Pub Date : 2018-10-01DOI: 10.1515/wps-2018-frontmatter2
{"title":"Frontmatter","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/wps-2018-frontmatter2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2018-frontmatter2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"76 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81118442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In Denmark, as in other Western European countries, the working class does not vote for social democratic parties to the same extent as before. Yet, what role did the social democratic parties themselves play in the demobilization of class politics? Building on core ideas from public opinion literature, this article differs from the focus on party policy positions in previous work and, instead, focuses on the group-based appeals of the Social Democratic Party in Denmark. Based on a quantitative content analysis of party programs between 1961 and 2004, I find that, at the general level, class-related appeals have been replaced by appeals targeting non-economic groups. At the specific level, the class-related appeals that remain have increasingly been targeting businesses at the expense of traditional left-wing groups such as wage earners, tenants and pensioners. These findings support a widespread hypothesis that party strategy was crucial in the decline of class politics, but also suggests that future work on class mobilization should adopt a group-centered perspective.
{"title":"The Demobilization of Class Politics in Denmark: The Social Democratic Party’s Group-Based Appeals 1961–2004","authors":"Mads Thau","doi":"10.1515/WPS-2018-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/WPS-2018-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In Denmark, as in other Western European countries, the working class does not vote for social democratic parties to the same extent as before. Yet, what role did the social democratic parties themselves play in the demobilization of class politics? Building on core ideas from public opinion literature, this article differs from the focus on party policy positions in previous work and, instead, focuses on the group-based appeals of the Social Democratic Party in Denmark. Based on a quantitative content analysis of party programs between 1961 and 2004, I find that, at the general level, class-related appeals have been replaced by appeals targeting non-economic groups. At the specific level, the class-related appeals that remain have increasingly been targeting businesses at the expense of traditional left-wing groups such as wage earners, tenants and pensioners. These findings support a widespread hypothesis that party strategy was crucial in the decline of class politics, but also suggests that future work on class mobilization should adopt a group-centered perspective.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"22 1","pages":"169 - 188"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78899837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article criticises current conceptual frameworks focused on the evaluation of the performance of electoral systems. It offers a new tool allowing researchers to measure the size of the deviation of electoral outcomes from theoretical expectations. The index d=log[NS/(MS)1/6] is built on the Seat Product (Taagepera, Rein (2007b) Predicting Party Sizes: The Logic of Simple Electoral Systems. New York: Oxford University Press) and captures the deviations of electoral outcomes from predictions solely on the basis of two institutional factors – average district magnitude (M) and size of assembly (S). The theoretical background of index d is explained, and its reliability is further supported by conventional econometric methods based on empirical data.
{"title":"Theoretical Expectations and Actual Outcomes of Electoral Systems: How to Measure the Size of the Deviation?","authors":"Miroslav Nemčok, J. Sedó","doi":"10.1515/WPS-2018-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/WPS-2018-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article criticises current conceptual frameworks focused on the evaluation of the performance of electoral systems. It offers a new tool allowing researchers to measure the size of the deviation of electoral outcomes from theoretical expectations. The index d=log[NS/(MS)1/6] is built on the Seat Product (Taagepera, Rein (2007b) Predicting Party Sizes: The Logic of Simple Electoral Systems. New York: Oxford University Press) and captures the deviations of electoral outcomes from predictions solely on the basis of two institutional factors – average district magnitude (M) and size of assembly (S). The theoretical background of index d is explained, and its reliability is further supported by conventional econometric methods based on empirical data.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"67 1","pages":"189 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/WPS-2018-0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72541264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article combines Multiple Stream Framework and stage model to analyse developments in the European Union regulation of pesticides. In so doing the purpose of this article is threefold: first, it contributes to the theoretical literature by providing an argument in support of the merits of integration of approaches. Second, it provides a refinement of the Multiple Stream Approach by extending it from the original agenda setting stage to the entire policy process. Third, it explains policy changes in a crucial but under-researched area of EU regulation.
{"title":"The Merits of the Synthesis between Theories: An Explanation of Policy Change in European Regulation on Pesticides through the Multiple Stream Framework and the Stage Model","authors":"Emanuela Bozzini","doi":"10.1515/WPS-2018-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/WPS-2018-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article combines Multiple Stream Framework and stage model to analyse developments in the European Union regulation of pesticides. In so doing the purpose of this article is threefold: first, it contributes to the theoretical literature by providing an argument in support of the merits of integration of approaches. Second, it provides a refinement of the Multiple Stream Approach by extending it from the original agenda setting stage to the entire policy process. Third, it explains policy changes in a crucial but under-researched area of EU regulation.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"64 1","pages":"213 - 234"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90519637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article proposes a typological framework of myths which applies to empirical research on political thought. The framework introduces three typologies of myths distinguished by a subject criterion. Their subjects are things, people, and animals. Each typology consists of the dyads of antinomic ideal types located on continua by the extent of the valuation of the myth’s subject. The tool will help researchers identify the processes for understanding the revaluation and devaluation of the myth’s subject over time. Furthermore, it enables researchers to determine the extents of the diversification of mythical political thought as well as to distinguish between myths in their morphology. This research tool applies to empirical research because it encompasses the objectively identifiable and verifiable theoretical models consisting of the essential features of myths.
{"title":"The Typological Framework of Myths as a Tool for Studying Political Thought","authors":"J. Rak","doi":"10.1515/WPS-2018-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/WPS-2018-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article proposes a typological framework of myths which applies to empirical research on political thought. The framework introduces three typologies of myths distinguished by a subject criterion. Their subjects are things, people, and animals. Each typology consists of the dyads of antinomic ideal types located on continua by the extent of the valuation of the myth’s subject. The tool will help researchers identify the processes for understanding the revaluation and devaluation of the myth’s subject over time. Furthermore, it enables researchers to determine the extents of the diversification of mythical political thought as well as to distinguish between myths in their morphology. This research tool applies to empirical research because it encompasses the objectively identifiable and verifiable theoretical models consisting of the essential features of myths.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"148 1","pages":"235 - 256"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88653895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: The purpose of the article is to identify the conditions that affect the success of the European Parliament’s amendments in the ordinary legislative procedure. In the first step, hypotheses were delineated predicting the impact of specific factors on the effectiveness of EP demands. Subsequently, they were verified using the logistic regression. The results revealed that the EP is more likely to be successful in this procedure if it applies the following negotiation techniques. First, it bundles several legislative proposals in one package. Second, it persuades the European Commission to support its amendments. Third, it negotiates the legislative proposals in trilogues. Fourth, it is cohesive during negotiations. Fifth, it prolongs negotiations with the Council until the end of parliamentary term. Sixth, it designates a rapporteur from a country acting at the same time as the Council Presidency. Seventh, it negotiates with the Council when the Presidency legislative workload is high.
{"title":"How to Win the Brussels Game? Explaining the European Parliament’s Success under the Co-Decision","authors":"Adam Kirpsza","doi":"10.1515/wps-2018-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2018-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The purpose of the article is to identify the conditions that affect the success of the European Parliament’s amendments in the ordinary legislative procedure. In the first step, hypotheses were delineated predicting the impact of specific factors on the effectiveness of EP demands. Subsequently, they were verified using the logistic regression. The results revealed that the EP is more likely to be successful in this procedure if it applies the following negotiation techniques. First, it bundles several legislative proposals in one package. Second, it persuades the European Commission to support its amendments. Third, it negotiates the legislative proposals in trilogues. Fourth, it is cohesive during negotiations. Fifth, it prolongs negotiations with the Council until the end of parliamentary term. Sixth, it designates a rapporteur from a country acting at the same time as the Council Presidency. Seventh, it negotiates with the Council when the Presidency legislative workload is high.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"46 1","pages":"123 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88811686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Climate change is one of the major challenges of our time, and particularly so for agriculture. Agriculture is a significant contributor to climate change and, according to projections from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), will experience alterations in production conditions in the future. The Norwegian government’s 2009 White Paper on climate policy for agriculture is based on the point of view that the agricultural sector can and should contribute to Norway fulfilling its climate policy commitments. This requires changes in farm operations and production methods, making the farmer an important agent when it comes to the implementation of climate change mitigation measures. In this article, I study Norwegian farmers’ climate change perceptions and priorities, and examine what it would take for them to consider implementing mitigation measures on their own farms. The analysis is based on a survey focusing on climate change from a representative sample of Norwegian farmers in 2011, the only survey of its kind conducted on this group so far. The results show that even if farmers perceive climate change as real and manmade, they do not appear to experience the changes as requiring immediate action. Moreover, farmers seem to view adapting to new environmental policy as a greater challenge than adapting to climate change itself. Farmers also appear to place production-related goals and managing the farm economy higher on the agenda than curbing emissions. Financial incentives, in the form of public support schemes or higher prices for food produced in a more environmentally friendly way, are factors which could increase the likelihood of implementing environmental measures on their own farms. A majority of farmers also believe that sectors other than agriculture should contribute more to cuts in greenhouse gases. Factors that most clearly explain the variation in attitudes to climate change are education levels, political or ideological factors, and the feeling of proximity; that is to say, to what extent one perceives climate change to be something that will affect one’s own productivity in the future. In order to fulfill environmental policy commitments in the agricultural sector, farmers’ motivation must be strengthened, and the focus should be placed on measures that view productivity goals, farm economies and mitigation measures in a wider context.
{"title":"A Climate for Change? Norwegian Farmers’ Attitudes to Climate Change and Climate Policy","authors":"J. Brobakk","doi":"10.1515/wps-2018-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2018-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Climate change is one of the major challenges of our time, and particularly so for agriculture. Agriculture is a significant contributor to climate change and, according to projections from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), will experience alterations in production conditions in the future. The Norwegian government’s 2009 White Paper on climate policy for agriculture is based on the point of view that the agricultural sector can and should contribute to Norway fulfilling its climate policy commitments. This requires changes in farm operations and production methods, making the farmer an important agent when it comes to the implementation of climate change mitigation measures. In this article, I study Norwegian farmers’ climate change perceptions and priorities, and examine what it would take for them to consider implementing mitigation measures on their own farms. The analysis is based on a survey focusing on climate change from a representative sample of Norwegian farmers in 2011, the only survey of its kind conducted on this group so far. The results show that even if farmers perceive climate change as real and manmade, they do not appear to experience the changes as requiring immediate action. Moreover, farmers seem to view adapting to new environmental policy as a greater challenge than adapting to climate change itself. Farmers also appear to place production-related goals and managing the farm economy higher on the agenda than curbing emissions. Financial incentives, in the form of public support schemes or higher prices for food produced in a more environmentally friendly way, are factors which could increase the likelihood of implementing environmental measures on their own farms. A majority of farmers also believe that sectors other than agriculture should contribute more to cuts in greenhouse gases. Factors that most clearly explain the variation in attitudes to climate change are education levels, political or ideological factors, and the feeling of proximity; that is to say, to what extent one perceives climate change to be something that will affect one’s own productivity in the future. In order to fulfill environmental policy commitments in the agricultural sector, farmers’ motivation must be strengthened, and the focus should be placed on measures that view productivity goals, farm economies and mitigation measures in a wider context.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"5 1","pages":"55 - 79"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75202567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In the last decade, the propensity-to-vote (PTV) measure is being increasingly used in the research of electoral behavior. The purpose of this article is to explore the advantages and methodological issues of this measure, applying it for the analysis of the determinants of party choice in the 2016 Lithuanian parliamentary elections. In particular, the article explores the implications of using OLS regression for analysing a generic party with a stacked data matrix instead of cross-classified multilevel modeling.
{"title":"Analyzing Electoral Behavior Using PTV’s: Benefits and Methodological Issues","authors":"Ainė Ramonaitė","doi":"10.1515/wps-2018-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2018-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the last decade, the propensity-to-vote (PTV) measure is being increasingly used in the research of electoral behavior. The purpose of this article is to explore the advantages and methodological issues of this measure, applying it for the analysis of the determinants of party choice in the 2016 Lithuanian parliamentary elections. In particular, the article explores the implications of using OLS regression for analysing a generic party with a stacked data matrix instead of cross-classified multilevel modeling.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"97 1","pages":"81 - 99"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80062734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article defines public governance as the overall process of decision-making and implementation in solving public problems in a country, where public agencies or institutions initiate the process or are at least partially involved in the process. Under this definition, public governance can be classified into three modes according to the outcome: legal governance, performance-based governance, and consensus-oriented governance. Legal governance is a mode of governance close to Max Weber’s bureaucracy. Performance-based governance has focuses on how effectively and/or efficiently policy goals are achieved through decision-making and implementation. Finally, consensus-oriented governance is a mode of governance that calls for a political process to deal with various and conflicting interests. These three modes are different in terms of: who decides; the role of bureaucrats; the methods of decision making; and the nature of the interactions among actors. The critical factors that have a significant impact on the outcome of governance vary with each mode. Although in the real world, these three modes are often mixed and interrelated, it is necessary to distinguish them because it helps systematically analyze the phenomenon of governance. These three modes are particularly useful for understanding and analyzing the reality of governance in Korea and developing countries.
{"title":"Modes of Public Governance: A Typology Toward a Conceptual Modeling","authors":"D. Kong, Kiwoong Yoon","doi":"10.1515/wps-2018-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2018-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article defines public governance as the overall process of decision-making and implementation in solving public problems in a country, where public agencies or institutions initiate the process or are at least partially involved in the process. Under this definition, public governance can be classified into three modes according to the outcome: legal governance, performance-based governance, and consensus-oriented governance. Legal governance is a mode of governance close to Max Weber’s bureaucracy. Performance-based governance has focuses on how effectively and/or efficiently policy goals are achieved through decision-making and implementation. Finally, consensus-oriented governance is a mode of governance that calls for a political process to deal with various and conflicting interests. These three modes are different in terms of: who decides; the role of bureaucrats; the methods of decision making; and the nature of the interactions among actors. The critical factors that have a significant impact on the outcome of governance vary with each mode. Although in the real world, these three modes are often mixed and interrelated, it is necessary to distinguish them because it helps systematically analyze the phenomenon of governance. These three modes are particularly useful for understanding and analyzing the reality of governance in Korea and developing countries.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"3 1","pages":"145 - 167"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80824334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract It appears to be beyond dispute that Brazilian politics is overwhelmingly White. Recent surveys indicate that the proportion of people of colour in the federal parliament is around 20%. But despite such obvious marginalisation, little is known about the causes of this political under-representation. This paper attempts to shed light on the main filters driving out non-Whites, i.e. Blacks and Browns, from Brazilian politics. To this end, we have carried out a survey of the skin colour of candidates to a seat in the City Council of Brazil’s two largest cities: São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, in the 2012 elections. Given the lack of official records on the race or skin colour of these candidates, we chose to submit their photos, made publicly available by the Supreme Electoral Court, to classification by a team of researchers. The results have allowed us to gauge the extent to which the political alienation of non-White Brazilians is due to: (a) bias in party recruitment; (b) differences in educational capital and personal wealth between White and non-White candidates; (c) inequalities in the distribution of party and electoral resources; or (d) the electoral preferences of voters themselves. Apparently, the electoral opportunities of Blacks and Browns reflect the difficulties that these groups face when trying to ascend to the small elite of candidates that have the biggest funding and the most votes.
{"title":"The Colour of the Elected: Determinants of the Political Under-Representation of Blacks and Browns in Brazil","authors":"Luiz Augusto Campos, C. Machado","doi":"10.1515/wps-2018-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2018-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract It appears to be beyond dispute that Brazilian politics is overwhelmingly White. Recent surveys indicate that the proportion of people of colour in the federal parliament is around 20%. But despite such obvious marginalisation, little is known about the causes of this political under-representation. This paper attempts to shed light on the main filters driving out non-Whites, i.e. Blacks and Browns, from Brazilian politics. To this end, we have carried out a survey of the skin colour of candidates to a seat in the City Council of Brazil’s two largest cities: São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, in the 2012 elections. Given the lack of official records on the race or skin colour of these candidates, we chose to submit their photos, made publicly available by the Supreme Electoral Court, to classification by a team of researchers. The results have allowed us to gauge the extent to which the political alienation of non-White Brazilians is due to: (a) bias in party recruitment; (b) differences in educational capital and personal wealth between White and non-White candidates; (c) inequalities in the distribution of party and electoral resources; or (d) the electoral preferences of voters themselves. Apparently, the electoral opportunities of Blacks and Browns reflect the difficulties that these groups face when trying to ascend to the small elite of candidates that have the biggest funding and the most votes.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"42 1","pages":"1 - 26"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78899584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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