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The uses and utility of intelligence: the case of the British Government during the War of the Spanish Succession 情报的使用和利用:以西班牙王位继承战争中的英国政府为例
Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1080/16161262.2021.2004029
Matthias Pohlig
ABSTRACT It is usually taken for granted that intelligence organisations provide information for decision-making and that the knowledge produced in the process is therefore deeply utilitarian. Drawing on organisational sociology, this article draws on a case study of English intelligence efforts during the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714) to reflect critically on the assumed direct relationship between intelligence-gathering and political decision-making. In eighteenth-century England, intelligence frequently fulfilled other, often more symbolic functions, for example when access to intelligence was employed to legitimise individual actors. In this sense, intelligence was doubtlessly useful, albeit in other ways than generally postulated by intelligence theory. These observations strongly suggest a ‘missing dimension’ in the history of intelligence in other periods as well as intelligence theory more generally.
摘要人们通常认为,情报机构为决策提供信息是理所当然的,因此,在决策过程中产生的知识具有很强的实用性。本文借鉴组织社会学,以西班牙王位继承战争(1701–1714)期间英国情报工作为案例研究,批判性地反思情报收集和政治决策之间假定的直接关系。在18世纪的英国,情报经常履行其他通常更具象征性的功能,例如,当获取情报被用来使个人行为者合法化时。从这个意义上说,智力无疑是有用的,尽管在其他方面比智力理论通常假设的要有用。这些观察有力地表明,在其他时期的智力史以及更普遍的智力理论中,有一个“缺失的维度”。
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引用次数: 0
Agents of influence: Britain’s secret intelligence war against the IRA 影响力的代理人:英国对爱尔兰共和军的秘密情报战
Pub Date : 2021-08-16 DOI: 10.1080/16161262.2021.1967656
Eleanor Leah Williams
Following revelations in the early 2000’s that agents Denis Donaldson and Stakeknife had been active in the Irish Republican movement, questions have been raised regarding the effectiveness of the UK’s intelligence war in Northern Ireland. Aaron Edwards’ latest book Agents of Influence provides a new contribution to this key debate. Whilst the broader literature on the IRA and the Peace Process has continued to address the debate surrounding who won the intelligence war, to date it has most notably been advanced by John Bew and Martyn Frampton, and more recently by Thomas Leahy. Agents of Influence contributes some enjoyable key features to the debate. Firstly, it provides a detailed explanation of the UK state’s intelligence mechanics during the Northern Ireland conflict, highlighting the subtle differences between agencies. The indepth understanding demonstrated is a welcome contribution to the field, and complements the work of Christopher Andrew. Edwards, like others before him, shines a light on the difficulties in coordination between different UK intelligence agencies from 1979 onwards. Moreover, he indicates that these issues were partly due to institutional competitiveness and different outlooks. Secondly, the book successfully showcases the challenges the intelligence agencies faced regarding the running of informers and agents. It highlights the ethical questions and debates surrounding informers and agents, and the challenges of balancing those concerns within the conflict. Indeed, the book implies that further guidance from politicians was needed in this field. Finally, Edwards’ range of new interview material used throughout the book is a standout feature. The author interviewed a large number of individuals from a wide range of backgrounds. A personal favourite of this reader were the extracts of interviews with Willie Carlin, a former agent for UK intelligence. Carlin’s testimony provides the reader with glimpses of the on-the-ground situation in Derry in the early 1980s. Agents of Influence argues that the IRA was defeated by the time they signed up to the Good Friday Agreement. However, contrary to Bew and Frampton, Edwards believes this was a ‘secret defeat’ as political intelligence played a major role. That is, agents of influence pushed UK state ideas of peace within the Republican movement, and within its inner-circle; protected the Republican leadership that was pro-peace; and, ensured that its critics were smeared. He acknowledges Leahy’s argument that intelligence did not influence the Republican movement’s armed or political strategy immensely during the conflict. Nonetheless, Edwards describes this argument as ‘just as one-dimensional as those which argue that agents – as just one intelligence-gathering tool – were chiefly responsible for bringing about the end of the IRA’s campaign’ (p. 226). To support the argument that the IRA was defeated, Edwards highlights the fact that they had to abandon the goal of a united Ir
2000年代初,特工Denis Donaldson和Stakeknife被揭露活跃在爱尔兰共和党运动中,人们对英国在北爱尔兰的情报战的有效性提出了质疑。亚伦·爱德华兹的最新著作《影响力的代理人》为这场关键的辩论做出了新的贡献。虽然关于爱尔兰共和军和和平进程的更广泛的文献继续讨论围绕谁赢得了情报战的辩论,但迄今为止,最引人注目的是约翰·贝和马丁·弗兰普顿,以及最近的托马斯·莱希。《影响力代理人》为这场辩论贡献了一些令人愉快的关键特征。首先,它详细解释了北爱尔兰冲突期间英国政府的情报机制,强调了各机构之间的微妙差异。所表现出的深入理解是对该领域的一个值得欢迎的贡献,也是对克里斯托弗·安德鲁工作的补充。爱德华兹和他之前的其他人一样,揭示了自1979年以来英国不同情报机构之间协调的困难。此外,他指出,这些问题的部分原因是体制竞争力和不同的观点。其次,这本书成功地展示了情报机构在管理告密者和特工方面面临的挑战。它强调了围绕告密者和代理人的道德问题和辩论,以及在冲突中平衡这些问题的挑战。事实上,这本书暗示,在这一领域需要政治家的进一步指导。最后,爱德华在整本书中使用的一系列新的采访材料是一个突出的特点。作者采访了许多背景广泛的人。这位读者个人最喜欢的是对前英国情报局特工威利·卡林的采访摘录。卡林的证词让读者看到了20世纪80年代初德里的实际情况。影响力代理人辩称,爱尔兰共和军在签署《耶稣受难日协议》时已经被击败。然而,与Bew和Frampton相反,Edwards认为这是一次“秘密失败”,因为政治情报发挥了重要作用。也就是说,影响力人物在共和党运动及其核心圈子内推动了英国国家的和平理念;保护支持和平的共和党领导层;并确保其批评者受到诽谤。他承认莱希的论点,即情报在冲突期间并没有对共和党运动的武装或政治战略产生巨大影响。尽管如此,Edwards将这一论点描述为“与那些认为特工——作为一种情报收集工具——对爱尔兰共和军运动的结束负有主要责任的人一样一维”(第226页)。为了支持爱尔兰共和军被击败的说法,爱德华兹强调了一个事实,即他们不得不在耶稣受难日谈判中放弃统一爱尔兰的目标。这场争论的核心是他对前爱尔兰共和军志愿者安东尼·麦金太尔的采访。麦金太尔重申,爱尔兰共和军之所以被击败,是因为
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引用次数: 0
Falsification in the sources of the history of Russian America and their effects 俄美历史渊源的证伪及其影响
Pub Date : 2021-07-28 DOI: 10.1080/16161262.2021.1960720
A. V. Grinëv
ABSTRACT Intentional or unintentional falsification of data, understatement of information, distortion of statistics, manipulation or invention of new facts are periodically encountered in official documents connected with Russian colonization of America. People in Alaska and St. Petersburg who managed the process of colonization, as well as the highest officials of the empire, resorted to such methods. Some falsifications were revealed during the time of Russian America, others continue their existence up to the present on the pages of the works of historians. The most negative effects resulted from falsifications based on which important and extremely rash management decisions were made. As an example, it is possible to cite the royal decree of 4 September 1821, which resulted in serious consequences for Russian America and the birth of the famous Monroe Doctrine in Washington, as well as press materials, documents, and notes of officials related to preparation for the sale of Alaska to the United States in 1867.
在与俄罗斯殖民美洲有关的官方文件中,经常会遇到有意或无意伪造数据、低估信息、扭曲统计数据、操纵或捏造新事实的情况。在阿拉斯加和圣彼得堡管理殖民过程的人,以及帝国的最高官员,都采用了这种方法。有些伪造是在俄属美洲时期发现的,有些则一直存在于历史学家的著作中,直到现在。最不利的影响来自于作出重大和极其轻率的管理决定所依据的弄虚作假。例如,可以引用1821年9月4日的皇家法令,该法令对俄属美国造成了严重后果,并在华盛顿诞生了著名的门罗主义,以及与1867年准备将阿拉斯加出售给美国有关的新闻材料、文件和官员的笔记。
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引用次数: 0
Citadel, Prokhorovka and Kharkov: The Armoured Losses of the II SS Panzer Korps Sonderverbände During the Battle of Kursk, July-August 1943 城堡,普罗霍罗夫卡和哈尔科夫:第二党卫队装甲军的装甲损失Sonderverbände在库尔斯克战役期间,1943年7月至8月
Pub Date : 2021-03-11 DOI: 10.1080/16161262.2021.1889278
Ben Wheatley
ABSTRACT The three armoured SS Sonderverbände (special units) Leibstandarte, Das Reich and Totenkopf which constituted the II SS Panzer Korps played a key role during the battle of Kursk (5.7–23.8.1943), first during Operation Citadel (5–16.7.43) and then (minus the Leibstandarte) during the defence of Kharkov (3–23.8.43). For the first time, as a result of a recent archival discovery (complete armoured inventories for 20.7.43 and 1.8.43), this article can give the exact number of armoured losses the II SS Panzer Korps sustained during Operation Citadel, which included the supposedly crippling armoured battle of Prokhorovka (12.7.43). The article also establishes the actual number of operational AFV that was available to the II SS Panzer Korps before, during and after Operation Citadel. Taken together this information allows for a detailed examination of Hitler’s strategy preceding the defence of Kharkov, including his decision to send the II SS Panzer Korps to the Mius Front (30.7–2.8.43).
摘要组成第二亲卫队装甲部队的三支装甲党卫军Sonderverbände(特种部队)“警卫旗队”、“帝国”和“托滕科普夫”在库尔斯克战役(5.7-238.1943)中发挥了关键作用,首先是在“城堡行动”(5-16.7.43)中,然后是在哈尔科夫防御战(3-23.843)中(不包括警卫旗队),由于最近的档案发现(20.7.43和1.8.43的完整装甲库存),本文可以给出第二亲卫队装甲部队在“城堡行动”期间遭受的装甲损失的确切数字,这篇文章还确定了在城堡行动之前、期间和之后,第二亲卫队装甲部队可使用的AFV的实际数量。综合这些信息,可以详细检查希特勒在保卫哈尔科夫之前的战略,包括他决定派遣第二亲卫队装甲部队前往米乌斯阵线(30.7–2.8.43)。
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引用次数: 0
Decoding the Samba spy scandal:false spies, counterintelligence and military intelligence in India 解码桑巴间谍丑闻:假间谍,反间谍和军事情报在印度
Pub Date : 2021-03-03 DOI: 10.1080/16161262.2021.1882090
Ryan Shaffer
ABSTRACT This article explores the Samba spy scandal to understand Indian counterintelligence and inter-agency intelligence coordination. The scandal publicly emerged in 1979 when dozens of Indian military intelligence officers were arrested for being Pakistani spies. The article examines the accused men’s confessions of selling information to Pakistan’s Field Intelligence Unit and how later they said the admissions were false and provided under torture. Then it describes senior intelligence and military leaders airing their suspicions that the men were innocent as well as a significant statement from a Pakistani spy a decade later. However, a 2014 Supreme Court ruling officially ‘stamped’ the men spies without any hope for clearing their names. The article analyses primary sources, interviews, news articles and court rulings, concluding that the scandal reveals poor Indian military counterintelligence and a lack of inter-agency cooperation.
本文探讨了桑巴间谍丑闻,以了解印度的反间谍和机构间情报协调。1979年,数十名印度军事情报官员因担任巴基斯坦间谍而被捕,这一丑闻被公开曝光。这篇文章审查了被告男子向巴基斯坦情报部门出售情报的供词,以及他们后来如何说这些供词是虚假的,是在酷刑下提供的。然后,它描述了高级情报和军事领导人对这些人是无辜的怀疑,以及十年后巴基斯坦间谍的一份重要声明。然而,2014年最高法院的一项裁决正式“打上”了间谍的标签,让他们没有任何洗清罪名的希望。这篇文章分析了主要消息来源、采访、新闻报道和法院裁决,得出的结论是,这起丑闻暴露出印度军方反情报工作不力,缺乏机构间合作。
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引用次数: 0
Soviet Intent at the Dawn of the Cold War: Igor Gouzenko’s Revelations About GRU Intelligence Taskings 苏联在冷战初期的意图:Igor Gouzenko对GRU情报任务的启示
Pub Date : 2021-02-25 DOI: 10.1080/16161262.2021.1892997
Kevin P. Riehle
ABSTRACT When Igor Gouzenko defected in September 1945, be brought with him a package of documents, supplemented by what he carried in his memory, that gave a clear picture of the types of agents Soviet military intelligence was tasked to recruit and the information the GRU sought from them. Historians differ on the role Gouzenko and his revelations played at the outset of the Cold War, some seeing it as pivotal, while others pay little attention to it at all. This article sits between those two poles to explore the question: what insights did Gouzenko's revelations give about GRU priorities--and thence Soviet priorities--at the end of World War II? This article examines the categories of information that the GRU sought, including military, science and technology, and political information. GRU collection of this information, the sources it targeted for recruitment, and the urgency it placed on clandestinity of handling those sources, revealed the military and political intelligence the Soviet Union sought to fight the next war. . Taken together, Gouzenko's material showed a Soviet Union that was preparing for war against the United States and Great Britain even before World war II ended.
1945年9月,Igor Gouzenko叛逃时,他随身携带了一包文件,其中还包括他记忆中的内容,这些文件清楚地说明了苏联军事情报部门要招募的特工类型,以及GRU从他们那里寻求的信息。历史学家对古琴科及其披露的信息在冷战开始时所起的作用看法不一,一些人认为它至关重要,而另一些人则根本不关注它。本文介于这两个极端之间,探讨一个问题:古琴科的爆料让我们对格鲁乌——以及苏联——在二战结束时的优先事项有了什么见解?本文考察了GRU寻求的信息类别,包括军事、科技和政治信息。格鲁乌收集的这些信息,它招募的目标来源,以及它对秘密处理这些来源的紧迫性,揭示了苏联试图打下一场战争的军事和政治情报。综合来看,古琴科的材料表明,在第二次世界大战结束之前,苏联就已经在准备与美国和英国开战了。
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引用次数: 0
Early intelligence assessments of COMBLOC computing COMBLOC计算的早期情报评估
Pub Date : 2021-02-13 DOI: 10.1080/16161262.2021.1884791
J. Work
ABSTRACT Espionage driven acquisition of Western technology played a key role in the development of computer science and technology for Warsaw Pact services during the Cold War period. US, UK, and other Allied nations, recognized this new field was inextricably linked at its creation to cryptography, navigation, weapons guidance, and a host of other military and dual-use applications. As a result, the Free World powers imposed export control restrictions that were intended to embargo the transfer of equipment and knowledge, in order to preserve hard-won advantage that recent wartime experience had taught could be fleeting under the intense pressures of innovation and adaption in combat. Despite such controls, Soviet foreign intelligence services provided critical early access that led to duplication of systems that were to some degree comparable in purpose and quality from the outset, and loomed larger still in the long shadow of intended future R&D pathways. Western intelligence services were not blind to this behavior; through unique collection approaches and sustained analytic efforts, they sought to track the state of Soviet computing and its role in strategic, military, and economic applications. This effort was effectively the dawn of the cyber intelligence mission.
摘要冷战期间,以间谍为驱动的西方技术收购在华约服务的计算机科学和技术发展中发挥了关键作用。美国、英国和其他盟国认识到,这一新领域在创建时与密码学、导航、武器制导以及许多其他军事和军民两用应用密不可分。因此,自由世界大国实施了出口管制限制,旨在阻止设备和知识的转让,以保持来之不易的优势,而最近的战争经验表明,在战斗中创新和适应的巨大压力下,这种优势可能会转瞬即逝。尽管有这样的控制,苏联的外国情报部门还是提供了关键的早期访问,这导致了系统的重复,这些系统从一开始就在目的和质量上具有一定的可比性,并且在未来研发道路的漫长阴影下显得更大。西方情报部门并没有对这种行为视而不见;通过独特的收集方法和持续的分析工作,他们试图追踪苏联计算机的状况及其在战略、军事和经济应用中的作用。这一努力实际上是网络情报任务的开端。
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引用次数: 1
The Imperial Japanese Army’s Tokumu Kikan – Special Service Organisations: Connections Between Wartime and Peacetime Intelligence Activities 日本帝国陆军的德务纪事——特殊服务机构:战时与和平时期情报活动之间的联系
Pub Date : 2021-02-11 DOI: 10.1080/16161262.2021.1889277
James D. Llewelyn
ABSTRACT The Imperial Japanese Army’s (IJA) Tokumu Kikan, or Special Service Organisations were special warfare units that specialised in HUMINT collection and fifth column activities. These small well-trained military-civilian elite units were force multipliers for the IJA, operating in China, as well as across Southeast Asia in support of Japan’s southward advance. Under central figures such as former chief of IJA intelligence, Lieutenant General Arisue Seizō, many wartime Tokumu Kikan personnel undertook a suite of new intelligence activities in the post-war period – inside Japan and in neighbouring countries – as Japan sought to manage its defeat and occupation, and rebuild its intelligence capabilities.
摘要日本帝国陆军(IJA)的特勤组织是专门从事人类情报收集和第五纵队活动的特种作战部队。这些训练有素的小型军民精锐部队是日本帝国陆军的力量倍增器,在中国以及整个东南亚开展行动,支持日本向南推进。在日本国际协力团前情报局长Arisue Seizō中将等核心人物的领导下,许多战时的Tokumu Kikan人员在战后期间——在日本国内和邻国——开展了一系列新的情报活动,因为日本试图控制其战败和占领,并重建其情报能力。
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引用次数: 0
‘Heil England!’ Reggie Sutton-Pratt, British Military Attaché in Stockholm 1939-1945 “英格兰万岁”!——雷吉·萨顿-普拉特(Reggie Sutton-Pratt), 1939-1945年驻斯德哥尔摩英国武官
Pub Date : 2021-02-11 DOI: 10.1080/16161262.2021.1884792
John Gilmour
ABSTRACT During the Second World War, neutral Sweden was regarded by Britain as an important source of intelligence but the activities and contribution of the Stockholm Military Attaché, Reginald Sutton-Pratt to the sourcing, management and communication of British military intelligence have not been previously assessed. Sutton-Pratt was a key figure in Anglo-Swedish ‘intelligence liaison,’ that enabled Britain to estimate the military capability of this neutral in the event of German invasion. Intelligence liaison required competences that facilitated cooperation between senior Swedish and British military officers to a perhaps surprising degree. Additionally, Sutton-Pratt maintained Norwegian sources that provided detailed intelligence about German deployment and activities in the occupied territory. He also sourced intelligence from escaped British POWs for MI9. Sutton-Pratt’s valuable position as an accredited attaché was threatened by his involvement in SIS and SOE operations but he avoided being recalled. In addition to his intelligence roles, he worked assiduously to contribute to the British war effort across a range of activities such as military supplies to Finland during the Winter War and prisoner exchange with the Germans.
摘要在第二次世界大战期间,中立的瑞典被英国视为重要的情报来源,但斯德哥尔摩武官雷金纳德·萨顿·普拉特在英国军事情报的来源、管理和沟通方面的活动和贡献此前尚未得到评估。萨顿·普拉特是英国-瑞典“情报联络”的关键人物,这使英国能够在德国入侵的情况下估计中立国的军事能力。情报联络所需的能力有助于瑞典和英国高级军官之间的合作,其程度可能令人惊讶。此外,Sutton Pratt还保留了挪威的消息来源,提供了有关德国在被占领土部署和活动的详细情报。他还为军情九处从逃跑的英国战俘那里获得情报。Sutton Pratt作为一名合格武官的宝贵地位因其参与SIS和SOE运营而受到威胁,但他避免被召回。除了担任情报职务外,他还在一系列活动中为英国的战争努力做出了不懈的贡献,如冬季战争期间向芬兰提供军事物资,以及与德国人交换囚犯。
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引用次数: 0
Purges of Intelligence Services: Motives, Methods, and Consequences 情报机构的清洗:动机、方法和后果
Pub Date : 2021-02-11 DOI: 10.1080/16161262.2021.1889191
John A. Gentry
ABSTRACT The intelligence literature little addresses why national leaders purge their intelligence agencies as a variety of ‘reform’. Motives and consequences have varied dramatically over time, across countries, and by regime type. This article describes and assesses historical reasons for, and consequences of, intelligence purges. It applies these lessons to assess whether a purge might usefully address what some Americans consider to be the excessive independence of US intelligence agencies and their resultant insubordination to all modern presidents, especially to President Donald Trump.
情报文献很少提到为什么国家领导人清洗他们的情报机构作为各种“改革”。动机和后果随着时间、国家和政权类型的不同而发生了巨大的变化。这篇文章描述并评估了情报清洗的历史原因和后果。它运用这些经验教训来评估清洗是否可能有效地解决一些美国人认为的美国情报机构过度独立的问题,以及它们由此对所有现代总统(尤其是唐纳德•特朗普总统)的不服从。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Intelligence History
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