Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.229944
O. Cheban, A. Krâskova
It is proven in the paper that the chosen topic is relevant due to the impact of China and the EU on the negotiations about the regulation of the Iranian nuclear program’s issue. In the article, it is done a comparative analysis of the policy of the EU and China regarding the regulation of the Iranian nuclear program’s problem. It is also mentioned in the paper that since the time of the US presidential administration of Donald Trump, the EU and China have been seen as valuable actors in resolving the Iranian nuclear program’s issue. For this reason, the main purpose of the work is a review of the influence that China’s and EU’s policies regarding the development of the nuclear program of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) exert on European security. The history of China-Iran relations in the nuclear sphere and the important role of China in the development of the Iranian nuclear program is mentioned in the paper. It is also noted that the fact that the EU countries are partners or allies of the United States, which is the main rival of the IRI, has complicated the dialogue between the European Union and Iran. It is shown in the paper that during Mahmud Ahmadinejad’s presidency, the Iranian nuclear program was not controlled by the international community, and because of that China supported sanctions of the UN Security Council against Iran. As it is mentioned in the article, until the end of the 2000s, the EU, as well as the People’s Republic of China (PRC), did not support the US policy toward Iran. The Iranian-Chinese relations in the nuclear field were studied. It is mentioned that despite the fact that China is interested in exporting Iranian energy resources, Beijing will never accept Iran’s possession of nuclear weapons. It is assumed that the fact that China does not support the nuclear weapons status of Iran gives it the opportunity to cooperate with the EU in case Iran decides to acquire nuclear weapons. It is noticed that China had a major impact on the negotiations related to signing the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), i. e. the nuclear agreement with Iran. The further actions of the EU and the PRC after the dissolution of the JCPOA are mentioned in the paper. The scenarios of further development of the situation around the Iranian nuclear program were reviewed. As a result of the research, it is concluded that China and the EU have played a significant role in achieving the JCPOA and conducting diplomatic negotiations with Iran. The strengthening of Beijing’s role as a key partner of Teheran and the decrease of the EU’s impact on Iran’s foreign policy were mentioned in the paper.
{"title":"PROBLEMS OF EU-CHINA RELATIONS IN SOLVING THE IRANIAN NUCLEAR PROGRAM'S ISSUE","authors":"O. Cheban, A. Krâskova","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.229944","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.229944","url":null,"abstract":"It is proven in the paper that the chosen topic is relevant due to the impact of China and the EU on the negotiations about the regulation of the Iranian nuclear program’s issue. In the article, it is done a comparative analysis of the policy of the EU and China regarding the regulation of the Iranian nuclear program’s problem. It is also mentioned in the paper that since the time of the US presidential administration of Donald Trump, the EU and China have been seen as valuable actors in resolving the Iranian nuclear program’s issue. For this reason, the main purpose of the work is a review of the influence that China’s and EU’s policies regarding the development of the nuclear program of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) exert on European security. The history of China-Iran relations in the nuclear sphere and the important role of China in the development of the Iranian nuclear program is mentioned in the paper. It is also noted that the fact that the EU countries are partners or allies of the United States, which is the main rival of the IRI, has complicated the dialogue between the European Union and Iran. It is shown in the paper that during Mahmud Ahmadinejad’s presidency, the Iranian nuclear program was not controlled by the international community, and because of that China supported sanctions of the UN Security Council against Iran. \u0000As it is mentioned in the article, until the end of the 2000s, the EU, as well as the People’s Republic of China (PRC), did not support the US policy toward Iran. The Iranian-Chinese relations in the nuclear field were studied. It is mentioned that despite the fact that China is interested in exporting Iranian energy resources, Beijing will never accept Iran’s possession of nuclear weapons. It is assumed that the fact that China does not support the nuclear weapons status of Iran gives it the opportunity to cooperate with the EU in case Iran decides to acquire nuclear weapons. It is noticed that China had a major impact on the negotiations related to signing the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), i. e. the nuclear agreement with Iran. The further actions of the EU and the PRC after the dissolution of the JCPOA are mentioned in the paper. The scenarios of further development of the situation around the Iranian nuclear program were reviewed. As a result of the research, it is concluded that China and the EU have played a significant role in achieving the JCPOA and conducting diplomatic negotiations with Iran. The strengthening of Beijing’s role as a key partner of Teheran and the decrease of the EU’s impact on Iran’s foreign policy were mentioned in the paper.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83891942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237714
V. Gergiieva, D. Levinson
The current confrontation between the State of Israel and the Islamic Republic of Iran is not an exceptionally new phenomenon; however, it is noticeable that escalation around the “Iran nuclear deal” makes this issue one of the most urgent on the current political agenda. This article focuses on countries’ strategic culture as both public and non-state actors see and respond to challenges and opportunities international system − which is the result of cultural perception. Iranian and Israeli strategic cultures have some similarities - consideration of which is necessary to understand the specifics of the relationship between the two states and Jerusalem's possible response to a potential nuclearization of Tehran. Cultural details are often overlooked when we are trying to analyze the policy of a particular state, however, this analysis can provide an understanding of a particular country's response to challenges and threats. Learning more about how and why actors use force in the system is an important topic to which strategic culture may provide some answers but the process of applying it is difficult. In this article, we overview historical preconditions of Iran-Israel relations, Israel's specific view of its ambitions in the region, and nowadays escalation between two countries. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action is still on the agenda between the two countries, while negotiations in Vienna continue, Iran increased its enrichment up to 60 percent – the highest level in Iranian history. Iranian nuclear program is a cornerstone in the US-Iran and Iran-Israel relations, but the strategic culture of Israel still cannot adopt improvement of relations between the US and Iran, as Iranian progress in its nuclear ambitions.
{"title":"STRATEGIC CULTURE FENOMENA IN IRAN-ISRAEL RELATIONS","authors":"V. Gergiieva, D. Levinson","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237714","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237714","url":null,"abstract":"The current confrontation between the State of Israel and the Islamic Republic of Iran is not an exceptionally new phenomenon; however, it is noticeable that escalation around the “Iran nuclear deal” makes this issue one of the most urgent on the current political agenda. This article focuses on countries’ strategic culture as both public and non-state actors see and respond to challenges and opportunities international system − which is the result of cultural perception. Iranian and Israeli strategic cultures have some similarities - consideration of which is necessary to understand the specifics of the relationship between the two states and Jerusalem's possible response to a potential nuclearization of Tehran. Cultural details are often overlooked when we are trying to analyze the policy of a particular state, however, this analysis can provide an understanding of a particular country's response to challenges and threats. Learning more about how and why actors use force in the system is an important topic to which strategic culture may provide some answers but the process of applying it is difficult. In this article, we overview historical preconditions of Iran-Israel relations, Israel's specific view of its ambitions in the region, and nowadays escalation between two countries. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action is still on the agenda between the two countries, while negotiations in Vienna continue, Iran increased its enrichment up to 60 percent – the highest level in Iranian history. Iranian nuclear program is a cornerstone in the US-Iran and Iran-Israel relations, but the strategic culture of Israel still cannot adopt improvement of relations between the US and Iran, as Iranian progress in its nuclear ambitions. ","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"42 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86473231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237521
I. Maksymenko, V. V. Matuyzo
The arms control regime consists of several documents, and the United States of America and the Russian Federation as the State-Parties ensured the implementation and effectiveness of them mostly. However, the growing conflict between these States due to Russia's numerous violations of international law and obligations under international agreements has also harmed arms control. The withdrawal of both states from strategically important documents, which were tools for maintaining transparency and mutual control, is a result of the decline in trust and the lack of a constructive dialogue between Washington and Moscow. The Open Skies Treaty is one of these documents. The article examines the United States' reasons for the withdrawal from the Treaty and reveals the consequences of such a decision by the administration of President Trump. It is noted that the agreement, the idea of which belonged to the United States, was signed immediately after the end of the Cold War and was to help build trust and openness in the new environment. It is noted that the Treaty ensures international stability through the ability of each party to openly collect information on the armed forces, activities, and operations of another party through coordinated flights of reconnaissance aircraft over the territory of the member states. However, problems are gradually accumulating due to Russia's actions to restrict flight zones in violation of the provisions of the Open Sky Treaty, which has become especially acute since 2014. That made the United States think about the meaning of participating in an agreement where one of the parties violates its provisions. The authors outline the consequences of the U.S. decision to leave the agreement; in particular, the focus is on the reactions of the U.S. European partners and Ukraine. They also examined applications and countermeasures by Russia that has also announced its withdrawal from the agreement. Reflecting on the prospects for international security and arms control, the preconditions for the potential return of the United States and Russia to the Open Sky Treaty are outlined.
{"title":"US WITHDRAWAL FROM THE OPEN SKIES TREATY: CONSEQUENCES FOR INTERNATIONAL SECURITY AND STABILITY","authors":"I. Maksymenko, V. V. Matuyzo","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237521","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237521","url":null,"abstract":"The arms control regime consists of several documents, and the United States of America and the Russian Federation as the State-Parties ensured the implementation and effectiveness of them mostly. However, the growing conflict between these States due to Russia's numerous violations of international law and obligations under international agreements has also harmed arms control. The withdrawal of both states from strategically important documents, which were tools for maintaining transparency and mutual control, is a result of the decline in trust and the lack of a constructive dialogue between Washington and Moscow. The Open Skies Treaty is one of these documents. The article examines the United States' reasons for the withdrawal from the Treaty and reveals the consequences of such a decision by the administration of President Trump. It is noted that the agreement, the idea of which belonged to the United States, was signed immediately after the end of the Cold War and was to help build trust and openness in the new environment. It is noted that the Treaty ensures international stability through the ability of each party to openly collect information on the armed forces, activities, and operations of another party through coordinated flights of reconnaissance aircraft over the territory of the member states. However, problems are gradually accumulating due to Russia's actions to restrict flight zones in violation of the provisions of the Open Sky Treaty, which has become especially acute since 2014. That made the United States think about the meaning of participating in an agreement where one of the parties violates its provisions. The authors outline the consequences of the U.S. decision to leave the agreement; in particular, the focus is on the reactions of the U.S. European partners and Ukraine. They also examined applications and countermeasures by Russia that has also announced its withdrawal from the agreement. Reflecting on the prospects for international security and arms control, the preconditions for the potential return of the United States and Russia to the Open Sky Treaty are outlined.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77044060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.234817
O. I. Dikariev, О. Kovaleva
The research materials represent a theoretical reflection on the strategies of the leading actors of world politics for the development of the hydrogen economy and the transformation of global fuel and energy complex in the context of the tasks voiced at the Summit of Climate Leaders on April 22-23, 2021 (“reducing emissions during this critical decade”, “mobilizing public and private sector finances to ensure zero transition to a new clean energy economy”, “promoting transformational technologies of pure zero by 2050”). The article examines a numer of state strategies: 1) dialectical balance between the operational concepts of the methodical "matryoshka (triple) doll" (biosphere - human life - technosphere) in the European Green Deal, Alternative Energy and Hydrogen Economy projects; 2) achieving synergy of components in the quadrangle of economic and legal relations "Lex Mercatoria - Democratia Carboneum - Lex Petroleа - European Green Deal" when applying new technologies; 3) filling the national and international legal gap to ensure innovation in the field of energy at all stages (extraction, production, supply, transportation, transfer, storage of energy resources, design, construction, operation of energy facilities); 4) resource self-sufficiency and technological capabilities of using hydrogen, choosing the best option for the hydrogen value chain; 5) development of fuel and energy complexes of the European Union, the Republic of Korea, and Japan in terms of prospects for hydrogen energy and building a hydrogen economy based on a combination of national industrial traditions with innovative technologies. The article also deals with a set of institutional factors and legal norms for regulating the relationship between the subjects of national and global fuel and energy complexes in the context of the dynamics of demand for hydrogen and other types of fuel and energy resources in local and world markets. It gives the analysis of the effectiveness of government strategies to reduce dependence on imports of traditional types of energy sources and the development of "green" energy. The authors attempted to identify the priority tasks of energy diplomacy.
研究材料代表了在2021年4月22日至23日气候领导人峰会上提出的任务背景下，世界政治主要参与者对氢经济发展和全球燃料和能源综合体转型的战略的理论反思(“在这关键的十年中减少排放”，“动员公共和私营部门资金以确保向新的清洁能源经济的零过渡”，“到2050年推动纯零的转型技术”)。本文考察了一些国家战略:1)在欧洲绿色协议、替代能源和氢经济项目中有条不紊的“套娃(三重)娃娃”(生物圈-人类生活-技术圈)的操作概念之间的辩证平衡;2)在应用新技术时，实现经济和法律关系“Mercatoria - democratiaticarbonum - Lex petroleae - European Green Deal”四边形各部分的协同作用;3)填补国内和国际法律空白，确保能源领域各个阶段(能源资源的开采、生产、供应、运输、转移、储存、能源设施的设计、建设和运营)的创新;4)利用氢的资源自给能力和技术能力，选择氢价值链的最佳选择;5)在氢能前景方面发展欧盟、韩国和日本的燃料和能源联合体，并在国家工业传统与创新技术相结合的基础上建立氢经济。本文还讨论了一套体制因素和法律规范，以便在当地和世界市场对氢和其他类型燃料和能源的需求动态的背景下调节国家和全球燃料和能源综合体主体之间的关系。它分析了政府减少对传统能源进口依赖和发展“绿色”能源战略的有效性。作者试图确定能源外交的优先任务。
{"title":"ENERGY DIPLOMACY IN THE QUADRANGLE OF ECONOMIC AND LEGAL RELATIONS","authors":"O. I. Dikariev, О. Kovaleva","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.234817","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.234817","url":null,"abstract":"The research materials represent a theoretical reflection on the strategies of the leading actors of world politics for the development of the hydrogen economy and the transformation of global fuel and energy complex in the context of the tasks voiced at the Summit of Climate Leaders on April 22-23, 2021 (“reducing emissions during this critical decade”, “mobilizing public and private sector finances to ensure zero transition to a new clean energy economy”, “promoting transformational technologies of pure zero by 2050”). The article examines a numer of state strategies: 1) dialectical balance between the operational concepts of the methodical \"matryoshka (triple) doll\" (biosphere - human life - technosphere) in the European Green Deal, Alternative Energy and Hydrogen Economy projects; 2) achieving synergy of components in the quadrangle of economic and legal relations \"Lex Mercatoria - Democratia Carboneum - Lex Petroleа - European Green Deal\" when applying new technologies; 3) filling the national and international legal gap to ensure innovation in the field of energy at all stages (extraction, production, supply, transportation, transfer, storage of energy resources, design, construction, operation of energy facilities); 4) resource self-sufficiency and technological capabilities of using hydrogen, choosing the best option for the hydrogen value chain; 5) development of fuel and energy complexes of the European Union, the Republic of Korea, and Japan in terms of prospects for hydrogen energy and building a hydrogen economy based on a combination of national industrial traditions with innovative technologies. The article also deals with a set of institutional factors and legal norms for regulating the relationship between the subjects of national and global fuel and energy complexes in the context of the dynamics of demand for hydrogen and other types of fuel and energy resources in local and world markets. It gives the analysis of the effectiveness of government strategies to reduce dependence on imports of traditional types of energy sources and the development of \"green\" energy. The authors attempted to identify the priority tasks of energy diplomacy.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"79 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91242303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.229966
O. Y. Khoroshylov
The article is devoted to the study of the experience of using aesthetic tools in the formation of national groups. The object of the research is the state anthems, as a concentrated manifestation of the self-interpretation of the political community. The methodology of this article is based on constructivism, which interprets nations as imaginary communities and focuses the attention of the researcher on the practice of using soft technologies of collective integration. It`s addressed to the problem of using literary texts in the processes of collective integration made it possible to include not only representatives of political, but also creative elites in the list of subjects of social engineering. It has been proved that the political significance of the national anthem is manifested through "texts` violence". It`s the ability of the ruling circles to transmit group values to the subordinate array, which is achieved due to the legislative consolidation of a generally binding status for a certain text and due to the aesthetic impact on the consciousness of members of the community. The research methodology is presented by the using the procedures of the comparative method. It was carried out in such clusters as: justification of the right to exist (source of legitimation), "We are the image" of the commonality, common heroes, imaginary geography. It was achieved the identification of statistical patterns and features of the studied text arrays with analytical procedures for critical content analysis of the national anthems of European states. The results of the study confirmed the effectiveness of the procedures and tools of social engineering as one of the scenarios for the creation of national collectives in the European cultural area, substantiated the expediency of using the approved methodology to identify the cultural means of the nation-building process within the borders of Europe, and revealed the prospects of its application in relation to countries of the non-European cultural area.
{"title":"AESTHETIC INSTRUMENTATION FOR FORMING IMAGINED COMMUNITIES: THE PHENOMENON OF THE NATIONAL ANTHEM","authors":"O. Y. Khoroshylov","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.229966","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.229966","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the study of the experience of using aesthetic tools in the formation of national groups. The object of the research is the state anthems, as a concentrated manifestation of the self-interpretation of the political community. The methodology of this article is based on constructivism, which interprets nations as imaginary communities and focuses the attention of the researcher on the practice of using soft technologies of collective integration. \u0000It`s addressed to the problem of using literary texts in the processes of collective integration made it possible to include not only representatives of political, but also creative elites in the list of subjects of social engineering. \u0000It has been proved that the political significance of the national anthem is manifested through \"texts` violence\". It`s the ability of the ruling circles to transmit group values to the subordinate array, which is achieved due to the legislative consolidation of a generally binding status for a certain text and due to the aesthetic impact on the consciousness of members of the community. \u0000The research methodology is presented by the using the procedures of the comparative method. It was carried out in such clusters as: justification of the right to exist (source of legitimation), \"We are the image\" of the commonality, common heroes, imaginary geography. It was achieved the identification of statistical patterns and features of the studied text arrays with analytical procedures for critical content analysis of the national anthems of European states. The results of the study confirmed the effectiveness of the procedures and tools of social engineering as one of the scenarios for the creation of national collectives in the European cultural area, substantiated the expediency of using the approved methodology to identify the cultural means of the nation-building process within the borders of Europe, and revealed the prospects of its application in relation to countries of the non-European cultural area.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84895294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237612
V. Burganova, A. Nowak, M. Dulevych, O. Kahraman, A. Elkhair, I. Superson, D. Navasardian, A. Rzeczycki, O. Novatska, N. Switalska, G. Palyonova, M. Lubinska, E. Polyakova, A. Robeyko, Y. Shevchenko, T. Malicki, V. Zazalitinova, O. Domina
The scientific conference for students majoring in 291 International Relations, Public Communications and Regional Studies at the initiative of the Head of the Department of International Relations Olga Brusylovska brought together Masters of ONU and Bachelors of AMU in Poznan. The conference took place on June 1, 2021 online. Among the issues considered at the conference were: the analysis of international relations and foreign policy of the states (Elkhair A., Superson I., Novatska O., Switalska N., Palyonova G., Lubinska M.), systemic transformation of post-communist countries (Burganova V., Nowak A., Dulevych M., Kahraman O., Navasardian D., Rzeczycki A., Polyakova E., Robeyko A., Shevchenko Y., Malicki T., Zazalitinova V., Domina O.).
{"title":"INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE \"POLITICS AND CHANGE IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE\"","authors":"V. Burganova, A. Nowak, M. Dulevych, O. Kahraman, A. Elkhair, I. Superson, D. Navasardian, A. Rzeczycki, O. Novatska, N. Switalska, G. Palyonova, M. Lubinska, E. Polyakova, A. Robeyko, Y. Shevchenko, T. Malicki, V. Zazalitinova, O. Domina","doi":"10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237612","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237612","url":null,"abstract":"The scientific conference for students majoring in 291 International Relations, Public Communications and Regional Studies at the initiative of the Head of the Department of International Relations Olga Brusylovska brought together Masters of ONU and Bachelors of AMU in Poznan. The conference took place on June 1, 2021 online. Among the issues considered at the conference were: the analysis of international relations and foreign policy of the states (Elkhair A., Superson I., Novatska O., Switalska N., Palyonova G., Lubinska M.), systemic transformation of post-communist countries (Burganova V., Nowak A., Dulevych M., Kahraman O., Navasardian D., Rzeczycki A., Polyakova E., Robeyko A., Shevchenko Y., Malicki T., Zazalitinova V., Domina O.). \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"153 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83825752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-31DOI: 10.25272/j.2149-8539.2021.7.2.01
Efe Öztürk, Aslı Daldal
In this article, the relationship between new social movements, representative democracy and neoliberalism is examined. Starting with student protests in Europe and the United State, the late 1960s have witnessed the emegence of new social movements. Ecological, anti-nuclear, feminist, student, anti-racist, and LGBTI+ protests all have been examined with the scope of the new social movements paradigm. The remarkable protest wave of the 1970s has been followed by contemporary movements in different forms like the Arab Spring and the Occupy movement. Although these movements differ in terms of issues they deal with and goals they seek, they have a lot in common. Unlike the old movements like labour protests, these new movements primarily focus on postmaterial issues. Postmaterial identity demands and rights of these movements conflict with material demands of neoliberal governments. Furthermore, modern democracies fail to address these issues. Representative democracy is seen as an obstacle to political participation. On the other hand, postmodernism is a suitable concept to explain internal discrepancies and dispersion of new social movements. It is argued that (a) the legitimacy crisis of representative democracy and neoliberal response of capitalism to its structural crisis have triggered new social conflicts and movements, (b) these movements differ from old movements in terms of their forms, goals, and demands, (c) new social movements are postmodern.
{"title":"New Social Movements as Postmodern Challanges To Neoliberalism and Representative Democracy","authors":"Efe Öztürk, Aslı Daldal","doi":"10.25272/j.2149-8539.2021.7.2.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25272/j.2149-8539.2021.7.2.01","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, the relationship between new social movements, representative democracy and neoliberalism is examined. Starting with student protests in Europe and the United State, the late 1960s have witnessed the emegence of new social movements. Ecological, anti-nuclear, feminist, student, anti-racist, and LGBTI+ protests all have been examined with the scope of the new social movements paradigm. The remarkable protest wave of the 1970s has been followed by contemporary movements in different forms like the Arab Spring and the Occupy movement. Although these movements differ in terms of issues they deal with and goals they seek, they have a lot in common. Unlike the old movements like labour protests, these new movements primarily focus on postmaterial issues. Postmaterial identity demands and rights of these movements conflict with material demands of neoliberal governments. Furthermore, modern democracies fail to address these issues. Representative democracy is seen as an obstacle to political participation. On the other hand, postmodernism is a suitable concept to explain internal discrepancies and dispersion of new social movements. It is argued that (a) the legitimacy crisis of representative democracy and neoliberal response of capitalism to its structural crisis have triggered new social conflicts and movements, (b) these movements differ from old movements in terms of their forms, goals, and demands, (c) new social movements are postmodern.","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73904234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The European Studies","authors":"C. Bell, H. Newby","doi":"10.4324/9781003213765-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003213765-5","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81584647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Theories of Community","authors":"Colin Bell, H. Newby","doi":"10.4324/9781003213765-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003213765-2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80093101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The American Community Studies","authors":"Colin Bell, H. Newby","doi":"10.4324/9781003213765-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003213765-4","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":38327,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74240444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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