Abstract The voter strength of right-wing populist parties is regularly attributed either to a feeling of threat from a high proportion of local foreigners or to the lack of opportunities for contact between the majority and the minority. This contribution is theoretically based on a synthesis of these perspectives, known as the Halo effect. Accordingly, it is not so much the local size of the local population, which is perceived as foreign, but rather its relative proportion in the surrounding countryside, which leads to a diffuse feeling of threat. The electoral success of the Swiss People’s Party (SVP) at the level of the Swiss municipalities serves as a basis for the empirical investigation, which is conducted alternatively with the proportions of the foreign and Muslim population. For both groups, spatial multilevel regression models provide indications of a coexistence of direct negative effects of minority populations on the share of the SVP (in the sense of the contact hypothesis) and of Halo effects, with the direct effects appearing to be somewhat more pronounced. Socio-structural factors can reduce these correlations (high unemployment neutralises the negative effect of the proportion of foreigners) or intensify these correlations (a higher income level accentuates the Halo effect for Muslims).
{"title":"The Halo Effect: Perceptions of Diffuse Threat and SVP Vote Share","authors":"Noemi Martig, J. Bernauer","doi":"10.1515/wps-2018-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2018-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The voter strength of right-wing populist parties is regularly attributed either to a feeling of threat from a high proportion of local foreigners or to the lack of opportunities for contact between the majority and the minority. This contribution is theoretically based on a synthesis of these perspectives, known as the Halo effect. Accordingly, it is not so much the local size of the local population, which is perceived as foreign, but rather its relative proportion in the surrounding countryside, which leads to a diffuse feeling of threat. The electoral success of the Swiss People’s Party (SVP) at the level of the Swiss municipalities serves as a basis for the empirical investigation, which is conducted alternatively with the proportions of the foreign and Muslim population. For both groups, spatial multilevel regression models provide indications of a coexistence of direct negative effects of minority populations on the share of the SVP (in the sense of the contact hypothesis) and of Halo effects, with the direct effects appearing to be somewhat more pronounced. Socio-structural factors can reduce these correlations (high unemployment neutralises the negative effect of the proportion of foreigners) or intensify these correlations (a higher income level accentuates the Halo effect for Muslims).","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"23 1","pages":"27 - 54"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87299727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In the post-Cold War international society, third-party intervention has become increasingly common across various spheres. What were previously assumed to be domestic or bilateral issues have become of great interest to foreign governments and international organizations. Disputes over history, whose intensification in many parts of the world is also a recent political phenomenon, are no exception. Regarding past atrocities by one country upon another, the “victim” side seeks recognition and redress from third parties, while the “perpetrator” side tries to prevent such interference. This paper investigates the causes of such intervention and the consequences of it for bilateral relations between the intervenor and the “perpetrator” country, using the conflict between Armenia and Turkey over the recognition of the 1915–1916 Armenian Massacre as genocide as a case study. The results reveal that countries with a Christian majority and a large Armenian population typically conduct such intervention, and that although third-party intervention affects bilateral relations negatively, the effect is only temporary.
{"title":"Causes and Consequences of Third-Party Intervention in Disputes over History: Recognition of the Armenian Massacre as Genocide and Relations with Turkey","authors":"Naosuke Mukoyama","doi":"10.1515/wps-2018-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2018-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the post-Cold War international society, third-party intervention has become increasingly common across various spheres. What were previously assumed to be domestic or bilateral issues have become of great interest to foreign governments and international organizations. Disputes over history, whose intensification in many parts of the world is also a recent political phenomenon, are no exception. Regarding past atrocities by one country upon another, the “victim” side seeks recognition and redress from third parties, while the “perpetrator” side tries to prevent such interference. This paper investigates the causes of such intervention and the consequences of it for bilateral relations between the intervenor and the “perpetrator” country, using the conflict between Armenia and Turkey over the recognition of the 1915–1916 Armenian Massacre as genocide as a case study. The results reveal that countries with a Christian majority and a large Armenian population typically conduct such intervention, and that although third-party intervention affects bilateral relations negatively, the effect is only temporary.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"39 1","pages":"101 - 122"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84439058","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract When is a family poor? We examine what factors are emphasized when people judge whether a family is poor or not. The article is based on a factorial survey with 356 respondents who study social work, nursing, nursery teaching, nutrition and health. Based on theories of poverty, we study what aspects of a family’s life situation are accentuated when people judge whether the family is poor or not. The respondents primarily emphasize income in their poverty judgements. Some deprivations also enter into the judgements, while the duration of deprivations, gender and labor market participation have no or minimal significance for the judgements.
{"title":"A Danish Poverty Line? Poverty Judgements by Students of Social Work, Pedagogy and Health Services","authors":"Merete Monrad, Morten Ejrnæs, T. Fuglsang","doi":"10.1515/wps-2019-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2019-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract When is a family poor? We examine what factors are emphasized when people judge whether a family is poor or not. The article is based on a factorial survey with 356 respondents who study social work, nursing, nursery teaching, nutrition and health. Based on theories of poverty, we study what aspects of a family’s life situation are accentuated when people judge whether the family is poor or not. The respondents primarily emphasize income in their poverty judgements. Some deprivations also enter into the judgements, while the duration of deprivations, gender and labor market participation have no or minimal significance for the judgements.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"39 1","pages":"127 - 147"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-02-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73802940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract What has remained of Israel’s tent encampments protest; what mark has it left on Israeli society and politics? This paper seeks to answer these two questions and to reflect on the “post-protest” protest. In reviewing the different accounts of the 2011 protest I propose to identify two political actors – the “hegemonic” and the “subaltern” – taking part in an agonic game which destabilized the neoliberal order. Central to the analysis is an activist group – The Not Nice Trans.: The Not Nice invokes an utterance attributed to the then Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir labeling the Mizrahi social protest leaders of the early 1970s as “Not Nice.” There is however a distinction in the Hebrew language between Female and Male voice and the activist group here was self-labeled Lo Nekhmadim-Lo Nekhmadot, i.e. The Not Nice (m) – The Not Nice (f). To distinguish between the two we will use hereafter ‘Not-Nice’ to refer to the female-led splinter group and ‘The Not Nice’ to the group as a whole. (I am using The Not Nice and Not-Nice in their chronological content; Not-Nice became more prevalent since the split in the group leading to greater female predominance). – studied in consideration of its relations to the mainstream of the protest movement. The group’s activities and position challenge the conventional patterns of Israeli political discourse and its boundaries. It thus offers an opportunity to extend the discussion on citizenship and democracy beyond the liberal discourse and adopt the Radical Democracy theory as a conceptual framework to grasp present-day political reality.
{"title":"Shake the Tree or Rock the Boat: The Not Nice Protest and Radical Democracy in Israel","authors":"Gal Levy","doi":"10.1515/wps-2017-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2017-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract What has remained of Israel’s tent encampments protest; what mark has it left on Israeli society and politics? This paper seeks to answer these two questions and to reflect on the “post-protest” protest. In reviewing the different accounts of the 2011 protest I propose to identify two political actors – the “hegemonic” and the “subaltern” – taking part in an agonic game which destabilized the neoliberal order. Central to the analysis is an activist group – The Not Nice Trans.: The Not Nice invokes an utterance attributed to the then Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir labeling the Mizrahi social protest leaders of the early 1970s as “Not Nice.” There is however a distinction in the Hebrew language between Female and Male voice and the activist group here was self-labeled Lo Nekhmadim-Lo Nekhmadot, i.e. The Not Nice (m) – The Not Nice (f). To distinguish between the two we will use hereafter ‘Not-Nice’ to refer to the female-led splinter group and ‘The Not Nice’ to the group as a whole. (I am using The Not Nice and Not-Nice in their chronological content; Not-Nice became more prevalent since the split in the group leading to greater female predominance). – studied in consideration of its relations to the mainstream of the protest movement. The group’s activities and position challenge the conventional patterns of Israeli political discourse and its boundaries. It thus offers an opportunity to extend the discussion on citizenship and democracy beyond the liberal discourse and adopt the Radical Democracy theory as a conceptual framework to grasp present-day political reality.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"43 1","pages":"303 - 331"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73892657","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Choosing the type of electoral system in new democracies has become a contested issue for social scientists as well as for political actors. Contrary to the state of the public debate on the issue, the article advances the position from a multidisciplinary standpoint (political science, historical sociology, economics) that proportional representation with large districts and closed lists performs better on a variety of key indicators. We review recent literature on the performance of electoral systems especially in post-communist and Latin American democracies. The article identifies the centripetal theory of democracy as a normative basis for our institutional prescriptions and discusses how distinct types of political representation relate to the debate on electoral systems. We focus especially on four main concerns commonly associated with proportional representation (the rise of “extremist” parties, government instability, party system deconsolidation, and corruption and clientelism). Contrary to much of the public debate on electoral systems, we conclude that further steps towards personalization (by opening lists or reducing district magnitude) are not advisable.
{"title":"Proportional Representation, Large District Magnitude and Closed Lists","authors":"R. Buben, K. Kouba","doi":"10.1515/wps-2017-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2017-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Choosing the type of electoral system in new democracies has become a contested issue for social scientists as well as for political actors. Contrary to the state of the public debate on the issue, the article advances the position from a multidisciplinary standpoint (political science, historical sociology, economics) that proportional representation with large districts and closed lists performs better on a variety of key indicators. We review recent literature on the performance of electoral systems especially in post-communist and Latin American democracies. The article identifies the centripetal theory of democracy as a normative basis for our institutional prescriptions and discusses how distinct types of political representation relate to the debate on electoral systems. We focus especially on four main concerns commonly associated with proportional representation (the rise of “extremist” parties, government instability, party system deconsolidation, and corruption and clientelism). Contrary to much of the public debate on electoral systems, we conclude that further steps towards personalization (by opening lists or reducing district magnitude) are not advisable.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"4 1 1","pages":"151 - 191"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83802326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article presents an empirical analysis of the Italian Youth Guarantee (YG) based on the approach of the new policy design. After having reviewed the most recent literature concerning this analytical approach, it examines the rationales, actors, aims, and contextual factors, as well as the political dynamics, that characterised the design of the YG national plan and its first implementation at the local level. The article argues that the Youth Guarantee offered the opportunity to think about the reorganisation of responsibilities and operational governance mechanisms in the domain of active labour market policy. Although some innovations and discontinuities are evident, the path of reform is still largely incomplete.
{"title":"The Youth Guarantee in Italy and the New Policy Design Approach: Expectations, Hopes and Delusions","authors":"P. Vesan, R. Lizzi","doi":"10.1515/wps-2017-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2017-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article presents an empirical analysis of the Italian Youth Guarantee (YG) based on the approach of the new policy design. After having reviewed the most recent literature concerning this analytical approach, it examines the rationales, actors, aims, and contextual factors, as well as the political dynamics, that characterised the design of the YG national plan and its first implementation at the local level. The article argues that the Youth Guarantee offered the opportunity to think about the reorganisation of responsibilities and operational governance mechanisms in the domain of active labour market policy. Although some innovations and discontinuities are evident, the path of reform is still largely incomplete.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"708 1","pages":"247 - 271"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89770504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Corporations, as institutions that participate in the creation and perpetuation of gender-based injustices, have been neglected by feminist political philosophers and egalitarians in general. However, since gender-based inequalities within the family, the market, and in democratic participation are interconnected, critically scrutinizing institutions such as corporate organizations appears to be essential in order to achieve gender justice. This is our goal in this paper. In the first part, we look at the (surprising) domination of the ethics of care in the feminist literature on corporations. Since it focuses essentially on the goal of developing virtuous managers, we conclude that this ethics of care is misleading when it comes to thinking about the kinds of relations that characterize corporations and their much needed organizational transformation. In the second part, we attempt to highlight and articulate more explicitly the need for a critical analysis of corporations from the point of view of gender justice. Finally, having shown how purely “distributive” approaches of gender justice are unsatisfactory, we finish by outlining a multidimensional approach to gender (in)justice within and by corporate organizations. We do so by drawing on the insights of distributive, participatory, and relational accounts of equality.
{"title":"Justice, Gender, and Corporations. Outline of a Feminist Political Philosophy of the Corporation","authors":"N. Hamrouni, P. Néron","doi":"10.1515/wps-2017-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2017-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Corporations, as institutions that participate in the creation and perpetuation of gender-based injustices, have been neglected by feminist political philosophers and egalitarians in general. However, since gender-based inequalities within the family, the market, and in democratic participation are interconnected, critically scrutinizing institutions such as corporate organizations appears to be essential in order to achieve gender justice. This is our goal in this paper. In the first part, we look at the (surprising) domination of the ethics of care in the feminist literature on corporations. Since it focuses essentially on the goal of developing virtuous managers, we conclude that this ethics of care is misleading when it comes to thinking about the kinds of relations that characterize corporations and their much needed organizational transformation. In the second part, we attempt to highlight and articulate more explicitly the need for a critical analysis of corporations from the point of view of gender justice. Finally, having shown how purely “distributive” approaches of gender justice are unsatisfactory, we finish by outlining a multidimensional approach to gender (in)justice within and by corporate organizations. We do so by drawing on the insights of distributive, participatory, and relational accounts of equality.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"31 1","pages":"193 - 219"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74768508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper analyses the systemic framework of the operation of the Intelligence and Security Service – ISS, and the parliamentary supervision of its operations. It takes as its focus a case that occurred last year and was related to the Defence Minister’s commissioning of working materials from the Service on the effects that the privatization of the national telecommunications provider – Telekom Slovenije would have on the operation of the Service in the light of Slovenia’s defence interests. This work also presents a linguostylistic analysis of the media reports covering this case. The findings show that while after 25 years as an independent state Slovenia has established the institutional framework for the operation of the ISS and regulated parliamentary supervision of its work, it has not as yet managed to achieve the harmonized operation of all state policies in the field of national security. Rather than contributing to the solution of certain dilemmas regarding the legal, political and professional aspects of the operation of this civil intelligence and security service in the context of Slovenian national defence, the media reporting used a selection of foregrounded (marked) linguistic means in headlines to characterize the event as a scandal, and designate the ISS as a military intelligence service.
{"title":"Slovenia’s State Institutions in the Grip of Democratic Political Culture and the Media (The Telecom Case)","authors":"Monika Kalin Golob, Anton Grizold","doi":"10.1515/wps-2017-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2017-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper analyses the systemic framework of the operation of the Intelligence and Security Service – ISS, and the parliamentary supervision of its operations. It takes as its focus a case that occurred last year and was related to the Defence Minister’s commissioning of working materials from the Service on the effects that the privatization of the national telecommunications provider – Telekom Slovenije would have on the operation of the Service in the light of Slovenia’s defence interests. This work also presents a linguostylistic analysis of the media reports covering this case. The findings show that while after 25 years as an independent state Slovenia has established the institutional framework for the operation of the ISS and regulated parliamentary supervision of its work, it has not as yet managed to achieve the harmonized operation of all state policies in the field of national security. Rather than contributing to the solution of certain dilemmas regarding the legal, political and professional aspects of the operation of this civil intelligence and security service in the context of Slovenian national defence, the media reporting used a selection of foregrounded (marked) linguistic means in headlines to characterize the event as a scandal, and designate the ISS as a military intelligence service.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"122 1","pages":"363 - 387"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79902510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Performance management systems that include goal setting have become a widespread instrument in public management, intended to ensure that the entire organization is working to meet the same goals. One key question, however, is how public managers can ensure their employees’ commitment to the goals that management has chosen to prioritize. This article examines the importance of “co-determination” for the relationship between managers’ goal prioritization and the goal commitment of the employees in upper secondary schools in Denmark. Co-determination has the potential to create a common direction and committed employees, thereby rendering it a valuable tool for public managers in goal setting processes. Analysis of ten qualitative interviews with teachers and principals provides rich insight into the concept of co-determination in the context of Danish education, and a quantitative analysis of two parallel questionnaires with 73 principals and 1353 teachers reveals how co-determination has a positive impact on the association between a school principal’s prioritization of the goal of achieving a high completion rate and the teachers’ commitment to the goal.
{"title":"Co-Determination as a Path to Goal Commitment: Managing Danish Upper Secondary Schools","authors":"Camilla Denager Staniok","doi":"10.1515/wps-2017-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2017-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Performance management systems that include goal setting have become a widespread instrument in public management, intended to ensure that the entire organization is working to meet the same goals. One key question, however, is how public managers can ensure their employees’ commitment to the goals that management has chosen to prioritize. This article examines the importance of “co-determination” for the relationship between managers’ goal prioritization and the goal commitment of the employees in upper secondary schools in Denmark. Co-determination has the potential to create a common direction and committed employees, thereby rendering it a valuable tool for public managers in goal setting processes. Analysis of ten qualitative interviews with teachers and principals provides rich insight into the concept of co-determination in the context of Danish education, and a quantitative analysis of two parallel questionnaires with 73 principals and 1353 teachers reveals how co-determination has a positive impact on the association between a school principal’s prioritization of the goal of achieving a high completion rate and the teachers’ commitment to the goal.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"25 1","pages":"333 - 362"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74452140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article aims to describe the fundamental principles of the postmodern concepts of public life viewed from the perspective of neuroscience and cognitive science. Considering the fact that both systems of theories are focused on the psychobiological aspects of human mind and body, and in consequence they both endeavor to understand and explain the relations between brain, mind, and social environment (sphere), I decided to use this particular assumption as a starting point to analyse categories such as: public man, public sphere, space of life, modern and postmodern normative patterns, and heuristic paradigms of relationships between Nature, Society, and Culture. As a leading cognitive and interpretative approach I selected the theory of mental and cultural markers, based on somatic marker hypothesis presented by Antonio R. Damasio and the first-person ontology developed by John R. Searle. Ultimately, both concepts support a more extensive and complex approach in explaining direction of contemporary public debate and associated with it expectations to reorganize people’s life in terms of their physical and spiritual needs. The crucial role of the aforementioned changes has the embodied self – a source of unique and everyday experiences that stimulate the thoughts and emotions of men.
{"title":"A Postmodern Public Man and His Mental-Cultural Markers","authors":"Kazimierz Dziubka","doi":"10.1515/wps-2017-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/wps-2017-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article aims to describe the fundamental principles of the postmodern concepts of public life viewed from the perspective of neuroscience and cognitive science. Considering the fact that both systems of theories are focused on the psychobiological aspects of human mind and body, and in consequence they both endeavor to understand and explain the relations between brain, mind, and social environment (sphere), I decided to use this particular assumption as a starting point to analyse categories such as: public man, public sphere, space of life, modern and postmodern normative patterns, and heuristic paradigms of relationships between Nature, Society, and Culture. As a leading cognitive and interpretative approach I selected the theory of mental and cultural markers, based on somatic marker hypothesis presented by Antonio R. Damasio and the first-person ontology developed by John R. Searle. Ultimately, both concepts support a more extensive and complex approach in explaining direction of contemporary public debate and associated with it expectations to reorganize people’s life in terms of their physical and spiritual needs. The crucial role of the aforementioned changes has the embodied self – a source of unique and everyday experiences that stimulate the thoughts and emotions of men.","PeriodicalId":37883,"journal":{"name":"World Political Science","volume":"18 1","pages":"273 - 301"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91023150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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