Abstract The main research question posed in the article is whether the mixed electoral systems are separate third class of electoral systems? Although, they were primarily designed as a tool for implementing completely contradictory objectives of the majoritarian and proportional representation, as a consequence, they created fully new quality, which cannot be reduced to the sum of effects being produced by their components. Reasons for this include, among others, their genesis and political purpose (the desire to combine the best features and characteristics of the majoritarian and proportional systems into one system), mechanics (multi-formula and multiple-tiered seat allocation mechanism), multiplicity of variants and detailed technical solutions (presence or lack of mandate transfer and/or of vote transfer between majoritarian and proportional subsystems). The distinctiveness of mixed electoral systems is, however, determined primarily by self-relevant political consequences generated within strategies of nominating party candidates (the number of candidates listed within single-mandate constituencies of the majority part has a positive effect on the party’s results in proportional subsystem), electorate voting behaviors (the psychological effect is acting on voters toward honest and not strategic voting), the level of disproportionality of election results (the mixed system are in general less proportional than traditional systems of proportional representation, however, they are more proportional than the majoritarian voting systems) and the degree of party dispersion (the mixed systems are usually correlated with three-body format of the party system).
{"title":"Mixed Electoral Systems: A Hybrid or a New Family of Electoral Systems?","authors":"Bartłomiej Michalak","doi":"10.1515/wps-2015-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The main research question posed in the article is whether the mixed electoral systems are separate third class of electoral systems? Although, they were primarily designed as a tool for implementing completely contradictory objectives of the majoritarian and proportional representation, as a consequence, they created fully new quality, which cannot be reduced to the sum of effects being produced by their components. Reasons for this include, among others, their genesis and political purpose (the desire to combine the best features and characteristics of the majoritarian and proportional systems into one system), mechanics (multi-formula and multiple-tiered seat allocation mechanism), multiplicity of variants and detailed technical solutions (presence or lack of mandate transfer and/or of vote transfer between majoritarian and proportional subsystems). The distinctiveness of mixed electoral systems is, however, determined primarily by self-relevant political consequences generated within strategies of nominating party candidates (the number of candidates listed within single-mandate constituencies of the majority part has a positive effect on the party’s results in proportional subsystem), electorate voting behaviors (the psychological effect is acting on voters toward honest and not strategic voting), the level of disproportionality of election results (the mixed system are in general less proportional than traditional systems of proportional representation, however, they are more proportional than the majoritarian voting systems) and the degree of party dispersion (the mixed systems are usually correlated with three-body format of the party system).","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"4 1","pages":"106 - 87"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79012662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In comparisons of OECD member countries, Switzerland receives top marks on central indicators of political performance such as the rate of unemployment, the inflation rate and general government net debt interest payment. Focusing on the period from 1990 to 2012, this essay examines the sources and causes of this success story, drawing not only on hypotheses and data that are specific to Switzerland but also on explanatory approaches that compare Switzerland to other wealthy democracies. Of the several key items involved – including the institutional, procedural and actor-related characteristics of Switzerland – the variables that have proven to be most important are those contributing to policy area-specific explanations (such as central bank autonomy, distributional conflict and fragmentation of fiscal policy), as well as indicators of social partnership in industrial relations and the distribution of power between political parties.
{"title":"Switzerland’s Political Performance Compared: Determinants of a Success Story","authors":"Manfred G . Schmidt","doi":"10.1515/wps-2015-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In comparisons of OECD member countries, Switzerland receives top marks on central indicators of political performance such as the rate of unemployment, the inflation rate and general government net debt interest payment. Focusing on the period from 1990 to 2012, this essay examines the sources and causes of this success story, drawing not only on hypotheses and data that are specific to Switzerland but also on explanatory approaches that compare Switzerland to other wealthy democracies. Of the several key items involved – including the institutional, procedural and actor-related characteristics of Switzerland – the variables that have proven to be most important are those contributing to policy area-specific explanations (such as central bank autonomy, distributional conflict and fragmentation of fiscal policy), as well as indicators of social partnership in industrial relations and the distribution of power between political parties.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"5 1","pages":"187 - 203"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76125544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Since the “argumentative turn” in policy analysis, scholars have increasingly focused on discourse as an explanatory factor for the analysis of policy processes. This has resulted in a proliferation of rich and deep qualitative discourse-analytical studies on a vast range of policy controversies. However, these studies have two important shortcomings: firstly, they offer limited opportunities for comparative research, because they lack an objectified and standardized measuring instrument. Secondly, according to some critics, these studies do not meet scientific standards. In order to respond to these shortcomings, this article presents a method based on a combination of content analysis and social network analysis, which can be complementary to qualitative approaches. It is exemplified by a limited case study on two debates within the policy domain of transport mobility in Flanders. The article concludes with a discussion of a number of possible applications of the method within the broader discipline of political science.
{"title":"Using Discourse Network Analysis to Measure Discourse Coalitions: Towards a Formal Analysis of Political Discourse","authors":"Allan Muller","doi":"10.1515/wps-2015-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Since the “argumentative turn” in policy analysis, scholars have increasingly focused on discourse as an explanatory factor for the analysis of policy processes. This has resulted in a proliferation of rich and deep qualitative discourse-analytical studies on a vast range of policy controversies. However, these studies have two important shortcomings: firstly, they offer limited opportunities for comparative research, because they lack an objectified and standardized measuring instrument. Secondly, according to some critics, these studies do not meet scientific standards. In order to respond to these shortcomings, this article presents a method based on a combination of content analysis and social network analysis, which can be complementary to qualitative approaches. It is exemplified by a limited case study on two debates within the policy domain of transport mobility in Flanders. The article concludes with a discussion of a number of possible applications of the method within the broader discipline of political science.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"70 1","pages":"377 - 404"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83907878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract People’s lifestyles or their health choices importantly affect their general health. Furthermore, there is a social gradient in these choices such that people in relatively disadvantaged social positions tend to make worse choices with regard to their health than people in more advantaged positions. The consequence is deep inequalities in health. The state, to the extent it is part of its role to prevent harm and to reduce inequality, appears obliged to try to influence people’s health choices in the interest of their own health and general well-being. However, the state acting to prevent people from harming themselves is notoriously controversial, at least to liberals. It amounts to paternalism – something liberals have traditionally been loath to accept. Furthermore, the equality-generating credential of the available policy measures is in some cases doubtful. To assess the problem of paternalism in relation to government efforts to change lifestyles, partly with the aim of reducing inequalities in health, we need a clear notion of paternalism. The latter may, roughly, be seen as follows: A acts paternalistically in relation to B, if, and only if, (a) A restricts B’s liberty; (b) A does so against B’s will; (c) A does so in B’s interest; (d) A’s behavior cannot be justified without counting its beneficial effects to B in its favor. According to this conception, when the government informs citizens of the danger involved in certain types of health-related conduct, it is not acting paternalistically. However, campaigns may in fact increase rather than decrease inequality of health (because the worse off are less responsive to such measures than the better off). Nudging, on the other hand, stands a better chance of reducing inequality in health. However, nudging policies are less uncontroversial in terms of the problem of paternalism than their proponents are inclined to think. More familiar measures aiming to make the health-endangering behavior more expensive and/or difficult or outright prohibiting it stand a good chance of reducing inequalities, whilst not being more controversial than nudging policies (perhaps less) in terms of the paternalism they involve.
{"title":"Paternalism, Public Health Ethics, and Equality","authors":"S. F. Midtgaard","doi":"10.1515/wps-2015-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract People’s lifestyles or their health choices importantly affect their general health. Furthermore, there is a social gradient in these choices such that people in relatively disadvantaged social positions tend to make worse choices with regard to their health than people in more advantaged positions. The consequence is deep inequalities in health. The state, to the extent it is part of its role to prevent harm and to reduce inequality, appears obliged to try to influence people’s health choices in the interest of their own health and general well-being. However, the state acting to prevent people from harming themselves is notoriously controversial, at least to liberals. It amounts to paternalism – something liberals have traditionally been loath to accept. Furthermore, the equality-generating credential of the available policy measures is in some cases doubtful. To assess the problem of paternalism in relation to government efforts to change lifestyles, partly with the aim of reducing inequalities in health, we need a clear notion of paternalism. The latter may, roughly, be seen as follows: A acts paternalistically in relation to B, if, and only if, (a) A restricts B’s liberty; (b) A does so against B’s will; (c) A does so in B’s interest; (d) A’s behavior cannot be justified without counting its beneficial effects to B in its favor. According to this conception, when the government informs citizens of the danger involved in certain types of health-related conduct, it is not acting paternalistically. However, campaigns may in fact increase rather than decrease inequality of health (because the worse off are less responsive to such measures than the better off). Nudging, on the other hand, stands a better chance of reducing inequality in health. However, nudging policies are less uncontroversial in terms of the problem of paternalism than their proponents are inclined to think. More familiar measures aiming to make the health-endangering behavior more expensive and/or difficult or outright prohibiting it stand a good chance of reducing inequalities, whilst not being more controversial than nudging policies (perhaps less) in terms of the paternalism they involve.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"80 1","pages":"405 - 420"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75304077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article investigates the changes that civic education programmes produce in their participants, and offers an integrated view of the determinants as well as the resulting effect patterns. The main conclusions are: 1) values are more resistant to change than motivation, political knowledge, and attitudes towards political institutions; 2) cognitive gains and attitudinal changes are more likely to occur (and with greater intensity) when the object belongs to the programme’s environment; 3) the effects on political participation do not occur in the present, but the data indicates a tendency towards greater participation later in adult life; 4) the programme’s quality and the participant’s motivation stand out because, usually, they affect the influence of other factors. The object of this study is the Mineiro Youth Parliament in its 2008 edition. The research design follows the logic of quasi-experimental research [Campbell, D. and J. Stanley (1979) Delineamentos Experimentais e Quase-Experimentais de Pesquisa. São Paulo: EDUSP.]. In 2008, a non-random sample of 670 youngsters completed two rounds of interviews (335 before, and 335 after the programme); in each round, there were 167 programme participants and 168 non-participants.
本文调查了公民教育项目在参与者中产生的变化，并提供了决定因素以及由此产生的影响模式的综合观点。主要结论是:1)价值观比动机、政治知识和对政治制度的态度更能抵抗变革;2)当对象属于程序环境时，认知增益和态度变化更有可能发生(且强度更大);(3)对政治参与的影响目前还没有发生，但数据表明，成年后的政治参与有增加的趋势;4)课程的质量和参与者的动机之所以突出，是因为它们通常会影响其他因素的影响。这项研究的对象是2008年版的米内罗青年议会。研究设计遵循准实验研究的逻辑[Campbell, D. and J. Stanley (1979) Delineamentos Experimentais e Quase-Experimentais de Pesquisa]。[圣保罗:EDUSP]。2008年，非随机抽样的670名青少年完成了两轮访谈(计划前335人，计划后335人);在每一轮中，有167名方案参与者和168名非参与者。
{"title":"The Effects of Political Socialization Programmes: The Youth Parliament Experience in Brazil","authors":"Mario Fuks","doi":"10.1515/wps-2015-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article investigates the changes that civic education programmes produce in their participants, and offers an integrated view of the determinants as well as the resulting effect patterns. The main conclusions are: 1) values are more resistant to change than motivation, political knowledge, and attitudes towards political institutions; 2) cognitive gains and attitudinal changes are more likely to occur (and with greater intensity) when the object belongs to the programme’s environment; 3) the effects on political participation do not occur in the present, but the data indicates a tendency towards greater participation later in adult life; 4) the programme’s quality and the participant’s motivation stand out because, usually, they affect the influence of other factors. The object of this study is the Mineiro Youth Parliament in its 2008 edition. The research design follows the logic of quasi-experimental research [Campbell, D. and J. Stanley (1979) Delineamentos Experimentais e Quase-Experimentais de Pesquisa. São Paulo: EDUSP.]. In 2008, a non-random sample of 670 youngsters completed two rounds of interviews (335 before, and 335 after the programme); in each round, there were 167 programme participants and 168 non-participants.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"37 1","pages":"347 - 375"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/wps-2015-0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72451400","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Learning from the successes and failures of others is a necessity in the field of public sector innovation. The rapid diffusion of policy innovations in different countries has been characterized by a schizophrenic adoption of practices with governments utilizing those considered the “best” as well as those deemed capable of actually providing solutions to policy problems. Nevertheless, the replication of policy innovations in different countries has been met with varying degrees of success. The adoption of the Standard Cost Model in a number of European countries, a methodology to measure red tape and improve the quality of regulation provides an excellent example of this due to it being met with success in some countries while failing inexplicably in others.
{"title":"Public Policy Design: How to Learn From Failures","authors":"P. Coletti","doi":"10.1515/wps-2015-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Learning from the successes and failures of others is a necessity in the field of public sector innovation. The rapid diffusion of policy innovations in different countries has been characterized by a schizophrenic adoption of practices with governments utilizing those considered the “best” as well as those deemed capable of actually providing solutions to policy problems. Nevertheless, the replication of policy innovations in different countries has been met with varying degrees of success. The adoption of the Standard Cost Model in a number of European countries, a methodology to measure red tape and improve the quality of regulation provides an excellent example of this due to it being met with success in some countries while failing inexplicably in others.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"18 1","pages":"325 - 345"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89158277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Montserrat Baras, Oscar Barberà, Astrid Barrio, Juan Rodríguez-Teruel
Abstract This article explores how multi-dimensional competition party systems shape the intraparty opinion structure in political parties. The aim is to extend and test May’s law of ideological curvilinear disparity to multi-dimensional settings. The data are based on the case of Catalonia, a party system characterized by the relevant presence of non-state wide parties, where political competition is based on two main dimensions: the left right axis and the subjective national identity one. The paper shows that while the Catalan parties do fit with May’s law in the left-right axis, this is not the case in the national identity one. In addition, it further illustrates how the interaction between both axes affects party competition and internal opinion differences between leaders, activists and voters. The results attest the complexity of the intraparty opinion structures in multidimensional competition systems.
{"title":"How Does May’s Law Work in Multi-dimensional Competition? Intra-party Opinion Structure in Catalonia","authors":"Montserrat Baras, Oscar Barberà, Astrid Barrio, Juan Rodríguez-Teruel","doi":"10.1515/wps-2015-1005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-1005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores how multi-dimensional competition party systems shape the intraparty opinion structure in political parties. The aim is to extend and test May’s law of ideological curvilinear disparity to multi-dimensional settings. The data are based on the case of Catalonia, a party system characterized by the relevant presence of non-state wide parties, where political competition is based on two main dimensions: the left right axis and the subjective national identity one. The paper shows that while the Catalan parties do fit with May’s law in the left-right axis, this is not the case in the national identity one. In addition, it further illustrates how the interaction between both axes affects party competition and internal opinion differences between leaders, activists and voters. The results attest the complexity of the intraparty opinion structures in multidimensional competition systems.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"158 1","pages":"205 - 226"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86521620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Why do entrepreneurs choose to use consumer power as an alternative political channel in order to create social and political change? What are the conditions that lead them to adopt this strategy? The main purpose of this article is to offer a theoretical framework to discuss political consumerism strategy used by social entrepreneurs, those who seek to influence political norms in society, the conduct of the business market, and the shaping of public policy. The theoretical model, which this article intends to propose, is based on the new institutional approach (Neo-Institutionalism) and on the principles of the rational choice theory. The article suggests an explanatory variable in the form of political consumerism as an alternative means for political participation (alternative politics), which is influenced by structural, political, economic, and cultural conditions as well as by rational cost-benefit calculations made by entrepreneurs. For an empirical study of the proposed theoretical framework, the article analyzes two campaigns where the entrepreneurs employed political consumerism as a primary action strategy to promote issues related to social justice as institutional changes in Israel. The first of these was the campaign launched by the “Bema’agalei Tzedek” (“Paths of Righteousness”) Society for workers’ rights and the rights of the disabled; the second one was the campaign led by the consumer movement known as “Israel Yekara Lanu” against the cottage cheese producers as part of the social protest in the summer of 2011.
{"title":"On Sensitivity and Disability: Political Consumerism, Social-Political Entrepreneurship and Social Justice","authors":"Omri Shamir","doi":"10.1515/wps-2015-1002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-1002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Why do entrepreneurs choose to use consumer power as an alternative political channel in order to create social and political change? What are the conditions that lead them to adopt this strategy? The main purpose of this article is to offer a theoretical framework to discuss political consumerism strategy used by social entrepreneurs, those who seek to influence political norms in society, the conduct of the business market, and the shaping of public policy. The theoretical model, which this article intends to propose, is based on the new institutional approach (Neo-Institutionalism) and on the principles of the rational choice theory. The article suggests an explanatory variable in the form of political consumerism as an alternative means for political participation (alternative politics), which is influenced by structural, political, economic, and cultural conditions as well as by rational cost-benefit calculations made by entrepreneurs. For an empirical study of the proposed theoretical framework, the article analyzes two campaigns where the entrepreneurs employed political consumerism as a primary action strategy to promote issues related to social justice as institutional changes in Israel. The first of these was the campaign launched by the “Bema’agalei Tzedek” (“Paths of Righteousness”) Society for workers’ rights and the rights of the disabled; the second one was the campaign led by the consumer movement known as “Israel Yekara Lanu” against the cottage cheese producers as part of the social protest in the summer of 2011.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"154 1","pages":"245 - 277"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80912264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In December 1977, the Québec government, formed by the Parti québécois (PQ), amended the Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms to include sexual orientation as a prohibited ground of discrimination. Québec thus became the first jurisdiction in North America to prohibit discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. This paper examines the reasons why the PQ government stood ahead of everybody else in this matter. It argues that the Québec lesbian and gay movement drew on favorable political and cultural opportunities to secure legal protection against discrimination.
{"title":"Social Movements and Political Opportunities: Lesbians, Gays and the Inclusion of Sexual Orientation in the Québec Charter of Human Rights","authors":"M. Tremblay","doi":"10.1515/wps-2015-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In December 1977, the Québec government, formed by the Parti québécois (PQ), amended the Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms to include sexual orientation as a prohibited ground of discrimination. Québec thus became the first jurisdiction in North America to prohibit discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. This paper examines the reasons why the PQ government stood ahead of everybody else in this matter. It argues that the Québec lesbian and gay movement drew on favorable political and cultural opportunities to secure legal protection against discrimination.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"79 1","pages":"47 - 73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91003371","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article tries to theoretically re-conceptualize international organizations as world organizations. As International Relations Theories primarily concentrate on the linkage between states and international organizations they mostly neglect conceptualizing them and their changing roles in world politics. This contribution therefore suggests conceptualizing international organizations from an organization studies perspective as open system embedded in and influenced by its societal environment, i.e., world society. Thus, international organizations having no spatial restrictions concerning its membership shall be conceived as world organizations by differentiating four key characteristics: world semantics, inner world, external relations, and world order. Taking an open system’s perspective as the common ground for these four characteristics world organizations will be illustrated by focusing on the World Trade Organization and World Bank.
{"title":"World Organizations – (Re-)Conceptualizing International Organizations","authors":"Martin Koch","doi":"10.1515/wps-2015-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article tries to theoretically re-conceptualize international organizations as world organizations. As International Relations Theories primarily concentrate on the linkage between states and international organizations they mostly neglect conceptualizing them and their changing roles in world politics. This contribution therefore suggests conceptualizing international organizations from an organization studies perspective as open system embedded in and influenced by its societal environment, i.e., world society. Thus, international organizations having no spatial restrictions concerning its membership shall be conceived as world organizations by differentiating four key characteristics: world semantics, inner world, external relations, and world order. Taking an open system’s perspective as the common ground for these four characteristics world organizations will be illustrated by focusing on the World Trade Organization and World Bank.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"34 1","pages":"131 - 97"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90608098","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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