Göç, AB-Türkiye ilişkilerini son birkaç on yıldır (yeniden) şekillendiren en önemli meselelerden biri haline gelmiştir. 2015 yazında göçmen ve sığınmacı sayılarındaki beklenmedik artışın, veya bazı uzmanların tabir ettiği şekliyle 2015 Akdeniz göçmen ve sığınmacı krizinin, AB-Türkiye ilişkileri üzerinde önemli yansımaları olmuştur ve nihayetinde 2016 yılındaki AB-Türkiye Mutabakatı’nın kabulüne yol açmıştır. Mutabakat, çok farklı tepkileri tetikleyerek bazı gözlemcilerin, Türkiye’de göç meselelerinin artan şekilde politize edilmesinin AB-Türkiye antlaşmasının AB’nin önceliklerine hizmet edecek şekilde sürdürülebilir ve sorunsuz uygulanmasının önünde potansiyel bir kısıt oluşturacağını vurgulamışlardır.Bu çalışma, AB’nin dış sınırlarında yer alan bir ülke olarak Türkiye’nin nasıl ve ne şekilde AB’nin göç politikası önceliklerine itiraz ettiğini analiz etmektedir. Makale, yöntemsel olarak kalitatif nitelikte olup seçilmiş birincil ve ikincil yazılı kaynakların incelemesine ve analizine dayanmaktadır. Makalenin temel argümanı, göç olgusunun AB-Türkiye ilişkilerinde araçsallaştırıldığı ve Türk otoritelerinin, AB-Türkiye ilişkilerini geleneksel olarak karakterize eden güç hiyerarşisi asimetrisini değiştirme çabası içinde göç konusuna AB ile yaptıkları görüşmelerde değindikleri şeklindedir.
{"title":"Çekişmeli Göç Siyasetinin Gölgesinde AB-Türkiye İlişkileri","authors":"E. Cetin","doi":"10.25272/icps.1205851","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25272/icps.1205851","url":null,"abstract":"Göç, AB-Türkiye ilişkilerini son birkaç on yıldır (yeniden) şekillendiren en önemli meselelerden biri haline gelmiştir. 2015 yazında göçmen ve sığınmacı sayılarındaki beklenmedik artışın, veya bazı uzmanların tabir ettiği şekliyle 2015 Akdeniz göçmen ve sığınmacı krizinin, AB-Türkiye ilişkileri üzerinde önemli yansımaları olmuştur ve nihayetinde 2016 yılındaki AB-Türkiye Mutabakatı’nın kabulüne yol açmıştır. Mutabakat, çok farklı tepkileri tetikleyerek bazı gözlemcilerin, Türkiye’de göç meselelerinin artan şekilde politize edilmesinin AB-Türkiye antlaşmasının AB’nin önceliklerine hizmet edecek şekilde sürdürülebilir ve sorunsuz uygulanmasının önünde potansiyel bir kısıt oluşturacağını vurgulamışlardır.Bu çalışma, AB’nin dış sınırlarında yer alan bir ülke olarak Türkiye’nin nasıl ve ne şekilde AB’nin göç politikası önceliklerine itiraz ettiğini analiz etmektedir. Makale, yöntemsel olarak kalitatif nitelikte olup seçilmiş birincil ve ikincil yazılı kaynakların incelemesine ve analizine dayanmaktadır. Makalenin temel argümanı, göç olgusunun AB-Türkiye ilişkilerinde araçsallaştırıldığı ve Türk otoritelerinin, AB-Türkiye ilişkilerini geleneksel olarak karakterize eden güç hiyerarşisi asimetrisini değiştirme çabası içinde göç konusuna AB ile yaptıkları görüşmelerde değindikleri şeklindedir. ","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84531047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259387
О. V. Snigovska, A. Malakhiti
Using scientific works in the field of creolized text theory, an attempt was made to analyze the specific features of political caricature in Greek mass media discourse, as well as to identify the role of verbal and nonverbal components of creolized political caricature texts in conditions of hybrid warfare. The research department of 162 political caricatures of national and world political leaders and international events in the context of the crisis of Ukrainian-Russian relations served as the material of the presented work. Illustrations were selected from the Greek media, including newspapers, magazines, social networks, thematic blogs and websites. The subject of research in this work were structural, lexical-semantic, graphic and historical-cultural characteristics of the creolized text of political caricature in Greek and English. In order to achieve this goal, the authors of the article solved the following tasks: 1) define the concept of «creolized text» and give synonymous definitions; 2) identify the characteristics of political caricature as a genre / type of creolized text in political, media and artistic discourses; 3) analyze and describe the relationship between the structural components of the creolized text of a political caricature; 4) identify common stylistic devices of political caricature and give examples. The performed analysis of the works showed that the real world in the information space is transmitted through the prism of metaphor, irony, antithesis, animation, personification, metonymy, and synecdoche. The work highlights the leading anthropomorphic and zoomorphic images of famous political leaders, as well as strategies and tactics of their formation in terms of cognitive metaphor. Common tactics in political cartoons include tactic of «hanging» labels, tactic of contemptuously ironic belittling of any advantages of the target (strength, significance, quality, scale, etc.), and tactic of exaggeration of its disadvantages.
{"title":"POLITICAL CARICATURE AS A KIND OF CREOLIZED TEXT IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CRISIS OF UKRAINIAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS (ON THE MATERIAL OF THE GREEK PRESS)","authors":"О. V. Snigovska, A. Malakhiti","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259387","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259387","url":null,"abstract":"Using scientific works in the field of creolized text theory, an attempt was made to analyze the specific features of political caricature in Greek mass media discourse, as well as to identify the role of verbal and nonverbal components of creolized political caricature texts in conditions of hybrid warfare. The research department of 162 political caricatures of national and world political leaders and international events in the context of the crisis of Ukrainian-Russian relations served as the material of the presented work. Illustrations were selected from the Greek media, including newspapers, magazines, social networks, thematic blogs and websites. The subject of research in this work were structural, lexical-semantic, graphic and historical-cultural characteristics of the creolized text of political caricature in Greek and English. In order to achieve this goal, the authors of the article solved the following tasks: 1) define the concept of «creolized text» and give synonymous definitions; 2) identify the characteristics of political caricature as a genre / type of creolized text in political, media and artistic discourses; 3) analyze and describe the relationship between the structural components of the creolized text of a political caricature; 4) identify common stylistic devices of political caricature and give examples. The performed analysis of the works showed that the real world in the information space is transmitted through the prism of metaphor, irony, antithesis, animation, personification, metonymy, and synecdoche. The work highlights the leading anthropomorphic and zoomorphic images of famous political leaders, as well as strategies and tactics of their formation in terms of cognitive metaphor. Common tactics in political cartoons include tactic of «hanging» labels, tactic of contemptuously ironic belittling of any advantages of the target (strength, significance, quality, scale, etc.), and tactic of exaggeration of its disadvantages. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"102 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88973429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259685
V. Popkov, J. Azaiev
The Russian-Ukrainian war marked the Rubicon, on crossing which, the world has begun to change dramatically and irreversibly. This article is an attempt to comprehend the Russian-Ukrainian war in the context of the world-system methodology of I. Wallerstein. The authors consider the phenomenon of war and the phenomenon of revolution as key factors of historical change. The authors reconstruct the change in the geopolitical balance of power over long cycles of history, where the world war and the system of treaties after it are considered as starting points for new cyclic turns. The authors consider global changes in the world system order, starting from the period of the "Napoleonic Wars" and subsequent global wars of the XIXth – XXIst centuries. The article traces the role of World wars in the fate of the existing world-system. The Russian-Ukrainian war is seen as the initiation of the breakdown of the existing world order and the establishment of a world-system of a different type. This war has quite a clear geopolitical context, as any other great war in humankind's history. This context is a global geopolitical game that has engulfed almost the entire world community. Looking at Wallerstein's theory we can understand this game as the irreconcilable opposition of the dominant Occidental (Anglo-Saxon) world-system against attempts of the Oriental (China-centrical) system to brake the existing world order radically. World politology discusses attempts by the Chinese-Russian geopolitical alliance to receive the status of a new world-system core. As a result, there is a great increase in mutual tension between the two world-system cores.
{"title":"THE WAR AND THE WORLD-SYSTEM FATE. MODERN INTERPRETATION OF IMMANUEL WALLERSTEIN.","authors":"V. Popkov, J. Azaiev","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259685","url":null,"abstract":"The Russian-Ukrainian war marked the Rubicon, on crossing which, the world has begun to change dramatically and irreversibly. This article is an attempt to comprehend the Russian-Ukrainian war in the context of the world-system methodology of I. Wallerstein. The authors consider the phenomenon of war and the phenomenon of revolution as key factors of historical change. The authors reconstruct the change in the geopolitical balance of power over long cycles of history, where the world war and the system of treaties after it are considered as starting points for new cyclic turns. The authors consider global changes in the world system order, starting from the period of the \"Napoleonic Wars\" and subsequent global wars of the XIXth – XXIst centuries. The article traces the role of World wars in the fate of the existing world-system. The Russian-Ukrainian war is seen as the initiation of the breakdown of the existing world order and the establishment of a world-system of a different type. This war has quite a clear geopolitical context, as any other great war in humankind's history. This context is a global geopolitical game that has engulfed almost the entire world community. Looking at Wallerstein's theory we can understand this game as the irreconcilable opposition of the dominant Occidental (Anglo-Saxon) world-system against attempts of the Oriental (China-centrical) system to brake the existing world order radically. World politology discusses attempts by the Chinese-Russian geopolitical alliance to receive the status of a new world-system core. As a result, there is a great increase in mutual tension between the two world-system cores. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90497099","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.260422
R. O. Caprice
The article discusses the main approaches to establishing the difference between the concepts of public relations and propaganda. A reconstruction of the development of the sphere of public relations in Western political culture has been made. The features of the development of the sphere of public relations in the countries of the post-Soviet space are determined. It has been established that the concept of public relations, until recently little known and unusual for the former Soviet political culture and mentality, has literally burst into our lives in recent years. This concept has become fashionable, has become a real hallmark of new times. The entire civilized world has not only become accustomed to it, but has also turned public relations into an effectively working science and art of achieving mutual understanding and agreement between various subjects of civil society life. But because of its “fashionableness”, the concept of “public relations” is often used in place and out of place, often putting a perverted meaning into it. Sometimes a superficial approach to this area of activity is contrary to the principles of social responsibility of civil society institutions, in fact pushing to treat the public as an object of deception, manipulation solely in the selfish interests of subjects whose favorable (or unfavorable) image is created at any cost. The institutionalization of a civilized professional system of public relations in the post-Soviet space is making its way through many objective and subjective obstacles. The content of obstructing factors of an objective and subjective nature is always concretely historical. A weighty historical factor in this process is the legacy of the influence of the propaganda machine of the past.
{"title":"PR AND PROPAGANDA IN THE POST-SOVIET SPACE: PROBLEMS OF INFORMATION POLICY DEVELOPMENT","authors":"R. O. Caprice","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.260422","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.260422","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses the main approaches to establishing the difference between the concepts of public relations and propaganda. A reconstruction of the development of the sphere of public relations in Western political culture has been made. The features of the development of the sphere of public relations in the countries of the post-Soviet space are determined. It has been established that the concept of public relations, until recently little known and unusual for the former Soviet political culture and mentality, has literally burst into our lives in recent years. This concept has become fashionable, has become a real hallmark of new times. The entire civilized world has not only become accustomed to it, but has also turned public relations into an effectively working science and art of achieving mutual understanding and agreement between various subjects of civil society life. But because of its “fashionableness”, the concept of “public relations” is often used in place and out of place, often putting a perverted meaning into it. Sometimes a superficial approach to this area of activity is contrary to the principles of social responsibility of civil society institutions, in fact pushing to treat the public as an object of deception, manipulation solely in the selfish interests of subjects whose favorable (or unfavorable) image is created at any cost. The institutionalization of a civilized professional system of public relations in the post-Soviet space is making its way through many objective and subjective obstacles. The content of obstructing factors of an objective and subjective nature is always concretely historical. A weighty historical factor in this process is the legacy of the influence of the propaganda machine of the past.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"68 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88522872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259155
O. M. Frolova, M. I. Kaylo
The article analyzes the essence of election campaigns, outlines the main tasks and stages of their implementation, considers the features of information support for election campaigns. American standards for the development of political PR technologies for election campaigns are studied, and the peculiarities of the organization of political advertising in the media and social networks of candidates in the United States are considered. It has been established that the information support of election campaigns in the United States is carried out taking into account feedback from citizens from a thorough study of society's expectations. Thus, in the US, the media, as communication channels, carry out the functions of collecting, filtering, distributing and generalizing ideas about voters through shows, interviews, and debates. It was found that the media occupy a key place in the formation of the information space of power and have the status of an intermediary in the relationship between the population and the authorities through the use of various communication mechanisms. Internet communications used by the headquarters of B. Obama, D. Trump, H. Clinton, J. Biden during the election campaigns of candidates most actively included e-mail, websites, blogs and social networks, online television and video channels on Internet resource YouTube.com. It has been proven that the Internet provides undeniable effectiveness in the political struggle tools for interacting with the electorate, conveying one's point of view to the voters, and expanding the base of the election campaign. Ukrainian standards for the development of political PR technologies to ensure the conduct of election campaigns are analyzed. Features of the organization of political advertising of candidates in Ukraine in mass media and social networks are considered. The Ukrainian experience of information policy during election campaigns is analyzed and the main problems of information support of election campaigns are studied, as well as ways to solve them are proposed.
{"title":"INFORMATION POLICY OF THE COUNTRIES IN THE CONDITIONS OF ELECTORAL CAMPAIGNS ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE USA AND UKRAINE","authors":"O. M. Frolova, M. I. Kaylo","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259155","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the essence of election campaigns, outlines the main tasks and stages of their implementation, considers the features of information support for election campaigns. American standards for the development of political PR technologies for election campaigns are studied, and the peculiarities of the organization of political advertising in the media and social networks of candidates in the United States are considered. It has been established that the information support of election campaigns in the United States is carried out taking into account feedback from citizens from a thorough study of society's expectations. Thus, in the US, the media, as communication channels, carry out the functions of collecting, filtering, distributing and generalizing ideas about voters through shows, interviews, and debates. It was found that the media occupy a key place in the formation of the information space of power and have the status of an intermediary in the relationship between the population and the authorities through the use of various communication mechanisms. Internet communications used by the headquarters of B. Obama, D. Trump, H. Clinton, J. Biden during the election campaigns of candidates most actively included e-mail, websites, blogs and social networks, online television and video channels on Internet resource YouTube.com. It has been proven that the Internet provides undeniable effectiveness in the political struggle tools for interacting with the electorate, conveying one's point of view to the voters, and expanding the base of the election campaign. Ukrainian standards for the development of political PR technologies to ensure the conduct of election campaigns are analyzed. Features of the organization of political advertising of candidates in Ukraine in mass media and social networks are considered. The Ukrainian experience of information policy during election campaigns is analyzed and the main problems of information support of election campaigns are studied, as well as ways to solve them are proposed.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"44 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72624608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.254788
O. Brusylovska, M. Gladysh, O. Krayevska
The aim of the article is to reveal the difference in approaches and possibilities of the countries of the Baltic-Black Sea Region (samples of several EU members and Ukraine) towards the struggle with pandemic. Research based on both postcolonial studies and biopolitics and it is empirical. The methods include case studies, Internet-based research, archival research, interviews, comparative, statistical, graphical methods, and discourse analysis. The following aspects are researched: approaches of the countries to counteract the pandemic, their cooperation with international organisations, and cooperation with ‘donor’-countries, influence of COVID-19 on socio-economic and security spheres of BBSR countries. The authors give prognosis how selected countries of BBSR will overcome the pandemic and develop in the post-pandemic period. The fight against the pandemic continues, and its economic consequences will be felt during next years as well. The situation in Ukraine looks worse in the terms of economic recovery because Ukraine is hit by Russian aggression since 2014. The effectiveness of the individual response to the pandemic depends on the level of trust in society and the commitment of political leaders to learn, collaborate, consult and take principled decisions in times of uncertainty. This commitment to the common good determines the degree of public trust in leaders and institutions, which, in turn, affects citizens’ willingness to comply with the restrictions to their daily lives imposed by the lockdown measures. This explains the difference in the impact of the pandemic within the EU. Bulgaria differs in these parameters from the Baltic countries and closer to Ukraine.
{"title":"СOVID-19 INFLUENCE ON THE BALTIC-BLACK SEA REGION: CASES OF EU’S MEMBERS AND UKRAINE","authors":"O. Brusylovska, M. Gladysh, O. Krayevska","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.254788","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.254788","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article is to reveal the difference in approaches and possibilities of the countries of the Baltic-Black Sea Region (samples of several EU members and Ukraine) towards the struggle with pandemic. Research based on both postcolonial studies and biopolitics and it is empirical. The methods include case studies, Internet-based research, archival research, interviews, comparative, statistical, graphical methods, and discourse analysis. The following aspects are researched: approaches of the countries to counteract the pandemic, their cooperation with international organisations, and cooperation with ‘donor’-countries, influence of COVID-19 on socio-economic and security spheres of BBSR countries. The authors give prognosis how selected countries of BBSR will overcome the pandemic and develop in the post-pandemic period. The fight against the pandemic continues, and its economic consequences will be felt during next years as well. The situation in Ukraine looks worse in the terms of economic recovery because Ukraine is hit by Russian aggression since 2014. The effectiveness of the individual response to the pandemic depends on the level of trust in society and the commitment of political leaders to learn, collaborate, consult and take principled decisions in times of uncertainty. This commitment to the common good determines the degree of public trust in leaders and institutions, which, in turn, affects citizens’ willingness to comply with the restrictions to their daily lives imposed by the lockdown measures. This explains the difference in the impact of the pandemic within the EU. Bulgaria differs in these parameters from the Baltic countries and closer to Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"88 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83839905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.263730
R. I. Yevtsenko
The article examines the phenomenon of lobbying as actual practice in a pluralistic society, as a complex, modern institution of the political system, which provides a mechanism and tools for the influence of interested groups on decision-making by power structures. Competition between groups in lobbying interests is represented by a condition that ensures freedom and justice without recourse to the concepts of "social interest", "public interest" or "common good". With the help of theoretical and conceptual studies focused on the mechanisms of collective actions of interested groups and interest groups, it is shown that political decisions in modern public systems are no longer the prerogative of official institutions of power, but are the result of a compromise of groups. Lobbying has acquired indicators that are characteristic of institutions that are involved in the decision-making process, and the structures of the organization of lobbying activities reflect the current structure of political interest. It is shown that the historical development of lobbying activities and forms of interpretation of lobbying practices in various socio-political systems developed in the context of the logic of the formation of the socio-political system. The analysis of current regional models of lobbying activity, formed in different socio-political conditions, reflects the nature of the interaction between interest groups in society and demonstrates dependence on the structures of political interest, providing information about who and how transforms it into political decisions and actions. The British-American model of individualized lobbying, formed as a result of the symbiosis of political activity and business, is presented; the continental European model of corporate representation, formed as a result of changes in the rules of the game between business and the state; the Eastern European model of institutionally controlled lobbying with elements of "clientelism". The center of gravity in matters of regulation of lobbying practices has certain options. If in the British model the regulatory process concerns, first of all, politicians (the object of lobbying), then in the American model the lobbyists themselves and the market for lobbying services are subject to state regulation. It is emphasized that the normative indicator of the intensity and effectiveness of lobbying activity is the ability of the political system to solve systemic challenges, which is understood as the number and quality of access points available in it, using which interest groups can join the decision-making process of state authorities
{"title":"THE PHENOMENON OF LOBBYING: INTERPRETATION OF THE NATURE AND MODELS OF THE ORGANIZATION OF ACTIVITIES","authors":"R. I. Yevtsenko","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.263730","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.263730","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the phenomenon of lobbying as actual practice in a pluralistic society, as a complex, modern institution of the political system, which provides a mechanism and tools for the influence of interested groups on decision-making by power structures. Competition between groups in lobbying interests is represented by a condition that ensures freedom and justice without recourse to the concepts of \"social interest\", \"public interest\" or \"common good\". With the help of theoretical and conceptual studies focused on the mechanisms of collective actions of interested groups and interest groups, it is shown that political decisions in modern public systems are no longer the prerogative of official institutions of power, but are the result of a compromise of groups. Lobbying has acquired indicators that are characteristic of institutions that are involved in the decision-making process, and the structures of the organization of lobbying activities reflect the current structure of political interest. It is shown that the historical development of lobbying activities and forms of interpretation of lobbying practices in various socio-political systems developed in the context of the logic of the formation of the socio-political system. The analysis of current regional models of lobbying activity, formed in different socio-political conditions, reflects the nature of the interaction between interest groups in society and demonstrates dependence on the structures of political interest, providing information about who and how transforms it into political decisions and actions. The British-American model of individualized lobbying, formed as a result of the symbiosis of political activity and business, is presented; the continental European model of corporate representation, formed as a result of changes in the rules of the game between business and the state; the Eastern European model of institutionally controlled lobbying with elements of \"clientelism\". The center of gravity in matters of regulation of lobbying practices has certain options. If in the British model the regulatory process concerns, first of all, politicians (the object of lobbying), then in the American model the lobbyists themselves and the market for lobbying services are subject to state regulation. It is emphasized that the normative indicator of the intensity and effectiveness of lobbying activity is the ability of the political system to solve systemic challenges, which is understood as the number and quality of access points available in it, using which interest groups can join the decision-making process of state authorities","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"160 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80494755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259346
E. S. Ogarenko
The article analyzes three paradoxes of the theory of democracy, which testify to the crisis of this theory. The reasons for the aggravated paradoxical vision of democracy can be considered both contradictions in the very theory of democracy and contradictions in the political practice of democratic states. In accordance with the proposed author's approach to the analysis of the paradoxes of the theory of democracy, attention should be focused on the key problem for the social form of existence, the problem of the relationship between freedom, equality, and justice. The social exists as the intersection of the natural (necessary) and the conscious (free). Interests as motivators of behavior were placed in this "pause". The "superstructure" in the form of collective consciousness produces values as regulators of behavior. And the balance of interests and values becomes the main social problem, solved on the basis of the ratio of freedom and equality, which is assessed as fair or unfair. The latter is transferred to the specific embodiment of a just or unjust order in the person of the state. The socialist value of the state priority of "workers' equality" was devalued in the early 90s of the 20th century due to the obvious dissonance between the theory and practice of equality and the collapse of the state order that represented this value - the USSR. Therefore, in the modern world, democratic systems balance on a fluid balance of freedom and order in the form of neo-liberal or neo-conservative state policies. But the desovereignization of the state postulated in D. Rodrik's paradox, confirmed by other researchers, casts doubt on the effectiveness of this policy in the modern world. In order to comprehend the paradoxes of the theory of democracy, the author submits the following statements for consideration: 1. Democracy and the state are coexisting forms of social organization that can temporarily intersect and thus create the illusion of their consistent combination. The basis of this illusion was laid by the European interpretation of the direct democracy of antiquity. 2. Under the conditions of representative democracy, the illusion of a consistent combination of democracy and the state is stimulated through the propaganda mechanism of state self-identification of the population, based on a person's tendency to self-deceive and on the ideologies encouraged by the state that are relevant in a particular social system: nationalism, patriotism, socialism, liberalism, the rule of law. 3. It is necessary to recognize the existence in the conditions of a representative democracy of a “political class” that has a special economic and psychological motivation for behavior and therefore is interested in preserving and maintaining a special type of status (as a democratic variety of class) inequality, including through the propaganda of the ideological dogma of democracy.
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Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259135
D. Poble
Lebanon, a unique, poly-confessional Eastern Mediterranean country of Arab origin with a long Phoenician history, has seen yet another wave of unrest in the last two years. Around the same period, widespread protests were aroused in two post-soviet countries in Eastern Europe, expressing their outrage at the falsification of vote tallies, corruption, and the political motivation of their governments in the face of a worsening economic situation. The aim of the study was to find out the common and distinctive elements of these civil rallies and assemblies, as well as to predict their possible impact on interregional relations and geopolitical tendencies. The article may indicate some unique features due to the lack of fundamental research studies on the theme rather than analytics and media reports. A concise comparison is made of Lebanon’s, Moldova’s, and Belarus’s situation with respect to their establishment, political and economic crisis, resulting protest actions. Some peculiarities were discovered following the interests of internal and external political groups and their influence. A cautious prognosis was made in order to forecast some further developments in the situation around these countries, including the attitude of the key actors in the region towards the processes inside and outside, trying to tip the scales in their favor.
{"title":"THE 2019 – 2021 LEBANON CIVIL PROTESTS: CONCISE COMPARISON WITH MOLDOVA AND BELARUS PEACEFUL RALLIES AND ASSEMBLIES","authors":"D. Poble","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259135","url":null,"abstract":"Lebanon, a unique, poly-confessional Eastern Mediterranean country of Arab origin with a long Phoenician history, has seen yet another wave of unrest in the last two years. Around the same period, widespread protests were aroused in two post-soviet countries in Eastern Europe, expressing their outrage at the falsification of vote tallies, corruption, and the political motivation of their governments in the face of a worsening economic situation. The aim of the study was to find out the common and distinctive elements of these civil rallies and assemblies, as well as to predict their possible impact on interregional relations and geopolitical tendencies. The article may indicate some unique features due to the lack of fundamental research studies on the theme rather than analytics and media reports. A concise comparison is made of Lebanon’s, Moldova’s, and Belarus’s situation with respect to their establishment, political and economic crisis, resulting protest actions. Some peculiarities were discovered following the interests of internal and external political groups and their influence. A cautious prognosis was made in order to forecast some further developments in the situation around these countries, including the attitude of the key actors in the region towards the processes inside and outside, trying to tip the scales in their favor. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"151 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86176319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.261530
S. Glebov, А. Zakharchenko, Е. Chiriac, О. Kondrashova, О. Konovalenko, V. Loziichuk, Y. Maistrenko, І. Maksymenko, М. Skrypnyk, D. Poble
Scientific conference for teachers, PhD students, and Master students who study in the specialty 291 International Relations, Public Communications and Regional Studies, with the participation of the Dean of the Faculty of International Relations, Political Science and Sociology Viktor Glebov, Head of the Department of International Relations Olga Brusylovska, lectors and guests of the University, took place on May 12, 2022 at the FIRPS ONU named after I. I. Mechnikov. Among the issues considered at the conference were: the analysis of the theory of international relations (О. Konovalenko, D. Poble), main problems of international relations (S. Glebov, А. Zakharchenko, Y. Maistrenko, I. Maksymenko), and foreign policy of the states (E. Chiriac, О. Kondrashova, V. Loziichuk, М. Skrypnyk).
国际关系、公共传播和区域研究专业291的教师、博士生和硕士生参加的科学会议于2022年5月12日在以梅奇尼科夫命名的FIRPS ONU举行，国际关系、政治科学和社会学学院院长维克多·格列博夫、国际关系系主任奥尔加·布鲁塞洛夫斯卡以及大学的讲师和嘉宾参加了会议。会议审议的问题包括:分析国际关系理论(О;科诺瓦连科，D.波布尔，《国际关系的主要问题》(S.格列波夫，А)。扎哈尔琴科，Y. Maistrenko, I. Maksymenko)，以及各国的外交政策(E. Chiriac， О)。康德拉绍娃，V.洛齐丘克，М。Skrypnyk)。
{"title":"V SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE “POLITICAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL SYSTEMS AND GLOBAL DEVELOPMENT”","authors":"S. Glebov, А. Zakharchenko, Е. Chiriac, О. Kondrashova, О. Konovalenko, V. Loziichuk, Y. Maistrenko, І. Maksymenko, М. Skrypnyk, D. Poble","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.261530","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.261530","url":null,"abstract":"Scientific conference for teachers, PhD students, and Master students who study in the specialty 291 International Relations, Public Communications and Regional Studies, with the participation of the Dean of the Faculty of International Relations, Political Science and Sociology Viktor Glebov, Head of the Department of International Relations Olga Brusylovska, lectors and guests of the University, took place on May 12, 2022 at the FIRPS ONU named after I. I. Mechnikov. Among the issues considered at the conference were: the analysis of the theory of international relations (О. Konovalenko, D. Poble), main problems of international relations (S. Glebov, А. Zakharchenko, Y. Maistrenko, I. Maksymenko), and foreign policy of the states (E. Chiriac, О. Kondrashova, V. Loziichuk, М. Skrypnyk).","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"72 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79953588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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