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The International Court of Justice and the Responsibility to Protect: Learning from the Case of The Gambia v. Myanmar 国际法院与保护的责任:从冈比亚诉缅甸案中吸取教训
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-27 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984X-13020012
Martin Mennecke
It is a commonplace in the R2P discourse to describe accountability measures as key means to implement the responsibility to protect. In particular, the International Criminal Court is regularly highlighted as a central actor, both in the literature, the annual R2P reports issued by the UN Secretary-General, and the subsequent debates in the UN General Assembly. Conspicuously absent from this conversation is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations, the International Court of Justice (icj). This article examines the potential role of the ‘World Court’, as The Gambia in November 2019 started a new case under the UN Genocide Convention against Myanmar before the icj. Analysing the limitations and prospects and existing icj case-law, the article concludes that the International Court of Justice can make an important and unique contribution to the responsibility to protect.
在R2P话语中,将问责措施描述为实施保护责任的关键手段是司空见惯的。特别是,国际刑事法院经常被强调为一个核心行动者,无论是在文献中,还是在联合国秘书长发布的年度R2P报告中,以及随后在联合国大会上的辩论中。联合国的主要司法机关- -国际法院显然没有参加这次谈话。2019年11月,冈比亚根据《联合国种族灭绝公约》向国际法院提起了一项针对缅甸的新案件,本文探讨了“国际法院”的潜在作用。文章分析了国际法院现有判例法的局限性和前景,认为国际法院可以对保护责任作出重要而独特的贡献。
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引用次数: 0
The Failure to Protect in Myanmar: A Reflection on National Protection of Rohingya against Mass Atrocity Crimes and Prospects for the Responsibility to Protect 缅甸保护的失败:对罗兴亚人免遭大规模暴行罪行的国家保护的反思及保护责任的展望
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-21 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984X-13020007
Nickey Diamond
Impunity has been a major cause of the atrocity crimes committed by the Myanmar military, and accountability is generally seen as a central component of R2P. This article traces the changes of attitudes towards R2P-related measures in Myanmar. After 2017, voices gradually emerged from within Myanmar civil society in support of R2P, influenced by international efforts to ensure accountability and documentation. However, this support mostly came from ethnic minority groups. In the broader population and political leadership, calls for R2P were met with general hostility. Since the February 2021 coup, there has been a dramatic change of attitudes towards R2P, at least within the protest movement. However, the growing calls for R2P often reflect a desire for international military intervention that is unlikely to happen. Moreover, domestic efforts to hold the military accountable are now even more unlikely. International action to push for accountability is therefore still needed.
有罪不罚一直是缅甸军方犯下残暴罪行的主要原因,问责通常被视为R2P的核心组成部分。本文追溯了缅甸对rp相关措施态度的变化。2017年之后,在确保问责制和文件编制的国际努力的影响下,缅甸民间社会内部逐渐出现了支持R2P的声音。然而,这种支持主要来自少数民族。在更广泛的民众和政治领导层中,R2P的呼吁遭到了普遍的敌意。自2021年2月政变以来,至少在抗议运动内部,人们对R2P的态度发生了巨大变化。然而,越来越多的R2P呼声往往反映了一种不太可能发生的国际军事干预的愿望。此外,国内要求军方承担责任的努力现在更不可能了。因此,仍然需要采取国际行动推动问责制。
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引用次数: 0
In Memoriam: Professor Edward C. Luck (1948–2021) 纪念:爱德华·c·勒克教授(1948-2021)
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-04-22 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984x-13020011
A. Bellamy
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引用次数: 0
For the Wind Is in the Palm-Trees: The 2017 Rohingya Crisis and an Emergent UK Approach to Atrocity Prevention 因为风在棕榈树:2017年罗兴亚危机和英国紧急预防暴行的方法
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-04-06 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984X-13020008
Kate Ferguson
This article explores the British government’s recent Myanmar policy, its response to the Rohingya crisis of 2017, and the extent to which increasing scrutiny from parliament and civil society in reaction to the atrocities in Rakhine prompted clearer articulation of a national approach to atrocity prevention. The article presents five key failures and argues that a goal for those wishing to preserve and strengthen the principle of the Responsibility to Protect, and advance the goal of preventing mass atrocities, must be to break it free of the United Nations sphere and integrate the pillars into state structures.
本文探讨了英国政府最近的缅甸政策,对2017年罗兴亚危机的回应,以及议会和民间社会对若开邦暴行的日益严格的审查在多大程度上促使英国政府更清晰地阐述了预防暴行的国家方法。这篇文章提出了五个关键的失败,并认为,对于那些希望维护和加强保护责任原则并推进防止大规模暴行目标的人来说,一个目标必须是将其从联合国范围中解放出来,并将这些支柱纳入国家结构。
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引用次数: 0
Why ‘Never Again’ and R2P Did Not Work in Myanmar 为什么“永不再来”和R2P在缅甸不起作用
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-30 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984X-13020010
I. Simonović
This intervention discusses the reasons why the international community failed to prevent atrocity crimes against the Rohingyas in Myanmar. It draws on the author’s personal experience as UN Assistant Secretary-General for Human Rights from 2010 to 2016 and Special Adviser of the Secretary-General on the Responsibility to Protect from 2016 to 2018. It lays out five major ingredients of the failure to prevent atrocities in Myanmar and identifies three key lessons that must be learned to avoid continued failures into the future.
这次干预讨论了国际社会未能阻止针对缅甸罗兴亚人的暴行的原因。它借鉴了作者在2010年至2016年担任联合国主管人权事务助理秘书长和2016年至2018年担任秘书长保护责任特别顾问的个人经历。报告列出了未能阻止缅甸暴行的五个主要因素,并确定了必须吸取的三个关键教训,以避免未来继续失败。
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引用次数: 0
The Rohingya Crisis, Myanmar, and R2P ‘Black Holes’ 罗兴亚危机、缅甸和R2P“黑洞”
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-19 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984X-13020009
M. Pedersen
The world has failed the Rohingya. Yet, the essence of this failure is widely misunderstood. While the existing literature on the Rohingya crisis tends to blame specific agents for having failed to fulfil their obligations under the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), this article directs our attention to the structural obstacles to mass atrocity prevention in Myanmar. Given the high risk of mass atrocities against the Rohingya and low feasibility of effective protection under any of the three pillars of R2P, it concludes that it was never plausible that R2P could work in this case. The idiom of R2P ‘black holes’ is introduced to denote situations where nothing that can realistically be done within the framework of R2P is likely to be sufficient to prevent mass atrocities or protect the victims.
这个世界辜负了罗兴亚人。然而,这种失败的本质被广泛误解了。虽然关于罗兴亚危机的现有文献倾向于指责特定机构未能履行其在保护责任(R2P)下的义务,但本文将我们的注意力引向缅甸预防大规模暴行的结构性障碍。鉴于针对罗兴亚人的大规模暴行的高风险,以及在R2P的三大支柱下提供有效保护的可行性较低,报告得出的结论是,R2P在这种情况下永远不可能奏效。R2P的“黑洞”这个成语是用来表示在R2P的框架内实际做的任何事情都不足以防止大规模暴行或保护受害者的情况。
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引用次数: 1
Why Indonesia Adopted ‘Quiet Diplomacy’ over R2P in the Rohingya Crisis: The Roles of Islamic Humanitarianism, Civil–Military Relations, and asean 为何印尼在罗兴亚危机中采取“安静外交”而非R2P:伊斯兰人道主义、军民关系与东盟的角色
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-10 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984X-13020004
Claire Q. Smith, Susannah G. Williams
Following atrocities against the minority Muslim Rohingya population by the Myanmar military, several states have imposed sanctions and deployed international justice strategies against the Myanmar government. In contrast, Indonesia has used an alternative ‘quiet diplomacy’ approach, focused on aid delivery to affected communities and cooperation with Myanmar. The paper presents one of the first empirical examinations of Indonesia’s role, and considers Indonesia’s approach from a realpolitik perspective to show why Indonesia has avoided R2P measures. The paper identifies three factors that shaped Indonesia’s approach: Islamic humanitarianism, Indonesia’s own experience of managing civil–military relations during a contested democratic transition, and its continued commitment to core asean principles. The paper also contributes to wider debates by identifying some of the limitations of R2P, especially in terms of how R2P can be sidelined by national and regional diplomatic priorities, in this case manifested in the quiet diplomacy approach.
在缅甸军方对少数民族穆斯林罗兴亚人实施暴行之后,几个国家对缅甸政府实施了制裁,并部署了国际司法战略。相比之下,印尼采用了另一种“安静的外交”方式,重点是向受灾社区提供援助以及与缅甸的合作。本文首次对印尼的角色进行了实证检验,并从现实政治的角度考虑了印尼的做法,以说明为什么印尼避免采取R2P措施。该报告指出了影响印尼做法的三个因素:伊斯兰人道主义、印尼自身在有争议的民主转型期间处理军民关系的经验,以及印尼对东盟核心原则的持续承诺。本文还指出了R2P的一些局限性,特别是在R2P如何被国家和地区外交优先事项边缘化方面,从而引发了更广泛的辩论,在这种情况下,这体现在安静的外交方法中。
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引用次数: 3
Accountability in Myanmar: A Transformative Stepping-Stone? 缅甸的问责制:变革的垫脚石?
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-05 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984X-13020006
Sebastiaan Verelst
The current approach of the international community to the question of accountability for atrocity crimes in Myanmar risks doing little to prevent such crimes in the future. It fails to shape accountability measures as a response to a complex and structural impunity problem that drives the recurrence of atrocity crimes. This article discusses building blocks for an alternative approach: a deeper understanding of impunity, a multifaceted concept of accountability, a greater awareness of the purpose and limitations of distinct accountability measures, and a deliberate connection between the accountability and prevention agendas. In doing so, the article explores how states can more effectively fulfil their international legal obligation to prevent atrocity crimes, in Myanmar and beyond.
国际社会目前对缅甸暴行罪行的问责问题所采取的做法可能无助于防止今后发生此类罪行。它未能形成问责措施,作为对导致暴行犯罪复发的复杂和结构性有罪不罚问题的回应。本文讨论了另一种方法的基本要素:更深入地理解有罪不罚,多方面的问责概念,更深入地了解不同问责措施的目的和局限性,以及在问责和预防议程之间有意识地建立联系。在此过程中,本文探讨了各国如何更有效地履行其在缅甸及其他地区防止暴行犯罪的国际法律义务。
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引用次数: 0
Navigating between Pragmatism and Principle: Australia’s Foreign Policy Response to the 2017 Rohingya Crisis 在实用主义和原则之间导航:澳大利亚对2017年罗兴亚危机的外交政策回应
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984X-13020002
Cecilia Jacob
The escalation of violence by Myanmar’s military forces against ethnic Rohingya populations in Rakhine State in 2017 served as a test case for Australia’s commitment to R2P, and its capacity to protect populations from widespread and systematic atrocities in its own regional neighbourhood. Australia’s response to the crisis in Myanmar was mixed; it co-sponsored a UN Human Rights Council resolution to establish the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar that was instrumental in determining the extent and nature of violence committed by Myanmar’s armed forces during the so-called ‘clearance operations’, and provided substantial humanitarian aid for affected Rohingya populations. Australia has, however, been criticised for not doing enough to pressure the government of Myanmar on the issue, for maintaining defence cooperation with Myanmar throughout the crisis, and for its reluctance to accept Rohingya refugees fleeing the violence. This article examines Australia’s response to the Rohingya crisis in the areas of international, regional, and bilateral diplomacy, humanitarian assistance, and defence cooperation. It asks why Australia did not take a more proactive role in confronting atrocities committed by the Myanmar government, and identifies lessons learnt and recommendations for strengthening Australia’s atrocity prevention architecture that is consistent with Australia’s pragmatic approach to regional assistance and its principled international advocacy.
2017年,缅甸军队对若开邦罗兴亚人的暴力升级,是对澳大利亚履行“保护责任”承诺的一次考验,也是对澳大利亚保护民众免受其所在地区邻国普遍和有系统暴行的能力的一次考验。澳大利亚对缅甸危机的反应好坏参半;它共同发起了一项联合国人权理事会决议,设立缅甸问题独立国际实况调查团,该特派团有助于确定缅甸武装部队在所谓的“清除行动”期间犯下的暴力行为的程度和性质,并为受影响的罗兴亚人提供了大量人道主义援助。然而,澳大利亚一直被批评在这个问题上没有采取足够的措施向缅甸政府施压,在危机期间与缅甸保持防务合作,以及不愿接受逃离暴力的罗兴亚难民。本文探讨了澳大利亚在国际、地区和双边外交、人道主义援助和国防合作等领域对罗兴亚危机的反应。报告询问澳大利亚为何没有在对抗缅甸政府犯下的暴行方面发挥更积极的作用,并确定了经验教训和建议,以加强澳大利亚预防暴行的架构,这符合澳大利亚对区域援助的务实态度及其有原则的国际倡导。
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引用次数: 0
Mass Atrocities in Myanmar and the Responsibility to Protect in a Digital Age 缅甸的大规模暴行和数字时代的保护责任
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1163/1875-984X-13020001
C. Buzzi
Liberalisation of the telecommunications sector is a significant part of the political changes that were initiated in 2011 in Myanmar, making smartphones, sim cards, and access to the internet more widely available. Social media (SoMe) platforms, notably Facebook, have emerged as the main access to the internet for many people. But as the transition has proceeded, SoMe has become a space both for human rights activism and for inciting human rights abuses against vulnerable minorities. It is well documented that both the state and civil society in Myanmar have used Facebook to foment violence and mass atrocities against the Rohingya and other vulnerable minorities. This article examines some challenges for internet and SoMe governance drawing on the response of Facebook and various internet service providers in Myanmar in order to explore how to apply the norm of R2P on the net. The article aims to provide input for lessons learnt on mass atrocity prevention in a digital age.
电信行业的自由化是缅甸2011年开始的政治变革的重要组成部分,这使得智能手机、sim卡和互联网接入更加普及。社交媒体(一些)平台,尤其是Facebook,已经成为许多人上网的主要途径。但是,随着过渡的进行,一些国家已经成为人权活动和煽动对弱势少数群体侵犯人权的空间。有充分证据表明,缅甸政府和民间社会都利用Facebook煽动针对罗兴亚人和其他弱势少数群体的暴力和大规模暴行。本文以Facebook和缅甸各互联网服务提供商的回应为例,探讨互联网面临的一些挑战和一些治理,以探索如何在网络上应用R2P规范。本文旨在为数字时代预防大规模暴行的经验教训提供投入。
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引用次数: 0
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Global Responsibility to Protect
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