Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.229976
A. Frasca Caccia
Discussions and debates about whether or not the role of Russia’s Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons underpins a so-called “Escalation to De-Escalation” strategy culminated in the 2018 Nuclear Posture Review, which declared the need for deploying a new low-yield nuclear warhead for submarine-launched ballistic missiles in order to prevent Russia from escalating to the limited nuclear level and successfully terminate the conflict. While unofficial evidence barely suggests that Russia may exhort to its NSNWs in order to stave off the adversary in crisis situations, common Western discussions on Escalation to De-Escalation revolve around the alleged existence of an “offensive” Escalation to De-Escalation strategy. Thereby, Moscow would pre-emptively escalate to the limited nuclear level over NATO's Eastern flank in order to take over it while leaving Western countries without no escalation options, given the doubts surrounding the ability of B61s’ delivery systems at going beyond Russian air-defence. However, while Western countries are often busy with self-deterrence, thus perceiving immediate threats at each deployment by the adversary, they tend to overlook strategic manipulation of deployed capabilities. That is why analysis of ambiguity surrounding Russian NSNWs have been less popular in Western contexts. Based upon critical analysis of Escalation to De-Escalation and classic deterrence and escalation studies, this paper argues that ambiguity surrounding Russia’s NSNWs is part of a brinkmanship strategy, which inadvertently triggered destabilizing dynamics in US-Russia relations. The article proceeds as follows. First, an introduction sets the scene and the aim of the article, as well as the methodology, including the scope and background of facts. Second, the Escalation to De-escalation debate is broken down in the attempt of shedding light on the ambiguity it builds on. Third, it is argued that ambiguity surrounding NSNWs is strategically exploited according to Schelling’s concept of brinkmanship, though exacerbating the risk of inadvertent escalation with Western countries. Finally, a conclusion wraps up the argument and indicates its implications.
{"title":"THE TWOFOLD MEANING OF BRINKMANSHIP: EXPLAINING STRATEGIC AMBIGUITY IN RUSSIA’S NUCLEAR POLICY","authors":"A. Frasca Caccia","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.229976","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.229976","url":null,"abstract":"Discussions and debates about whether or not the role of Russia’s Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons underpins a so-called “Escalation to De-Escalation” strategy culminated in the 2018 Nuclear Posture Review, which declared the need for deploying a new low-yield nuclear warhead for submarine-launched ballistic missiles in order to prevent Russia from escalating to the limited nuclear level and successfully terminate the conflict. While unofficial evidence barely suggests that Russia may exhort to its NSNWs in order to stave off the adversary in crisis situations, common Western discussions on Escalation to De-Escalation revolve around the alleged existence of an “offensive” Escalation to De-Escalation strategy. Thereby, Moscow would pre-emptively escalate to the limited nuclear level over NATO's Eastern flank in order to take over it while leaving Western countries without no escalation options, given the doubts surrounding the ability of B61s’ delivery systems at going beyond Russian air-defence. However, while Western countries are often busy with self-deterrence, thus perceiving immediate threats at each deployment by the adversary, they tend to overlook strategic manipulation of deployed capabilities. That is why analysis of ambiguity surrounding Russian NSNWs have been less popular in Western contexts. Based upon critical analysis of Escalation to De-Escalation and classic deterrence and escalation studies, this paper argues that ambiguity surrounding Russia’s NSNWs is part of a brinkmanship strategy, which inadvertently triggered destabilizing dynamics in US-Russia relations. The article proceeds as follows. First, an introduction sets the scene and the aim of the article, as well as the methodology, including the scope and background of facts. Second, the Escalation to De-escalation debate is broken down in the attempt of shedding light on the ambiguity it builds on. Third, it is argued that ambiguity surrounding NSNWs is strategically exploited according to Schelling’s concept of brinkmanship, though exacerbating the risk of inadvertent escalation with Western countries. Finally, a conclusion wraps up the argument and indicates its implications.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87581931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237502
O. Brusylovska, V. T. Khakimova
Proclaiming a new world order, the leaders of Western states provided for the expansion of peace and stability by assisting with Europeanization and the integration of Central and Eastern Europe. However, the situation with Ukraine is more complicated. The aim of the paper is revealing of the EU’s soft power peculiarities towards Ukraine. The methodology is based on studies of Joseph Nye and the USC Centre of Public Diplomacy. Both have been adapted and implemented to the aims of the current study. The most important questions are: What makes the EU attractive abroad? To what extent does the EU rely on its attractiveness in its relations with Ukraine? What prevents the EU from more effectively pursuing its soft power policy towards Ukraine? As a result of this work, it became clear that the EU's influence on Ukraine and in particular on the solution of the current conflict with Russia was insignificant. This is a paradox if we consider the individual characteristics of both actors. The EU still loses to Russia in digital diplomacy. However, in terms of the attractiveness of cultural achievements, the strength of the EU is about the same as that of Russia. The strength of the diplomatic network, its contribution to global interaction in the case of the EU is relatively higher than that of Russia. Finally, the EU's strength is much higher than that of Russia in terms of the attractive economic model, business friendliness, and ability to innovate; by the level of human capital, contribution to scholarships, and attractiveness for international students; in the context of a commitment to freedom, human rights and democracy, and the quality of political institutions. In the future, it is necessary to conduct a study of this phenomenon and find out what affects the EU's inability to use its soft power advantages effectively.
{"title":"PECULIARITIES OF THE EU`S SOFT POWER STRATEGY TOWARDS UKRAINE","authors":"O. Brusylovska, V. T. Khakimova","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237502","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237502","url":null,"abstract":"Proclaiming a new world order, the leaders of Western states provided for the expansion of peace and stability by assisting with Europeanization and the integration of Central and Eastern Europe. However, the situation with Ukraine is more complicated. The aim of the paper is revealing of the EU’s soft power peculiarities towards Ukraine. The methodology is based on studies of Joseph Nye and the USC Centre of Public Diplomacy. Both have been adapted and implemented to the aims of the current study. The most important questions are: What makes the EU attractive abroad? To what extent does the EU rely on its attractiveness in its relations with Ukraine? What prevents the EU from more effectively pursuing its soft power policy towards Ukraine? \u0000As a result of this work, it became clear that the EU's influence on Ukraine and in particular on the solution of the current conflict with Russia was insignificant. This is a paradox if we consider the individual characteristics of both actors. The EU still loses to Russia in digital diplomacy. However, in terms of the attractiveness of cultural achievements, the strength of the EU is about the same as that of Russia. The strength of the diplomatic network, its contribution to global interaction in the case of the EU is relatively higher than that of Russia. Finally, the EU's strength is much higher than that of Russia in terms of the attractive economic model, business friendliness, and ability to innovate; by the level of human capital, contribution to scholarships, and attractiveness for international students; in the context of a commitment to freedom, human rights and democracy, and the quality of political institutions. In the future, it is necessary to conduct a study of this phenomenon and find out what affects the EU's inability to use its soft power advantages effectively.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83681754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237720
D. Belinska, V. Burganova, S. Gordienko, А. Musienko, M. Pogrebnyak, Y. Shevchenko, L. Houphouet, D. Navasardian, О. Novatska, G. Palyonova, E. Polyakova, V. Zazalitinova, V. Prokhorova, А. Elkhair
Scientific conference for young teachers and masters who study in the specialty 291 International Relations, Public Communications and Regional Studies, with the participation of the Dean of the Faculty of International Relations, Political Science and Sociology V. V. Glebov, Head of the Department of International Relations O. I. Brusylovska, lectors and guests of the University, took place on May 18, 2021 at the FIRPS ONU named after I. I. Mechnikov. Among the issues considered at the conference were: the analysis of the theory of international relations (Belinska D., Burganova V., Gordienko S., Musienko A., Pogrebnyak M., Shevchenko Y.), foreign policy of the states (Houphouet L., Navasardyan D., Novatska O., Palyonova G., Polyakova E., Zazalitinova V.), systemic transformation of post-communist and post-colonial countries (Prokhorova V., Elkhair A.).
{"title":"IV SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE “POLITICAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL SYSTEMS AND GLOBAL DEVELOPMENT”","authors":"D. Belinska, V. Burganova, S. Gordienko, А. Musienko, M. Pogrebnyak, Y. Shevchenko, L. Houphouet, D. Navasardian, О. Novatska, G. Palyonova, E. Polyakova, V. Zazalitinova, V. Prokhorova, А. Elkhair","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237720","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237720","url":null,"abstract":"Scientific conference for young teachers and masters who study in the specialty 291 International Relations, Public Communications and Regional Studies, with the participation of the Dean of the Faculty of International Relations, Political Science and Sociology V. V. Glebov, Head of the Department of International Relations O. I. Brusylovska, lectors and guests of the University, took place on May 18, 2021 at the FIRPS ONU named after I. I. Mechnikov. Among the issues considered at the conference were: the analysis of the theory of international relations (Belinska D., Burganova V., Gordienko S., Musienko A., Pogrebnyak M., Shevchenko Y.), foreign policy of the states (Houphouet L., Navasardyan D., Novatska O., Palyonova G., Polyakova E., Zazalitinova V.), systemic transformation of post-communist and post-colonial countries (Prokhorova V., Elkhair A.).","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89487177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237511
V. Pashkov
The article analyzes the dynamics, interests of the parties, priority areas of cooperation and contradictions of Ukrainian-American relations in the post-Maid period, reveals the reasons for supporting Ukraine in resisting Russian aggression from the United States. The influence of the Revolution of Dignity on the geopolitical interests of the United States in Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space is determined. It was determined that in 2014-2016. bilateral relations between Ukraine and the United States in terms of summit meetings and diplomatic support have reached their highest development in the 30th anniversary of Ukraine's independence. At the same time, they lacked practical content - specific projects and common interests. The American strategy for Ukraine provided for limited military assistance and diplomatic containment of the Russian Federation in order to maintain the balance of power in the region. Six areas were identified that formed the bilateral agenda - military-technical cooperation, political dialogue, support for reforms, the fight against corruption, energy, support for democratic institutions. The main directions of cooperation, projects and problems within each of these areas are disclosed in detail. In the context of the formation of "strategic friendship" after 2014, the parties demonstrated different diplomatic rhetoric. Ukrainian politicians emphasized the importance of strategic partnership between countries, military assistance, and American representatives put the need for economic reforms and the fight against corruption in the first place, pushing Ukrainian leaders to take appropriate action. It was concluded that US-Ukrainian relations at this stage were more reminiscent not of a strategic partnership, but of patronage, where Kiev, as a clientele, sought protection from Russian aggression, and the United States saw the support of the pro-Western regime in Kiev as an opportunity to strengthen its positions in Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space.
{"title":"DYNAMICS OF UKRAINIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS DURING OBAMA'S ADMINISTRATION (2014-2016)","authors":"V. Pashkov","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237511","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237511","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the dynamics, interests of the parties, priority areas of cooperation and contradictions of Ukrainian-American relations in the post-Maid period, reveals the reasons for supporting Ukraine in resisting Russian aggression from the United States. The influence of the Revolution of Dignity on the geopolitical interests of the United States in Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space is determined. It was determined that in 2014-2016. bilateral relations between Ukraine and the United States in terms of summit meetings and diplomatic support have reached their highest development in the 30th anniversary of Ukraine's independence. At the same time, they lacked practical content - specific projects and common interests. \u0000The American strategy for Ukraine provided for limited military assistance and diplomatic containment of the Russian Federation in order to maintain the balance of power in the region. \u0000Six areas were identified that formed the bilateral agenda - military-technical cooperation, political dialogue, support for reforms, the fight against corruption, energy, support for democratic institutions. The main directions of cooperation, projects and problems within each of these areas are disclosed in detail. In the context of the formation of \"strategic friendship\" after 2014, the parties demonstrated different diplomatic rhetoric. Ukrainian politicians emphasized the importance of strategic partnership between countries, military assistance, and American representatives put the need for economic reforms and the fight against corruption in the first place, pushing Ukrainian leaders to take appropriate action. \u0000It was concluded that US-Ukrainian relations at this stage were more reminiscent not of a strategic partnership, but of patronage, where Kiev, as a clientele, sought protection from Russian aggression, and the United States saw the support of the pro-Western regime in Kiev as an opportunity to strengthen its positions in Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73547573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237515
M. Skrypnyk
The US policy towards North Korea is shaped by the nuclear non-proliferation policy and security guarantees provided to Japan and the Republic of Korea. These guarantees have a dual purpose. On the one hand, they are a tool to deter the DPRK from aggression against other countries in the region and, above all, US allies – Japan and South Korea. On the other hand, these guarantees are also an assurance of the latter's abandonment of the policy of acquiring a nuclear arsenal. The aim of the article is to analyze the foundations of Washington's policy towards Pyongyang and its influence on relations with allies through the prism of the theory of extended nuclear deterrence. It is stated that the effectiveness of deterrence consists of the conviction of the willingness to react with an adequate response. At the same time, the persuasiveness of extended deterrence is lower, as the protecting state must respond to threats from the ally that is to say outside its own national borders. There is controversy among scholars who reflect on the relevance of extended deterrence during the Cold War and in the modern security environment. It is noted that the emergence of new threats and an increasing number of conflicts, if any, change the nature of extended deterrence, but this does not diminish the importance of the "nuclear umbrella" of the United States for both the NPT and the security of the region. The author analyzes the reasons for the United States' security guarantees for South Korea and Japan. Particular attention is paid to the factor of North Korea's aggressive policy and its progress in the development of the nuclear missile program. With the reduction and withdrawal of US troops from Japan and South Korea, Pyongyang's destructive policies have exacerbated the American allies' sense of danger and provoked talks about developing their own nuclear programs. This scenario threatened the NPT regime and international stability, as well as US strategic interests in the region. Therefore, Washington is stepping up cooperation with its allies in the process of resolving the problem of North Korea's nuclear missile program and is officially reaffirming its unwavering security and defense commitments, which should restore trust between the parties and increase the role of extended deterrence in general.
{"title":"US POLICY TOWARDS NORTH KOREA THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE THEORY OF EXTENDED NUCLEAR DETERRENCE","authors":"M. Skrypnyk","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237515","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237515","url":null,"abstract":"The US policy towards North Korea is shaped by the nuclear non-proliferation policy and security guarantees provided to Japan and the Republic of Korea. These guarantees have a dual purpose. On the one hand, they are a tool to deter the DPRK from aggression against other countries in the region and, above all, US allies – Japan and South Korea. On the other hand, these guarantees are also an assurance of the latter's abandonment of the policy of acquiring a nuclear arsenal. The aim of the article is to analyze the foundations of Washington's policy towards Pyongyang and its influence on relations with allies through the prism of the theory of extended nuclear deterrence. It is stated that the effectiveness of deterrence consists of the conviction of the willingness to react with an adequate response. At the same time, the persuasiveness of extended deterrence is lower, as the protecting state must respond to threats from the ally that is to say outside its own national borders. There is controversy among scholars who reflect on the relevance of extended deterrence during the Cold War and in the modern security environment. It is noted that the emergence of new threats and an increasing number of conflicts, if any, change the nature of extended deterrence, but this does not diminish the importance of the \"nuclear umbrella\" of the United States for both the NPT and the security of the region. The author analyzes the reasons for the United States' security guarantees for South Korea and Japan. Particular attention is paid to the factor of North Korea's aggressive policy and its progress in the development of the nuclear missile program. With the reduction and withdrawal of US troops from Japan and South Korea, Pyongyang's destructive policies have exacerbated the American allies' sense of danger and provoked talks about developing their own nuclear programs. This scenario threatened the NPT regime and international stability, as well as US strategic interests in the region. Therefore, Washington is stepping up cooperation with its allies in the process of resolving the problem of North Korea's nuclear missile program and is officially reaffirming its unwavering security and defense commitments, which should restore trust between the parties and increase the role of extended deterrence in general.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"335 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86787612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237903
O. Frolova, О. Kuchmiy
The article is devoted to the analysis of the benefits and challenges of public-private partnerships in the sphere of сybersecurity. Information technologies play a dominant role in the development of modern society. However, rapid progress in this area is closely linked to the emergence of more sophisticated, innovative threats. The information security system, which has developed within the framework of the modern world order, is one of the "pillars" of international stability. Therefore, it became necessary to distinguish cybersecurity as an important component of public life. The state has a particularly important role to play in the information and cybersecurity system, as it can take a number of organizational and technical measures to protect its information space. The article emphasizes that it is possible to reach significant success only by involving the private sector. There are many examples and confirmations of it in the world. Public-private partnership is one of the potential forms of effective cooperation between the representatives of public and private sectors. The overall goal of participating in PPPs, both private and public, is to increase cybersecurity. There is an obvious need to combine the capabilities, potential, experience, technical support, and funding of the public and private sectors to combat cyber threats. Each country is trying to find its own way in building a PPP, but such a partnership has already become a new effective mechanism to meet the challenges and threats in today's information society. The article explores the examples of public-private partnerships in the sphere of сybersecurity in the EU.
{"title":"THEORIES OF WORLD ORDER TRANSITION AND THE CURRENT PHASE OF WORLD POLITICS","authors":"O. Frolova, О. Kuchmiy","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237903","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237903","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the analysis of the benefits and challenges of public-private partnerships in the sphere of сybersecurity. Information technologies play a dominant role in the development of modern society. However, rapid progress in this area is closely linked to the emergence of more sophisticated, innovative threats. The information security system, which has developed within the framework of the modern world order, is one of the \"pillars\" of international stability. Therefore, it became necessary to distinguish cybersecurity as an important component of public life. The state has a particularly important role to play in the information and cybersecurity system, as it can take a number of organizational and technical measures to protect its information space. The article emphasizes that it is possible to reach significant success only by involving the private sector. There are many examples and confirmations of it in the world. Public-private partnership is one of the potential forms of effective cooperation between the representatives of public and private sectors. The overall goal of participating in PPPs, both private and public, is to increase cybersecurity. There is an obvious need to combine the capabilities, potential, experience, technical support, and funding of the public and private sectors to combat cyber threats. Each country is trying to find its own way in building a PPP, but such a partnership has already become a new effective mechanism to meet the challenges and threats in today's information society. The article explores the examples of public-private partnerships in the sphere of сybersecurity in the EU.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"47 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79735544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.230875
S. Nazarenko
The article is devoted to the consideration of the complex issue of the reasons for the «delay» of political transit in the post-Soviet countries in general and in Ukraine in particular. The main author's hypothesis is the assumption that it is the activities of differently motivated subjects (inhibitors and innovators) in combination with the fundamental features of the cultural background of a particular country that determine the pace, overall trajectory and intermediate results of the democratization process. Particular attention is paid to the discussion around the question of whether transit is the only evolutionary trajectory or can be interpreted as a number of alternative directions of progress towards the standards of democratic governance. The object of this article is the features of the socio-political transformation of the post-Soviet countries. In turn, the subject of the article arises a ratio of the socio-political activity of innovators and inhibitors that is unique in national conditions, which directly affects the content and results of the democratic transition. The complex nature of the central research problem presupposes the use of an appropriate methodology, the central place in which is occupied by: a systemic approach, comparative and structural-functional methods, institutional analysis. From the author's point of view, it is this arsenal of methods and research procedures that helps to clarify the nature of the negative results of the socio-political transformation of the transit process in such post-Soviet countries as Ukraine. An analysis of the characteristic features of socio-political transformation in Ukraine indicates that the elite is motivated to conserve political informal practices and postpone changes in any way, and imitation reforms act as a legitimizer of the elite in the eyes of Western investors, creating a positive reputation for progressive reformers for its representatives. The migration of reformers from the state of innovators to the state of inhibitors is due to their desire to become an elite in order to extract economic rent with the help of power. The idea is substantiated that the way out of the vicious circle of quasi-substitution of the elite is associated with the painstaking work of the real supporters of reforms to diagnose the vulnerable elements of the national trajectory of democratization and education of new generations - carriers of innovative types of thinking and supporters of values and procedures of democracy.
{"title":"INHIBITORS AGAINST INNOVATORS: THE EFFECT OF DELAYED TRANSIT TRANSFORMATIONS","authors":"S. Nazarenko","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.230875","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.230875","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the consideration of the complex issue of the reasons for the «delay» of political transit in the post-Soviet countries in general and in Ukraine in particular. The main author's hypothesis is the assumption that it is the activities of differently motivated subjects (inhibitors and innovators) in combination with the fundamental features of the cultural background of a particular country that determine the pace, overall trajectory and intermediate results of the democratization process. Particular attention is paid to the discussion around the question of whether transit is the only evolutionary trajectory or can be interpreted as a number of alternative directions of progress towards the standards of democratic governance. \u0000The object of this article is the features of the socio-political transformation of the post-Soviet countries. \u0000In turn, the subject of the article arises a ratio of the socio-political activity of innovators and inhibitors that is unique in national conditions, which directly affects the content and results of the democratic transition. \u0000The complex nature of the central research problem presupposes the use of an appropriate methodology, the central place in which is occupied by: a systemic approach, comparative and structural-functional methods, institutional analysis. From the author's point of view, it is this arsenal of methods and research procedures that helps to clarify the nature of the negative results of the socio-political transformation of the transit process in such post-Soviet countries as Ukraine. \u0000An analysis of the characteristic features of socio-political transformation in Ukraine indicates that the elite is motivated to conserve political informal practices and postpone changes in any way, and imitation reforms act as a legitimizer of the elite in the eyes of Western investors, creating a positive reputation for progressive reformers for its representatives. \u0000The migration of reformers from the state of innovators to the state of inhibitors is due to their desire to become an elite in order to extract economic rent with the help of power. The idea is substantiated that the way out of the vicious circle of quasi-substitution of the elite is associated with the painstaking work of the real supporters of reforms to diagnose the vulnerable elements of the national trajectory of democratization and education of new generations - carriers of innovative types of thinking and supporters of values and procedures of democracy.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89015956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237495
П. А. Sinovets, M. R. Nerez
The article is dedicated to the exploration of the Russian strategic culture and its influence on the major foreign and security policy trends of the Russian Federation. In particular, we suggest dividing Russian strategic culture into the three domains, taking roots from the historic, geographic, and religious foundations of the Moscow state. Those are, first, the Third Rome doctrine, having laid the background for the Russian imperial messianism, the immanent rivalry with the West as well as the Russian World idea and the further annexation of Crimea. Second, the “gathering lands” principle added the sacral meaning to the idea of strategic depth and the territory of Russia. As the result, the breakup of the Soviet Union and the enlargement of NATO to the East became the most painful episodes in Russian history, causing the reaction, which led to the confrontational role of Russia in the international system. And “the besieged fortress” principle serves as the element of integrating the Russian state and society as it is based on the idea that only the existence of rivals makes Russia the great state.
{"title":"THE EVOLUTION OF BILATERAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS THE BOLIVARIAN REPUBLIC OF VENEZUELA IN THE EARLY 21ST CENTURY","authors":"П. А. Sinovets, M. R. Nerez","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237495","url":null,"abstract":"The article is dedicated to the exploration of the Russian strategic culture and its influence on the major foreign and security policy trends of the Russian Federation. In particular, we suggest dividing Russian strategic culture into the three domains, taking roots from the historic, geographic, and religious foundations of the Moscow state. Those are, first, the Third Rome doctrine, having laid the background for the Russian imperial messianism, the immanent rivalry with the West as well as the Russian World idea and the further annexation of Crimea. Second, the “gathering lands” principle added the sacral meaning to the idea of strategic depth and the territory of Russia. As the result, the breakup of the Soviet Union and the enlargement of NATO to the East became the most painful episodes in Russian history, causing the reaction, which led to the confrontational role of Russia in the international system. And “the besieged fortress” principle serves as the element of integrating the Russian state and society as it is based on the idea that only the existence of rivals makes Russia the great state.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80454478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.229954
Удк, Mariia Kurando, Teona Patussi
The proposal of Europeanising French deterrence was revived by French President Emmanuel Macron, who declared in February 2020 that French nuclear forces reinforce European security simply by existing and suggested a strategic dialogue with all EU partners regarding the role of French nuclear weapons in European security. Macron further reasoned that this issue is increasingly urgent nowadays as the EU must jointly realise that, because of the lack of a legal structure, they may easily find themselves vulnerable to the resumption of a traditional, even nuclear, arms race on their land. The prospects of global control of weapons and disarmament efforts are very blurry in the times of rising political tensions, revived nuclear arms races, and weakening trust in multilateralism. Nevertheless, this all leads to the necessity to support active actions towards nuclear risk reductions, whichhave recently appeared in some of the multilateral forums. The elimination of nuclear risk is nothing but an intermediate measure to reduce nuclear proliferation dangers until they are liquidated. It is essential to review the risks of accidents involving nuclear weapons and their influence on European security, along with focusing on the role of European nuclear weapon states (NWS), their place in global security and possible scenarios for their future: the authors considered the possible prospects of the EU as another entity with nuclear weapons, as well as the likelihood of the EU as another regional nuclear-free zone and discussed whether the real change is possible.
{"title":"ENHANCING EUROPEAN SECURITY: MODERN CHALLENGES POSED BY NUCLEAR WEAPONS","authors":"Удк, Mariia Kurando, Teona Patussi","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.229954","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.229954","url":null,"abstract":"The proposal of Europeanising French deterrence was revived by French President Emmanuel Macron, who declared in February 2020 that French nuclear forces reinforce European security simply by existing and suggested a strategic dialogue with all EU partners regarding the role of French nuclear weapons in European security. Macron further reasoned that this issue is increasingly urgent nowadays as the EU must jointly realise that, because of the lack of a legal structure, they may easily find themselves vulnerable to the resumption of a traditional, even nuclear, arms race on their land. The prospects of global control of weapons and disarmament efforts are very blurry in the times of rising political tensions, revived nuclear arms races, and weakening trust in multilateralism. Nevertheless, this all leads to the necessity to support active actions towards nuclear risk reductions, whichhave recently appeared in some of the multilateral forums. The elimination of nuclear risk is nothing but an intermediate measure to reduce nuclear proliferation dangers until they are liquidated. It is essential to review the risks of accidents involving nuclear weapons and their influence on European security, along with focusing on the role of European nuclear weapon states (NWS), their place in global security and possible scenarios for their future: the authors considered the possible prospects of the EU as another entity with nuclear weapons, as well as the likelihood of the EU as another regional nuclear-free zone and discussed whether the real change is possible.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"50 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84576991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237493
О. О. Nikogosyan
The article defines the priorities of the social policy of Ukraine at the present stage. The socio-economic problems of Ukraine are analyzed, their causes and solutions are identified. It is shown that the main reason for the failures of the socio-economic policy of independent Ukraine is the uncritical attitude of Ukrainian reformers to the consequences of neoliberal policies in other countries, as a result of which foreign experience of socio-economic reforms began to be introduced without taking into account domestic specifics. The decline in the role of the state in socio-economic policy, the increase in the role of private business, the privatization of "everything and everyone" led to a sharp social stratification, an economic crisis, which became a trigger for crises in all spheres of Ukrainian society. One of the fundamental principles of neoliberal economics, deregulation, has also collapsed. It turned out that the market is not efficient in areas in which the business cannot make quick and large profits. The so-called "market failures" demonstrated the need for state regulation in the spheres of education, health care, ecology, etc. Conclusions of the study and prospects for further research in this direction. Thus, if the new government really wants to build a successful country of happy people, it must make social and economic policy its top priority. Its primary tasks at the present stage should be: reduction of tariffs for utilities by eliminating from them the corruption component and excess profits of suppliers; revision of the principles of granting subsidies for utility bills. Exclusion from the number of subsidies of those who do not need state aid, but have a formal right to receive it (they work unofficially); the fight against the shadow economy, with the concealment of income from taxation; reforming the system of wages and pensions; creation of jobs with decent wages; establishing interaction between the state and private business in order to increase the social responsibility of the latter.
{"title":"SOCIO-ECONOMIC POLICY OF UKRAINE: PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONS","authors":"О. О. Nikogosyan","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237493","url":null,"abstract":"The article defines the priorities of the social policy of Ukraine at the present stage. The socio-economic problems of Ukraine are analyzed, their causes and solutions are identified. It is shown that the main reason for the failures of the socio-economic policy of independent Ukraine is the uncritical attitude of Ukrainian reformers to the consequences of neoliberal policies in other countries, as a result of which foreign experience of socio-economic reforms began to be introduced without taking into account domestic specifics. The decline in the role of the state in socio-economic policy, the increase in the role of private business, the privatization of \"everything and everyone\" led to a sharp social stratification, an economic crisis, which became a trigger for crises in all spheres of Ukrainian society. One of the fundamental principles of neoliberal economics, deregulation, has also collapsed. It turned out that the market is not efficient in areas in which the business cannot make quick and large profits. The so-called \"market failures\" demonstrated the need for state regulation in the spheres of education, health care, ecology, etc. Conclusions of the study and prospects for further research in this direction. Thus, if the new government really wants to build a successful country of happy people, it must make social and economic policy its top priority. Its primary tasks at the present stage should be: reduction of tariffs for utilities by eliminating from them the corruption component and excess profits of suppliers; revision of the principles of granting subsidies for utility bills. Exclusion from the number of subsidies of those who do not need state aid, but have a formal right to receive it (they work unofficially); the fight against the shadow economy, with the concealment of income from taxation; reforming the system of wages and pensions; creation of jobs with decent wages; establishing interaction between the state and private business in order to increase the social responsibility of the latter.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88260916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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