Abstract This study examines whether there is a curve linear relationship between economic development and greenhouse gas emissions, where poor and rich countries have low emissions while middle-income countries have high emissions. This is a controversial argument that suggests that persistent economic growth is the best means for achieving considerable emission reductions. The study contributes with new knowledge about the causes of variations in greenhouse gas emissions, by analyzing data for greenhouse gas emissions and testing economic explanations in relation to a broad array of political explanations. As the study demonstrates, there is a curve linear relationship between the level of economic development and greenhouse gas emissions, but the turning point – where a higher level of economic development starts to produce lower rather than higher emission levels – is far higher than previously thought. Among the study’s sample of countries, only the Scandinavian countries and Switzerland have experienced a sufficiently high level of economic development in order for increased wealth to result in lower emissions. Among the political impacts on greenhouse gas emissions, the study indicates that countries with consensual political systems produce lower emission levels than countries where the separation of powers is more centralized. A more robust “green” civil society leads to lower emissions in countries where the democratic system is functioning well, and ambitious targets regarding reduction of emissions in the Kyoto Protocol also seems to lower emissions.
{"title":"Political and Economic Effects on Greenhouse Gas Emissions – a Quantitative Study","authors":"Ole Martin Lægreid","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2014-0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2014-0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study examines whether there is a curve linear relationship between economic development and greenhouse gas emissions, where poor and rich countries have low emissions while middle-income countries have high emissions. This is a controversial argument that suggests that persistent economic growth is the best means for achieving considerable emission reductions. The study contributes with new knowledge about the causes of variations in greenhouse gas emissions, by analyzing data for greenhouse gas emissions and testing economic explanations in relation to a broad array of political explanations. As the study demonstrates, there is a curve linear relationship between the level of economic development and greenhouse gas emissions, but the turning point – where a higher level of economic development starts to produce lower rather than higher emission levels – is far higher than previously thought. Among the study’s sample of countries, only the Scandinavian countries and Switzerland have experienced a sufficiently high level of economic development in order for increased wealth to result in lower emissions. Among the political impacts on greenhouse gas emissions, the study indicates that countries with consensual political systems produce lower emission levels than countries where the separation of powers is more centralized. A more robust “green” civil society leads to lower emissions in countries where the democratic system is functioning well, and ambitious targets regarding reduction of emissions in the Kyoto Protocol also seems to lower emissions.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"60 1","pages":"313 - 341"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85535844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Some authors make the dominance of markets responsible for the current crisis of Western democracies. In order to prevent a further development in a post-democratic direction political science has to scrutinize all strategies that aim to establish a predominance of politics including strategies beyond a better market regulation and a further expansion of the welfare state. The paper examines selected contributions to normative political theory in search for models of (1) the democratization of the market economy, (2) the creation of a just economy and (3) the moralization of market economies. Are justifiable models for a democratized economy, a just economy or a moralized market presented in the literature? The distinction between organizations and transactions proves to be important in order to answer the question of how a reconfiguration of the market economy dominated by standards of justice and political equality could look like. Models of internal democratization and self-management have been developed for companies as the organizational part of market economies. In contrast, there is no way to democratize market transactions themselves. With reference to John Rawls and his conception of a property-owning democracy the article analyses the inherent tendency of market transactions to contribute to an accumulation of inequality and the institutional models to limit or to compensate for these side effects of markets.
{"title":"Towards a Political Theory of the Market Economy","authors":"Frank Nullmeier","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2014-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2014-0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Some authors make the dominance of markets responsible for the current crisis of Western democracies. In order to prevent a further development in a post-democratic direction political science has to scrutinize all strategies that aim to establish a predominance of politics including strategies beyond a better market regulation and a further expansion of the welfare state. The paper examines selected contributions to normative political theory in search for models of (1) the democratization of the market economy, (2) the creation of a just economy and (3) the moralization of market economies. Are justifiable models for a democratized economy, a just economy or a moralized market presented in the literature? The distinction between organizations and transactions proves to be important in order to answer the question of how a reconfiguration of the market economy dominated by standards of justice and political equality could look like. Models of internal democratization and self-management have been developed for companies as the organizational part of market economies. In contrast, there is no way to democratize market transactions themselves. With reference to John Rawls and his conception of a property-owning democracy the article analyses the inherent tendency of market transactions to contribute to an accumulation of inequality and the institutional models to limit or to compensate for these side effects of markets.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"4 1","pages":"281 - 311"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83021589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Despite many reforms, evidence from the past decade proves the Italian fiscal policy still being “irresponsible.” The article understands the problem from a public choice perspective: irresponsibility is a natural result of unconstrained “raw politics,” yet proper institutional designs can bring it under control. It then presents qualitative data showing how Italian irresponsibility follows inappropriate constraints, and explains why the recent European provisions can support a fruitful institutional change.
{"title":"Toward a Better Fiscal Governance?","authors":"A. Damonte","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2014-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2014-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Despite many reforms, evidence from the past decade proves the Italian fiscal policy still being “irresponsible.” The article understands the problem from a public choice perspective: irresponsibility is a natural result of unconstrained “raw politics,” yet proper institutional designs can bring it under control. It then presents qualitative data showing how Italian irresponsibility follows inappropriate constraints, and explains why the recent European provisions can support a fruitful institutional change.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"32 1","pages":"261 - 280"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76427086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Institutionalization processes are among the topics most researched by the literature on party systems. This literature is advanced and the debate has led to the construction of effective theoretical models. However, there are still discernible problems of different magnitudes: a) quite often the dynamic dimension related to the institutionalization of a party system and the static dimension, which detects an institutionalized party system (i.e., the outcome of a process of institutionalization) are not sufficiently distinct in the literature; b) static analysis has gathered comparatively much more attention; c) the literature dealing with the dynamic dimension of the problem does not adequately consider the interaction of causal, macro and idiosyncratic factors. This paper aims at dealing with these problems through the elaboration of a set of suggestions constituting a guide for the empirical analysis tested on the Italian and German cases during the 1940s and 1950s. This research shows that a greater attention to the dynamic analysis and to possible interactions among causal factors is able to enhance the understanding of the processes considered. Moreover, this approach provides us with crucial information on how a party system emerges and on how it consolidates itself.
{"title":"Party System Institutionalization: The Cases of Italy and the Federal Republic of Germany","authors":"Antonino Castaldo","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2014-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2014-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Institutionalization processes are among the topics most researched by the literature on party systems. This literature is advanced and the debate has led to the construction of effective theoretical models. However, there are still discernible problems of different magnitudes: a) quite often the dynamic dimension related to the institutionalization of a party system and the static dimension, which detects an institutionalized party system (i.e., the outcome of a process of institutionalization) are not sufficiently distinct in the literature; b) static analysis has gathered comparatively much more attention; c) the literature dealing with the dynamic dimension of the problem does not adequately consider the interaction of causal, macro and idiosyncratic factors. This paper aims at dealing with these problems through the elaboration of a set of suggestions constituting a guide for the empirical analysis tested on the Italian and German cases during the 1940s and 1950s. This research shows that a greater attention to the dynamic analysis and to possible interactions among causal factors is able to enhance the understanding of the processes considered. Moreover, this approach provides us with crucial information on how a party system emerges and on how it consolidates itself.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"52 1","pages":"187 - 216"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75774419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Marc Bühlmann, A. Vatter, Oliver Dlabac, H. Schaub
Abstract This article examines the widespread hypothesis that German-speaking Swiss cantons exhibit radical-democratic characteristics, while the Latin cantons possess stronger liberal-representative democratic profiles. Empirical and multi-dimensional measuring of the quality of democracy in the cantons shows that this hypothesis does not do the complexity of cantonal democracy justice. Today’s position of the cantons along the axes of liberal and radical democracy is best explained with reference to the strong liberal and democratic constitutional movements within the cantons during the middle of the 19th century.
{"title":"Liberal and Radical Democracies: The Swiss Cantons Compared","authors":"Marc Bühlmann, A. Vatter, Oliver Dlabac, H. Schaub","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2014-0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2014-0017","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines the widespread hypothesis that German-speaking Swiss cantons exhibit radical-democratic characteristics, while the Latin cantons possess stronger liberal-representative democratic profiles. Empirical and multi-dimensional measuring of the quality of democracy in the cantons shows that this hypothesis does not do the complexity of cantonal democracy justice. Today’s position of the cantons along the axes of liberal and radical democracy is best explained with reference to the strong liberal and democratic constitutional movements within the cantons during the middle of the 19th century.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"64 1","pages":"385 - 423"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85108650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article deals with the health systems of Lithuania and Estonia by evaluating their historical context, describing their development after regaining independence, presenting data on how the health care resources are distributed and what are the results of these systems. Although health care in these countries is financed at a similar level, the Estonian health system exceeds its Lithuanian (and Latvian) counterparts in many important aspects. It is argued that an essential impact on the differences in health care of the Baltic countries has been exerted by decisions regarding the financing and governance of the health system at the early period of the post-communist transformation.
{"title":"Development of Health Care in Lithuania and Estonia: Similar Conditions, Different Results","authors":"Liutauras Gudžinskas","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2013-0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2013-0016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article deals with the health systems of Lithuania and Estonia by evaluating their historical context, describing their development after regaining independence, presenting data on how the health care resources are distributed and what are the results of these systems. Although health care in these countries is financed at a similar level, the Estonian health system exceeds its Lithuanian (and Latvian) counterparts in many important aspects. It is argued that an essential impact on the differences in health care of the Baltic countries has been exerted by decisions regarding the financing and governance of the health system at the early period of the post-communist transformation.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"385 - 406"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91163930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract One of the features of organized Austrian capitalism is a tightly-knit corporate network (Austria Inc.) that facilitates control and coordination between companies. In the 1980s the subsidiaries of the Austrian industry-holding stock company (ÖIAG) and the largest banks were the central hubs of this network. Now, 30 years later, ÖIAG has privatized nearly all its companies and banks have not only merged and sold their equity interests, but also partly joined international business groups. Nevertheless, Austria Inc. has not eroded. By analyzing a network of personal connections between 1976 and 2000, I investigate in this article how the network has reconfigured to allow Austria Inc. to perpetuate. The analysis suggests three explanations: Despite extensive privatization of the economy, Austrian ownership continues to prevail within the network; the banking group Raiffeisen filled the gap that was opened by the withdrawal of the state from the economic sphere; members of the Austrian elite still use board meetings for social networking.
{"title":"Austria Inc. Forever? On the Stability of a Coordinated Corporate Network in Times of Privatization and Internationalization","authors":"Philipp Korom","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2013-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2013-0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract One of the features of organized Austrian capitalism is a tightly-knit corporate network (Austria Inc.) that facilitates control and coordination between companies. In the 1980s the subsidiaries of the Austrian industry-holding stock company (ÖIAG) and the largest banks were the central hubs of this network. Now, 30 years later, ÖIAG has privatized nearly all its companies and banks have not only merged and sold their equity interests, but also partly joined international business groups. Nevertheless, Austria Inc. has not eroded. By analyzing a network of personal connections between 1976 and 2000, I investigate in this article how the network has reconfigured to allow Austria Inc. to perpetuate. The analysis suggests three explanations: Despite extensive privatization of the economy, Austrian ownership continues to prevail within the network; the banking group Raiffeisen filled the gap that was opened by the withdrawal of the state from the economic sphere; members of the Austrian elite still use board meetings for social networking.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"41 1","pages":"357 - 383"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72695310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Electoral institutions shape the incentive that elected representatives have to cultivate a personal vote, a geographically concentrated personal vote in particular. But are electoral institutions able to make representatives do what they would not do otherwise and to make them not do what they otherwise would have done? Using data from the cross-national partirep MP survey, it is demonstrated that electoral institutions shape elected representatives’ local orientation. That local orientation decreases as district magnitude grows – regardless of what representatives think about political representation. But representatives’ conceptions of representation do shape their uptake in the legislative arena from their contacts with individual constituents. The effect of the electoral incentive grows stronger as elected representatives think of representation as a bottom-up rather than a top-down process.
{"title":"Electoral Competition and the Constituent-Representative Relationship","authors":"Audrey André, Sam Depauw","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2013-0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2013-0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Electoral institutions shape the incentive that elected representatives have to cultivate a personal vote, a geographically concentrated personal vote in particular. But are electoral institutions able to make representatives do what they would not do otherwise and to make them not do what they otherwise would have done? Using data from the cross-national partirep MP survey, it is demonstrated that electoral institutions shape elected representatives’ local orientation. That local orientation decreases as district magnitude grows – regardless of what representatives think about political representation. But representatives’ conceptions of representation do shape their uptake in the legislative arena from their contacts with individual constituents. The effect of the electoral incentive grows stronger as elected representatives think of representation as a bottom-up rather than a top-down process.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"9 1","pages":"337 - 355"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83074985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article demonstrates that the big electoral defeat for Danish social democracy in the 2001 elections was not solely the consequence of the immigration issue, but of the welfare state reforms implemented by the Social Democratic government (1993–2001). Social democratic core voters opposed the reforms since they broke with the decommodification paradigm and turned away from social democracy. Against the arguments from the literature, the left-wing competitor Socialist People’s Party’s could not benefit from the reforms given its function as supporter party. Rather, the reforms caused the realignment of social democratic core voters with the Liberals and the Danish People’s Party having expanded their voter base in 2001 as a consequence of the welfare reforms.
{"title":"The Electoral Consequences of Welfare State Reforms for the Danish Social Democrats","authors":"C. Arndt","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2013-0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2013-0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article demonstrates that the big electoral defeat for Danish social democracy in the 2001 elections was not solely the consequence of the immigration issue, but of the welfare state reforms implemented by the Social Democratic government (1993–2001). Social democratic core voters opposed the reforms since they broke with the decommodification paradigm and turned away from social democracy. Against the arguments from the literature, the left-wing competitor Socialist People’s Party’s could not benefit from the reforms given its function as supporter party. Rather, the reforms caused the realignment of social democratic core voters with the Liberals and the Danish People’s Party having expanded their voter base in 2001 as a consequence of the welfare reforms.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"344 1","pages":"319 - 335"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77781279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract A great number of scholarship has been devoted to examining the impacts of domestic politics to foreign policies. Many studies have also examined the impacts of international politics to domestic politics, focusing on democracy-building or constructing political institutions within the framework of the state-building. However, such scholarship has not focused enough on the impacts of international politics to opposition forces and their relationship to political conflict in the post-conflict era. In countries that have experienced regime change, the formerly exiled opposition forces that became the ruling parties had changed their policies under the influence of the host country and other foreign actors in international politics during their exile. This paper sheds light on the two main Iraqi Islamist parties, the Da‘wa Party and the SCIRI, and clarifies their changing policies under the influence of the host countries and international politics. It also makes clear how these changes were reflected by the political conflict in post-war Iraq. Scholars of Iraqi politics have discussed the reasons of political conflict in post-war Iraq as following: (1) sectarian conflicts as a result of the artificiality of the Iraqi state; and (2) struggles for the mobilization of votes in elections. Against these arguments, this paper considers the historical and international impacts on the formerly exiled Islamist ruling parties as a more significant factor in explaining the reasons for political conflict in post-war Iraq. By analyzing primary sources on segments of the Da‘wa Party and the SCIRI after their exile, the following two facts are clarified: First, the two Islamist parties came to have differing ideology as well as policy as a result of the influences from the host country and international politics, which reflected the political conflict in post-war Iraq. The SCIRI maintained good relations with the host country, Iran, and had its original Islamist ideology, while the Da‘wa Party, not being able to maintain cooperative relations with the host country, consequently changed its Islamist ideology to a more nationalist ideology under the direct influence of Western society. In the post-war era, the SCIRI attempted to construct a regional government in the south based on a transnational Islamist ideology, while the Da‘wa Party attempted to construct a centralized government based on a nationalism that aimed to strengthen national unity. Second, the international societies’ intervention into the Iraqi opposition forces created mutual distrust, which in turn prolonged political conflict in post-war era. Therefore, an analysis of the historical and international impacts on opposition forces is necessary to understand the reasons for the political struggles in the post-conflict countries.
{"title":"Foreign Impacts Revisited: Islamists’ Struggles in Post-War Iraq","authors":"Y. Dai","doi":"10.1515/wpsr-2013-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2013-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A great number of scholarship has been devoted to examining the impacts of domestic politics to foreign policies. Many studies have also examined the impacts of international politics to domestic politics, focusing on democracy-building or constructing political institutions within the framework of the state-building. However, such scholarship has not focused enough on the impacts of international politics to opposition forces and their relationship to political conflict in the post-conflict era. In countries that have experienced regime change, the formerly exiled opposition forces that became the ruling parties had changed their policies under the influence of the host country and other foreign actors in international politics during their exile. This paper sheds light on the two main Iraqi Islamist parties, the Da‘wa Party and the SCIRI, and clarifies their changing policies under the influence of the host countries and international politics. It also makes clear how these changes were reflected by the political conflict in post-war Iraq. Scholars of Iraqi politics have discussed the reasons of political conflict in post-war Iraq as following: (1) sectarian conflicts as a result of the artificiality of the Iraqi state; and (2) struggles for the mobilization of votes in elections. Against these arguments, this paper considers the historical and international impacts on the formerly exiled Islamist ruling parties as a more significant factor in explaining the reasons for political conflict in post-war Iraq. By analyzing primary sources on segments of the Da‘wa Party and the SCIRI after their exile, the following two facts are clarified: First, the two Islamist parties came to have differing ideology as well as policy as a result of the influences from the host country and international politics, which reflected the political conflict in post-war Iraq. The SCIRI maintained good relations with the host country, Iran, and had its original Islamist ideology, while the Da‘wa Party, not being able to maintain cooperative relations with the host country, consequently changed its Islamist ideology to a more nationalist ideology under the direct influence of Western society. In the post-war era, the SCIRI attempted to construct a regional government in the south based on a transnational Islamist ideology, while the Da‘wa Party attempted to construct a centralized government based on a nationalism that aimed to strengthen national unity. Second, the international societies’ intervention into the Iraqi opposition forces created mutual distrust, which in turn prolonged political conflict in post-war era. Therefore, an analysis of the historical and international impacts on opposition forces is necessary to understand the reasons for the political struggles in the post-conflict countries.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"69 1","pages":"155 - 172"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86896526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：