it comes to the efficient use of their scarce resources: time and energy. This study demonstrates that socio-demographic factors, attitudes and political socialization all have an influence on what roles MEPs choose. The time spent in the EP, age, previous political experience, party affiliation, left-right self-definition and career ambitions are all important factors that can explain the political behavior of MEPs. The Central European MEPs’ focus on politics vs. policy and the European vs. national political arena have different roots, and different variables explain them. Orientation towards politics and policy largely depends on previous political experience and future career ambitions. Focus on the European or the national level is best explained by age, party affiliation and left-right self-definition.
{"title":"Central European MEPs and Their Roles: Behavioral Strategies in the European Parliament","authors":"András Bíró-Nagy","doi":"10.1515/wps-2016-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2016-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article helps to better understand the role orientations of the Central European Members of the European Parliament, the factors that influence their strategies, and the relationship between their roles and activities. Based on the results of a quantitative survey research with MEPs from the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia in the 2009–2014 term, I argue that it is possible to explain the political roles of MEPs by their attitudes towards politics and policy, and the territorial focus of representation (European vs. national level). Due to the internal mechanisms of the EP and its position in the multi-level governance system of European politics, these two dimensions represent dilemmas that all MEPs face, when it comes to the efficient use of their scarce resources: time and energy. This study demonstrates that socio-demographic factors, attitudes and political socialization all have an influence on what roles MEPs choose. The time spent in the EP, age, previous political experience, party affiliation, left-right self-definition and career ambitions are all important factors that can explain the political behavior of MEPs. The Central European MEPs’ focus on politics vs. policy and the European vs. national political arena have different roots, and different variables explain them. Orientation towards politics and policy largely depends on previous political experience and future career ambitions. Focus on the European or the national level is best explained by age, party affiliation and left-right self-definition.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"72 1","pages":"147 - 174"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73140769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Are human rights general moral norms, or are they conceptually tied to the political function of setting limits to the sovereignty of states? This essay steers a middle course in conceptualizing human rights as basic norms of political morality. Human rights arise out of general moral claims held by individual human beings simply as such, but they play a particular role as necessary conditions of political legitimacy. Nevertheless, we should not identify them with those norms whose violation might justify restrictions on the sovereignty of other states. Such an equation would result in an all too minimalist conception of human rights. The essay advocates a more ambitious conception that integrates civil rights and human rights, particular state and global politics, democracy and collective self-determination under the perspective of a division of moral labor.
{"title":"Human Rights, Institutions and the Division of Moral Labor","authors":"B. Ladwig","doi":"10.1515/wps-2016-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2016-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Are human rights general moral norms, or are they conceptually tied to the political function of setting limits to the sovereignty of states? This essay steers a middle course in conceptualizing human rights as basic norms of political morality. Human rights arise out of general moral claims held by individual human beings simply as such, but they play a particular role as necessary conditions of political legitimacy. Nevertheless, we should not identify them with those norms whose violation might justify restrictions on the sovereignty of other states. Such an equation would result in an all too minimalist conception of human rights. The essay advocates a more ambitious conception that integrates civil rights and human rights, particular state and global politics, democracy and collective self-determination under the perspective of a division of moral labor.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"19 1","pages":"45 - 67"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82517216","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper contributes to cliometric research on the economic output of Finland, Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia between 1913 and 1938. For Finland, gross domestic product (GDP) values from Maddison project dataset are accepted. For Estonia, Arno Köörna’s and Jaak Valge’s estimates are endorsed with reservations for 1923–1924. According to an optimistic estimate, Lithuania’s GDP per capita was below all-Russian mean in 1913, but was not less than USSR level in 1938, while Gediminas Vaskela’s pessimistic estimate of the 1938 Lithuanian GDP implies its GDP growth underperformance. Using new sources, the first estimates of Latvia’s output for the 1913–1938 period in cross-country and cross-temporally comparable measurement units (1990 Geary Khamis international $) are substantiated. Under optimistic estimates of Lithuanian GDP growth, this country was on par with Finland in terms of annual growth rates, with Latvia following next and Estonia displaying the weakest growth performance.
{"title":"A Comparison of the Economic Growth of the Baltic States between the Two World Wars","authors":"Zenonas Norkus","doi":"10.1515/wps-2015-0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper contributes to cliometric research on the economic output of Finland, Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia between 1913 and 1938. For Finland, gross domestic product (GDP) values from Maddison project dataset are accepted. For Estonia, Arno Köörna’s and Jaak Valge’s estimates are endorsed with reservations for 1923–1924. According to an optimistic estimate, Lithuania’s GDP per capita was below all-Russian mean in 1913, but was not less than USSR level in 1938, while Gediminas Vaskela’s pessimistic estimate of the 1938 Lithuanian GDP implies its GDP growth underperformance. Using new sources, the first estimates of Latvia’s output for the 1913–1938 period in cross-country and cross-temporally comparable measurement units (1990 Geary Khamis international $) are substantiated. Under optimistic estimates of Lithuanian GDP growth, this country was on par with Finland in terms of annual growth rates, with Latvia following next and Estonia displaying the weakest growth performance.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"16 1","pages":"1 - 23"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91390461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Given our pluralistic world today, the G8 or rather G7, is an anachronism. How has the club of Western nations managed to prevail over its four decades of existence? This question is even more relevant in the light of the rise of the G20 at the beginning of the financial crisis in 2008. By making use of the concept of self-legitimation, this paper seeks to gain a better understanding of how both informal institutions ended up in a state of coexistence rather than with the replacement of the G8 by the G20. The main argument is that both needed (and still need) to carefully position themselves as distinct from each other in order to prevail and to inspire adherence. By including visual data and examining two informal institutions rather than formalized international organizations, the analysis complements concurrent research on the legitimation efforts of international institutions. The article traces three modes of public self-legitimation: legitimation policies, legitimation talk and nonverbal self-presentation. Based on textual analysis and a reconstruction of ideal-typical summit photographs (1975–2013), this contribution shows how both institutions present themselves as inclusive, accountable managers for the benefit of all. Despite these similarities, a normative as well as a de facto division of labor makes it more likely for today’s G7 to prevail, even in – or even because of – today’s more pluralistic world.
{"title":"Signaling Legitimacy: Self-legitimation by the G8 and the G20 in Times of Competitive Multilateralism","authors":"J. Gronau","doi":"10.1515/wps-2016-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2016-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Given our pluralistic world today, the G8 or rather G7, is an anachronism. How has the club of Western nations managed to prevail over its four decades of existence? This question is even more relevant in the light of the rise of the G20 at the beginning of the financial crisis in 2008. By making use of the concept of self-legitimation, this paper seeks to gain a better understanding of how both informal institutions ended up in a state of coexistence rather than with the replacement of the G8 by the G20. The main argument is that both needed (and still need) to carefully position themselves as distinct from each other in order to prevail and to inspire adherence. By including visual data and examining two informal institutions rather than formalized international organizations, the analysis complements concurrent research on the legitimation efforts of international institutions. The article traces three modes of public self-legitimation: legitimation policies, legitimation talk and nonverbal self-presentation. Based on textual analysis and a reconstruction of ideal-typical summit photographs (1975–2013), this contribution shows how both institutions present themselves as inclusive, accountable managers for the benefit of all. Despite these similarities, a normative as well as a de facto division of labor makes it more likely for today’s G7 to prevail, even in – or even because of – today’s more pluralistic world.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"107 1","pages":"107 - 145"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88556517","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In this paper, the authors analyse the institutional aspects of local governance. After the local government reforms, two main currents of change were created among European countries, namely the (quasi-) parliamentarisation administration systems committees, and (quasi-) presidentialisation through the form of elected mayors. Through an overview of the changes in the Slovenian local self-government in the last two decades, the authors determine a gradual transition from parliamentarism (with a relatively strong legislative body, municipal council) to the strengthening of the individual executive body (mayor), e.g. presidentialisation. By using the calculated index of mayoral strength, the authors conclude that according to the mayoral institutional power, the Slovenian system of local self-government is closer to the countries with (post) Napoleonic administrative tradition than to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe.
{"title":"From Parliamentarisation Towards Presidentialisation: Institutional Aspects of Local Political Leadership in Slovenia","authors":"Simona Kukovič, Marjan Brezovšek","doi":"10.1515/wps-2016-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2016-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this paper, the authors analyse the institutional aspects of local governance. After the local government reforms, two main currents of change were created among European countries, namely the (quasi-) parliamentarisation administration systems committees, and (quasi-) presidentialisation through the form of elected mayors. Through an overview of the changes in the Slovenian local self-government in the last two decades, the authors determine a gradual transition from parliamentarism (with a relatively strong legislative body, municipal council) to the strengthening of the individual executive body (mayor), e.g. presidentialisation. By using the calculated index of mayoral strength, the authors conclude that according to the mayoral institutional power, the Slovenian system of local self-government is closer to the countries with (post) Napoleonic administrative tradition than to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"10 1","pages":"69 - 85"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78281806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article deals with the 2002–2005 controversy over faith-based arbitration tribunals in Ontario. It seeks to contribute to the existing literature on the question by looking at new empirical sources. The analysis focuses specifically on the public discourse of social actors who opposed the creation of arbitration tribunals for Christians, Jews and Muslims. The majority of those who opposed arbitration tribunals did not formulate their position in terms of an opposition between religion and feminist values. Rather, they focused their arguments on the danger of Islam, which they perceived as an oppressive and alien religion. The controversy over religious arbitration becomes a way to claim a Western, secular and Judeo-Christian Canadian identity. From this perspective, the Ontarian controversy can be likened to European debates on Islam that have emerged over the last decade (e.g. caricatures of Muhammad in Denmark, minarets in Switzerland and the burqa ban in Belgium).
{"title":"The Controversy over Religious Arbitration Tribunals in Ontario: Unspoken Identity-Based Justifications?","authors":"Paul May","doi":"10.1515/wps-2016-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2016-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article deals with the 2002–2005 controversy over faith-based arbitration tribunals in Ontario. It seeks to contribute to the existing literature on the question by looking at new empirical sources. The analysis focuses specifically on the public discourse of social actors who opposed the creation of arbitration tribunals for Christians, Jews and Muslims. The majority of those who opposed arbitration tribunals did not formulate their position in terms of an opposition between religion and feminist values. Rather, they focused their arguments on the danger of Islam, which they perceived as an oppressive and alien religion. The controversy over religious arbitration becomes a way to claim a Western, secular and Judeo-Christian Canadian identity. From this perspective, the Ontarian controversy can be likened to European debates on Islam that have emerged over the last decade (e.g. caricatures of Muhammad in Denmark, minarets in Switzerland and the burqa ban in Belgium).","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"20 1","pages":"25 - 43"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74715701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：