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Gulf States and Palestine: Strong Historical Ties Determining Gulf Politics 海湾国家与巴勒斯坦:强大的历史纽带决定了海湾政治
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.25272/icps.1137102
E. Çavuşoğlu
Basra Körfezi’nin Arap yakasında yer alan, Körfez İşbirliği Konseyi (KİK) üyesi ülkeleri ile Filistin arasında güçlü tarihsel bağlar bulunmaktadır. Bu tarihsel bağlar Filistin meselesi kadar eskidir. İki taraf arasındaki ilişkiler 19. yüzyıl sonları itibari ile başlayan sistematik Yahudi göçleri sonucu ortaya çıkan Filistin meselesinin 1930’larda işgale dönüşmesine kadar gitmektedir. Bu süreçte başlayan karşılıklı ilişkiler sonucu Körfez toplumları ve Filistinliler arasında önemli tarihsel bağlar gelişmiştir. Bunun sonucu olarak Filistin meselesi Körfez ülkelerinde bir kimlik meselesi olmuş ve dış politikalarında temel parametre teşkil etmiştir. Filistinliler, Filistin davası ve Körfez ülkeleri arasındaki güçlü tarihsel bağlar literatüre yansımadığı için yeteri kadar bilinmemektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı literatürdeki bu boşluğu doldurmak üzere katkıda bulunmaktır. Bu çalışma Filistin ve Körfez arasındaki tarihsel bağların Körfez siyasetinde nasıl etkili olduğu sorusunu cevaplamaktadır. Bu çalışmanın ana iddiası Filistin meselesinin Ortadoğu genelinde ve Körfez özelinde bölgesel siyasetin şekillenmesinde tarihsel olarak belirleyici bir rol oynamakta olmasıdır. Tarihsel süreçte İsrail’in kurulmasına olan dönem, Arap-İsrail Savaşları dönemi, Barış dönemi ve içinde bulunduğumuz İbrahim Anlaşmaları ile başlayan İsrail’le normalleşme dönemi konjonktürü çerçevesinde Filistin meselesi başat faktör olarak bölgesel dinamikleri belirlemiştir. 1973 Petrol Ambargosu bu noktada en çarpıcı örnek teşkil etmiş ve Körfez siyasetinde bölgesel ve küresel sonuçları olan tarihsel bir dönüm noktası olmuşken 2020’de bazı Körfez ülkelerinin İsrail’le normalleşme anlaşması yapmaları Körfez siyasetinde yeni bir dönüm noktası olmuştur.
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引用次数: 1
Bayram Koca, “Kürtler Aslında…”: Üç Sağın Kürtlere Bakışı, İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 1. Baskı (2021), ss.310
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-30 DOI: 10.25272/icps.1059099
Elifcan Çoruk
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引用次数: 0
TUNUSLU MAHMUT PAŞA VE AİLESİNE GENEL BİR BAKIŞ
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-30 DOI: 10.25272/icps.1005292
Derya Kılıçkaya
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引用次数: 0
Türkiye'de Siyasi Muhalefet ve Demokrasi: Tarihsel Bir Okuma
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-30 DOI: 10.25272/icps.1049571
Cem Kotan
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引用次数: 0
Siyasi Temsil ve Kadınlar: Yeni Zelanda Örneği
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-30 DOI: 10.25272/icps.1058666
Melek KAYMAZ MERT, Zeynep Ece Ünsal
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引用次数: 0
A Review of the Meaning and Importance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 回顾《世界人权宣言》的意义和重要性
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-28 DOI: 10.25272/icps.962292
Mustafa Burak Sener
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引用次数: 3
Dinmukhammed Ametbek, İran Vakıfları: Dış Politika Arkasındaki Yumuşak Güç. Ankara: Astana Yayınları, (2021), ss. 180.
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-28 DOI: 10.25272/icps.1035073
Nurhak Gürel
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引用次数: 0
Soğuk Savaş Döneminde Sovyetler Birliği’nin ABD Karşıtı Propagandasında Duygu Merkezli Dil Kullanımı
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-28 DOI: 10.25272/icps.985594
Mustafa Karaca, Caner Çakı, A. B. Dari
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引用次数: 0
A Conceptual Perspective on the Neo-Patrimonial Administration Approach of Abdülhamid II’s Enlightening Despotism Dichotomy 阿卜德<s:1>哈米德二世启蒙专制二分法的新世袭管理方法的概念透视
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-28 DOI: 10.25272/icps.1008220
Tunay Şendal
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引用次数: 0
Erken Cumhuriyet Döneminde Devletçilik: Ahmet Ağaoğlu ve Kadro Hareketi
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-28 DOI: 10.25272/icps.659042
Şebnem Korkmaz
There were many different views on how the development would take place between the years 1923-1946, which is called the Early Republican period. One of them can be defined as the liberal approach to statism that prioritizes the individual, while the other can be expressed as a fully interventionist understanding of statism that sees national interests as superior to individual interests. For example, between 1932-1933, there were long debates on the principles of statism between Ahmet Ağaoğlu who was active in the determination of liberal policies, and the Kadro Movement which was a product of the Marxist tradition. Ahmet Ağaoğlu was not only an intellectual but also an advocate of liberal nationalism in the political field as an active participant. The Kadro movement, which approached Kemalism from a socialist perspective, argued that the state needs to be active in all fields for national interests. In this study, the understanding of statism has been tried to be examined with the liberal perspective of Ağaoğlu and the full interventionist approach of the Kadro movement, contrary to many different interpretations. The Republic of Turkey, which replaced the Ottoman Empire, has tried various economic policies to revive the economy that crumbled in the previous wars. Particularly, the debates between the Kadro movement from Marxist tradition and Ağaoğlu from the liberal nationalist wing were effective in the adoption of the mixed economy system, which did not refuse private investments but also put the state into the active role after the 1929 Economic Depression.
关于1923年至1946年这段被称为早期共和时期的发展,有很多不同的观点。其中一种可以被定义为优先考虑个人利益的自由主义国家主义,而另一种可以被表达为对国家主义的完全干预主义理解,认为国家利益高于个人利益。例如,在1932-1933年间,在决定自由主义政策的艾哈迈德Ağaoğlu和马克思主义传统的产物卡德罗运动之间,就国家主义的原则进行了长时间的辩论。艾哈迈德Ağaoğlu不仅是知识分子,还是政治领域的自由民族主义倡导者和积极参与者。从社会主义的角度接近凯末尔主义的卡德罗运动主张,为了国家利益,国家需要在所有领域都发挥积极作用。在本研究中,与许多不同的解释相反,我们试图用Ağaoğlu的自由主义观点和Kadro运动的全面干预主义方法来检验对国家主义的理解。取代奥斯曼帝国的土耳其共和国尝试了各种经济政策,以恢复在以前的战争中崩溃的经济。特别是,来自马克思主义传统的卡德罗运动和来自自由民族主义派别的Ağaoğlu之间的辩论在采用混合经济制度方面是有效的,这种制度不拒绝私人投资,但在1929年经济大萧条之后,国家发挥了积极作用。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies
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