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#HandsoffEthiopia: ‘Partiality’, Polarization and Ethiopia’s Tigray Conflict # handsof埃塞俄比亚:“偏袒”、两极分化和埃塞俄比亚的提格雷冲突
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984x-14010007
J. Fisher
Over a year since the outbreak of war in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, the fighting continues. Indeed, the conflict theatre has now expanded considerably, with devastating consequences for many Ethiopians. With atrocities committed by all sides and a profound humanitarian crisis underway, the conflict currently stands as testament to the emptiness of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) commitments made by states and organisations across the world. This essay highlights two problematiques the Tigray conflict, and its consequences, raise for supporters and practitioners of R2P. The first relates to the relationships between R2P, social media access and governance, the second the ease with which R2P calls by Western actors especially can intersect with domestic discourses around cynical, untrustworthy and disingenuous outsiders. This is particularly so in a region where Western agendas have traditionally focused on their own geo-strategic and security concerns. Both, it is suggested, have served to reinforce the positions of the respective belligerents, making peace – sadly – a more distant prospect.
埃塞俄比亚北部提格雷地区爆发战争一年多以来,战斗仍在继续。事实上,冲突战场现在已经大大扩大,给许多埃塞俄比亚人带来了毁灭性的后果。由于各方都犯下了暴行,一场深刻的人道主义危机正在上演,目前的冲突证明了世界各国和组织对“保护责任”(R2P)的承诺是空洞的。这篇文章强调了提格雷冲突及其后果给R2P的支持者和实践者带来的两个问题。第一个问题与R2P、社交媒体访问和治理之间的关系有关,第二个问题是,西方行动者尤其容易发出R2P呼吁,这可能与国内围绕着愤世嫉俗、不可信和虚伪的局外人的话语相交。在一个西方传统上关注自身地缘战略和安全问题的地区,情况尤其如此。有人认为,这两者都加强了各自交战方的阵地,可悲的是,使和平成为一个更加遥远的前景。
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引用次数: 3
The United Nations Security Council Resolution 2417 on Starvation and Armed Conflicts and Its Limits: Tigray/Ethiopia as an Example 联合国安理会关于饥饿与武装冲突及其限制的第2417号决议:以提格雷/埃塞俄比亚为例
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984x-14010005
F. Tefera
The 2018 United Nations Security Council Resolution 2417 makes a significant contribution to the growing normative framework that is considering famines as subjects of global peace and security. The Resolution’s limits and blind spots in connection with non-state armed groups, the use of human shields, and the politics of humanitarian intervention are raised and discussed in this essay. The current armed conflict and risk of famine in Ethiopia is used an example for these discussions.
2018年联合国安全理事会第2417号决议为日益完善的将饥荒视为全球和平与安全主题的规范框架作出了重大贡献。本文提出并讨论了该决议在非国家武装团体、使用人体盾牌和人道主义干预政治方面的限制和盲点。以埃塞俄比亚当前的武装冲突和饥荒风险为例进行讨论。
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引用次数: 1
The Usage and Usefulness of History 历史的用法和用处
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984x-14010012
S. Karstedt
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Imperfection: The Demands of the International Responsibility to Protect 超越不完美:国际保护责任的要求
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984x-14010002
J. Pattison
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引用次数: 0
What Is a Safe Area? Definition, Typology and Empirical Cases 什么是安全区?定义、类型学和经验案例
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-08-30 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984x-13020018
Robin Hering
In today’s conflicts, the number of people needing physical protection is at an all-time high. Often, protection is provided by the creation of safe areas. Although the notion largely disappeared after the Srebrenica genocide, safe areas have continued to exist empirically. Recently, safe areas had a minor revival in academic analysis and in the political rhetoric vis-à-vis Syria. Yet, fundamental gaps remain as it is still unclear what a safe area actually is and whether all safe areas function in the same way. This article develops a precise definition and comprehensive typology of safe areas. The definition is based on considerations regarding geographical limitation and location, target group, kind of provided protection, involved actors, and effective existence. Furthermore, four ideal types of safe areas are identified based on a division between belligerents’ consent/international presence and different geographical sizes. This is complemented by an extensive collection of empirical cases since 1900.
在当今的冲突中,需要人身保护的人数创历史新高。通常,保护是通过建立安全区来提供的。虽然这个概念在斯雷布雷尼察种族灭绝之后基本上消失了,但根据经验,安全区仍然存在。最近,关于安全区的学术分析和针对-à-vis叙利亚的政治言论略有复苏。然而,根本的差距仍然存在,因为目前还不清楚安全区到底是什么,以及所有安全区是否都以同样的方式运作。本文发展了安全区的精确定义和综合类型。该定义是基于地理限制和地理位置、目标群体、提供保护的种类、涉及的行为主体和有效存在等方面的考虑。此外,根据交战各方同意/国际存在和不同地理面积的划分,确定了四种理想类型的安全区。自1900年以来大量收集的经验案例补充了这一点。
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引用次数: 0
‘No Ideas but in Things’: The Responsibility to Protect as Assemblage “无思想而有物”:作为集合的保护责任
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-08-27 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984x-13020017
J. Maclennan
This article establishes the need to engage with the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) as an assemblage in order to reckon with how material influences shape its politics. Through an analysis of the 2011 United States and North Atlantic Treaty Organization intervention in Libya, the paper illustrates how particular tools and techniques influence R2P. The example shows how the original impetus of the intervention was mediated and translated by the particular collection of elements brought together to realise the intervention in Libya. Rather than argue this illustrates how R2P is defined by specific techniques, the article situates and then builds upon the extant literature by labelling R2P as an assemblage. In this way the article highlights how material influences and the importance of mediation are missed in the extant literature. Further, it concludes by arguing for a more productive research agenda that foregrounds empirical engagements with specific practices in order to develop the current literature.
本文确立了与保护责任组织(R2P)合作的必要性,以便考虑物质影响如何塑造其政治。通过分析2011年美国和北大西洋公约组织对利比亚的干预,本文说明了特定的工具和技术如何影响R2P。这个例子显示了干预的原始动力是如何被一系列特定的因素所调解和转化的,这些因素汇集在一起,实现了对利比亚的干预。本文并没有争论这说明了R2P是如何通过特定的技术来定义的,而是通过将R2P标记为一个集合来定位并建立在现有文献的基础上。通过这种方式,文章强调了现存文献中物质影响和调解的重要性是如何被忽视的。此外,本文最后提出了一个更有成效的研究议程,强调与具体实践的实证接触,以发展当前的文献。
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引用次数: 0
Trading Freedoms for Protection: Gender and Localised Protection in Libya 贸易自由与保护:利比亚的性别与本地化保护
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-08-24 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984x-13020016
Outi Donovan
Much has been written on the 2011 intervention in Libya and its implications to the R2P principle, but we know less about the lived experience of protection in a context where the post-intervention responsibility for protecting civilians was quickly transferred to the interim authorities who had limited governance capacity. This has resulted in ‘localised protection’ where militias, tribal elders, and family members constitute the main actors providing protection to their respective communities. Although this is in line with the growing emphasis on local ownership underwriting UN and donor discourse, a troubling upshot of the localised protection is that it often disempowers, and at times subjects the protected to further insecurity and violence. The aim of this analysis is to explore this dynamic of protection and insecurity. I draw on feminist theorising of the masculine protection logic and argue that civilians in Libya negotiate multiple, gendered protection bargains that often produce perverse outcomes, by subjecting the ‘protected’ to renewed or increased insecurities, rather than reducing them.
关于2011年对利比亚的干预及其对R2P原则的影响已经写了很多,但在干预后保护平民的责任迅速转移到治理能力有限的临时当局的背景下,我们对保护平民的实际经验知之甚少。这导致了“局部保护”,民兵、部落长老和家庭成员构成了为各自社区提供保护的主要行为者。尽管这与联合国和捐助者话语中日益强调的地方所有权相一致,但本地化保护的一个令人不安的后果是,它往往会剥夺被保护者的权力,有时还会使被保护者面临进一步的不安全和暴力。本分析的目的是探讨这种保护和不安全感的动态关系。我借鉴了男性保护逻辑的女权主义理论,并认为利比亚的平民进行了多重的、性别化的保护谈判,这往往会产生反常的结果,使“被保护的”重新或增加不安全感,而不是减少不安全感。
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引用次数: 1
Kate Ferguson, Architectures of Violence: The Command Structures of Modern Mass Atrocities 《暴力架构:现代大规模暴行的指挥结构》,凯特·弗格森著
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-08-20 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984x-13020019
Adam Lupel
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引用次数: 0
Cultural Destruction and Mass Atrocity Crimes: Strengthening Protection of Intangible Cultural Heritage 文化破坏与大规模暴力犯罪:加强非物质文化遗产保护
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-07-30 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984x-13020015
J. Paauwe, Jahaan Pittalwala
Attacks against or affecting cultural heritage have been prosecuted exclusively as war crimes at both the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Court. However, this jurisprudence has limited the very concept of cultural heritage to solely tangible or physical manifestations of culture, excluding the numerous intangible cultural expressions of a given collective. This has precluded a constitutive link between attacks on cultural elements and crimes against humanity and genocide, and ignored the myriad ways in which the destruction of cultural heritage can adversely affect protected groups, including the disintegration of their collective identity. The rights of minority and indigenous populations such as the Uighurs in China can be better protected if acts damaging culture, including intangible cultural heritage, are inherently linked to crimes against humanity and genocide as this will compel states to better acknowledge, address, and prevent these crimes, in line with their obligations under the Responsibility to Protect.
对文化遗产的攻击或影响在前南斯拉夫问题国际刑事法庭和国际刑事法院都只作为战争罪起诉。然而,这一判例将文化遗产的概念局限于文化的有形或有形表现形式,不包括某一特定集体的众多非物质文化表现形式。这排除了对文化要素的攻击与危害人类罪和种族灭绝罪之间的构成联系,并忽视了对文化遗产的破坏可能以各种方式对受保护群体产生不利影响,包括使其集体特性瓦解。如果将破坏文化(包括非物质文化遗产)的行为与危害人类罪和种族灭绝罪内在联系起来,中国维吾尔族等少数民族和土著居民的权利就能得到更好的保护,因为这将迫使各国根据《保护责任》规定的义务,更好地承认、处理和预防这些罪行。
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引用次数: 1
The Failure of the International Community to Apply R2P and Atrocity Prevention in Myanmar 国际社会未能在缅甸实施保护责任和预防暴行
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-28 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984X-13020013
Martin Mennecke, E. Stensrud
The case of Myanmar has become one of the most glaring examples for the failure of the international community to realise the promise made with the adoption of the responsibility to protect (R2P) norm in 2005: ‘Never again’ has turned into again and again. A mix of unwillingness and inability to prevent atrocity crimes has in Myanmar over the past ten years led to several instances of atrocity crimes and genocidal violence against the Rohingya. Most recently, the military coup of February 2021 has showcased that the notion of an international community exercising a responsibility to protect the population of Myanmar against crimes against humanity and other atrocity crimes dissembles into a few states openly shielding the perpetrators, a few condemning and countering the newest cycle of violence, and many silent bystanders to the ongoing atrocities. This article discusses the role of the R2P norm in the case of Myanmar and introduces the different contributions that comprise the special issue on Myanmar and the failure of R2P.
缅甸的情况已经成为国际社会未能实现2005年通过的保护责任(R2P)规范的承诺的最明显的例子之一:“再也不要”变成了一次又一次。过去十年来,由于不愿和无力预防暴行犯罪,缅甸发生了多起针对罗兴亚人的暴行犯罪和种族灭绝暴力事件。最近,2021年2月的军事政变表明,国际社会有责任保护缅甸人民免受危害人类罪和其他暴行罪的侵害,这一概念被掩盖为少数几个国家公开庇护肇事者,少数几个国家谴责和打击最新的暴力循环,以及许多对正在进行的暴行沉默的旁观者。本文讨论了R2P规范在缅甸案例中的作用,并介绍了组成缅甸专题和R2P失败的不同贡献。
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引用次数: 1
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Global Responsibility to Protect
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