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Entrepreneurship and Second-Best Institutions: Going Beyond Baumol's Typology 企业家精神与次优机构:超越鲍莫尔的类型学
Pub Date : 2008-09-25 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1273561
Robin Douhan, Magnus Henrekson
This paper reconsiders the predominant typology pioneered by Baumol (1990) between productive, unproductive and destructive entrepreneurship. Baumol's classificatory scheme is built around a limited concept of first-best outcomes and therefore easily fails to appreciate the true impact of entrepreneurship in real world circumstances characterized by suboptimal institutions. We present an alternative way of generalizing the notion of entrepreneurship and show how and why it encompasses the Baumol typology as a special case. Our main distinction is between business and institutional entrepreneurship. We draw on Schumpeter's notion of creative destruction and reintroduce the entrepreneur as a potential disturber of an institutional equilibrium. Various subsets of institutional entrepreneurship are posited and discussed. It is shown that changing the workings of institutions constitutes an important set of entrepreneurial profit opportunities. An implication of this is that entrepreneurial efforts to reform or offset inefficient institutions can in some cases be welfare-improving.
本文重新考虑了Baumol(1990)在生产性、非生产性和破坏性企业家精神之间开创的主要类型。鲍莫尔的分类方案是建立在第一最佳结果的有限概念之上的,因此很容易无法理解企业家精神在以次优制度为特征的现实世界环境中的真正影响。我们提出了一种概括企业家精神概念的替代方法,并展示了它如何以及为什么将鲍莫尔类型学作为一个特例。我们的主要区别在于商业创业和机构创业。我们借鉴熊彼特的创造性破坏概念,重新将企业家作为制度均衡的潜在扰乱者。提出并讨论了制度企业家精神的各种子集。研究表明,改变制度的运作构成了一组重要的企业盈利机会。这意味着,企业改革或抵消低效机构的努力在某些情况下可以改善福利。
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引用次数: 0
Who Decides about Change and Restructuring in Organizations? 谁决定组织中的变革和重组?
Pub Date : 2008-09-22 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1271754
Kieron J. Meagher, A. Wait
We model the determinants of who makes decisions, the principal or an agent, when there are multiple decisions. Decision making takes effort and time; and, once implemented, the expected loss from a particular decision (or project) increases with the length of time since the last decision was made. The model shows delegation is more likely as: (i) controllable uncertainty increases; (ii) uncontrollable uncertainty decreases; (iii) the number of plants in the firm decreases; (iv) the complexity of the decision increases; and (v) the importance of the decision increases. The theoretical predictions are consistent with our novel empirical results on the delegation of major organizational change decisions using workplace data. Our unique data allows us to identify who made a decision to implement a significant change, as well as key internal and external factors highlighted as potentially important in our theory. Empirically, delegation is more likely in organizations that: face a competitive product market; export; have predictable product demand; have a larger workplace; and that have fewer other workplaces in the same organization producing a similar output. We find business strategy is not related to the allocation of decision making authority; delegation, however, is associated with the use of human resource techniques such as the provision of bonuses to employees.
当有多个决策时,我们对谁做决策的决定因素进行建模,是委托人还是代理人。做决定需要时间和精力;而且,一旦实施,特定决策(或项目)的预期损失随着上次决策做出后的时间长度而增加。模型表明,当可控不确定性增加时,授权更有可能发生;(ii)不可控不确定性降低;(三)企业内工厂数量减少;(四)决策的复杂性增加;(五)决策的重要性增加。理论预测与我们使用工作场所数据对主要组织变革决策授权的新实证结果一致。我们独特的数据使我们能够确定谁做出了实施重大变革的决定,以及在我们的理论中强调的潜在重要的关键内部和外部因素。根据经验,授权更有可能出现在以下组织中:面临竞争激烈的产品市场;出口;有可预测的产品需求;拥有更大的工作场所;在同一组织中,产生类似产出的其他工作场所就更少了。我们发现企业战略与决策权的分配无关;但是,授权与使用人力资源技术有关,例如向雇员提供奖金。
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引用次数: 7
Understanding Social Systems: A Free Energy Perspective 理解社会系统:一个自由能源的视角
Pub Date : 2008-09-16 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1269035
J. Chen
Social systems are a part of physical systems. In principle, social systems can be described by physical laws. However, there is a long running debate about how much knowledge from physics can be applied effectively to understand human societies. Compared with the vast amount of literature in both natural science and social science, attempts to understand social systems from physical laws are very sporadic. In this work, we show that the structures and evolution of social systems can be clearly understood with some simple and well established knowledge from physics.
社会系统是物理系统的一部分。原则上,社会系统可以用物理定律来描述。然而,有多少物理学知识可以有效地应用于理解人类社会,这是一个长期存在的争论。与自然科学和社会科学领域的大量文献相比,从物理定律来理解社会系统的尝试非常少。在这项工作中,我们展示了社会系统的结构和进化可以用一些简单而成熟的物理学知识来清楚地理解。
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引用次数: 2
Post Independence Nigeria and Industrialisation Strategies: Four and Half Erratic Decades 独立后的尼日利亚与工业化战略:飘忽不定的45年
Pub Date : 2008-09-11 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1266633
Uzochukwu Amakom
The quest for Nigeria to be an industrialized economy with high sustainable growth rates has been the preoccupation of every administration that has piloted the affairs of the nation since after independence. But amidst of these struggles for sustainable growth the Nigerian economy has performed poorly since the late 1970s, resulting in stagnation and increasing poverty levels. Industrialisation was seen as the only feasible means to get to the Promised Land by breaking the shackles of poverty because of the expected spill over effect in every other aspect of the economy. Despite all efforts, since October 1960, the level of industrialization remains very low even with the oil boom that comes intermittently. Thus all three factors (time preference, portfolio choice, and expectations) interacted to produce an economically irrational reaction to the oil-boom in Nigeria. The structural adjustment (SAP) era was seen as a perfect time to consolidate the industrial aspirations but the Nigerian experience with SAP policies in the area of trade and industrial policies illustrates the interplay of several factors in the determination of policy design and implementation. In one sense, there is the loss of policy autonomy since the IMF and donors could almost retain a veto power on policy choices. In practice, Nigerian policy-makers have had tremendous room to manoeuvre. The situation have been off and on till the 4th republic (1999-2007) yet Nigeria's manufacturing sub sector contribution to GDP instead of growing dropped to less than 3 percent in 2006. The paper reviewed all the policies and incentives and proffer guidelines for the way forward.
使尼日利亚成为一个具有高可持续增长率的工业化经济体,是自独立以来每一届领导国家事务的政府所关注的问题。但在这些可持续增长的斗争中,尼日利亚经济自20世纪70年代末以来表现不佳,导致停滞和贫困水平上升。工业化被视为打破贫困桎梏、通往应许之地的唯一可行途径,因为预计工业化会在经济的其他各个方面产生溢出效应。尽管做出了种种努力,但自1960年10月以来,工业化水平仍然很低,即使是断断续续的石油繁荣。因此,这三个因素(时间偏好、投资组合选择和预期)相互作用,对尼日利亚的石油繁荣产生了经济上的非理性反应。结构调整时期被视为巩固工业抱负的最佳时机,但尼日利亚在贸易和工业政策领域实施结构调整政策的经验表明,在确定政策设计和执行方面,若干因素相互作用。从某种意义上说,由于IMF和捐助国几乎可以保留对政策选择的否决权,因此IMF丧失了政策自主权。在实践中,尼日利亚的政策制定者有很大的回旋余地。这种情况一直断断续续,直到第四共和国(1999-2007),但尼日利亚的制造业对GDP的贡献非但没有增长,反而在2006年下降到不到3%。该文件回顾了所有的政策和激励措施,并为未来的道路提供了指导方针。
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引用次数: 11
Remittances, Poverty Reduction and Informalisation in Zimbabwe 2005-6: A Political Economy of Dispossession? 2005- 2006年津巴布韦的汇款、减贫和信息化:剥夺的政治经济学?
Pub Date : 2008-09-09 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1265516
S. Bracking, Lloyd Sachikonye
During the multifaceted crisis that has befallen Zimbabwe since 2000 the plight of the people has been manifest in a shrinking employment market, triple or four digit inflation, a sometime dearth of available commodities, rising child mortality rates and falling life expectancy - to the worst female life expectancy in the world - and a governance crisis experienced as political violence, uncertainty and cultural and social isolationism. Many popular and academic papers have bemoaned and discussed these symptoms of crisis. The fieldwork from which this paper derives, in November to December 2006, was carried out in the context of the above, just after an exercise in currency renewal, where three zeros were removed, in a state suffering the excesses of state propaganda and fear. Some of the data is corrupted by this numeric confusion and fear induced unwillingness to respond to strangers’ questions. However, the core of the dataset is sufficiently rigorous to suggest important validations and new observations which extend the analysis of our 2006 paper on Remittances in Zimbabwe (GPRG, Working Paper No. 45). This paper reaffirms the central importance of remittances to household wellbeing, reproduction and even survival. It provides new data on the expanding cross-border, non-pecuniary goods economy; data on a shrinking formal sector; an increasing unwillingness on the part of remitters to use commercial companies, banks or friends and relatives to transit remittances and thus a shrinking institutional base for the political economy of remittances. In other words, reliance on the personal physical carriage of money has grown as trust in other individuals and firms has shrunk during a period of deep and extended crisis. This serves to arrest any undue romanticism about the ability of an informal sector to emerge in direct compensation and competition to an ossified formal sector: all institutions are in crisis and the new informal remittance transfer systems (IRTS) are no exception. However, the resourcefulness of people in crisis continues to astound, despite these activities not resulting in concretised new institutions. We conclude that a model of a political economy of dispossession can be drawn around our empirics to give both a metaphorical and deeper conceptual understanding of this distal, multi-nodal economy of international remittances, which is critical to the survival of Zimbabweans at the current time.
在2000年以来降临津巴布韦的多重危机期间,人民的困境表现在就业市场萎缩、三位数或四位数的通货膨胀、有时缺乏可用商品、儿童死亡率上升和预期寿命下降——妇女预期寿命降至世界上最低水平——以及政治暴力、不确定性以及文化和社会孤立主义等治理危机。许多大众和学术论文都哀叹并讨论了这些危机的症状。2006年11月至12月,本文的实地调查是在上述背景下进行的,就在货币更新之后,在一个遭受过度国家宣传和恐惧的国家,三个零被删除了。一些数据被数字上的混乱和害怕所导致的不愿回答陌生人的问题所破坏。然而,该数据集的核心足够严谨,可以提出重要的验证和新的观察结果,从而扩展我们2006年关于津巴布韦汇款的论文(GPRG,工作文件第45号)的分析。本文重申了汇款对家庭福利、再生产甚至生存的核心重要性。它提供了有关不断扩大的跨境、非货币商品经济的新数据;关于正规部门萎缩的数据;汇款人越来越不愿意通过商业公司、银行或亲友中转汇款,因此汇款政治经济的制度基础正在缩小。换句话说,在深度和长期的危机期间,对其他个人和公司的信任已经萎缩,而对个人有形货币运输的依赖却在增长。这有助于阻止对非正规部门能够直接补偿和竞争僵化的正规部门的能力的任何不适当的浪漫主义:所有机构都处于危机之中,新的非正规汇款系统也不例外。然而,处于危机中的人们的足智多谋继续令人震惊,尽管这些活动没有产生具体的新机构。我们的结论是,可以围绕我们的经验绘制一个剥夺的政治经济学模型,以对这种远端,国际汇款的多节点经济进行隐喻和更深入的概念性理解,这对当前津巴布韦人的生存至关重要。
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引用次数: 17
Regulating Enterprise: The Regulatory Impact on Doing Business 监管企业:监管对营商环境的影响
Pub Date : 2008-09-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1283204
R. Peerenboom
This is the introduction to a special volume that examines the regulatory impact of doing business in China. The introduction summarizes the results of conferences sponsored by the Oxford Foundation for Law, Justice and Society, and held in Hong Kong and Beijing. The participants addressed a wide range of subjects, including recently issued and yet to be promulgated draft laws and regulations in the areas of bankruptcy, anti-monopoly, real estate and labor; as well as developments in mergers and acquisitions, telecommunications, corporate social responsibility, dispute resolution, intellectual property, banking and financial governance, and the impact of China's accession to the WTO on legal and economic reforms. Major themes and topics include the methodology of reform and the suitability of different approaches to regulation; the impact of political, social and economic factors on legal reforms and vice versa; the influence of bureaucratic rivalries on implementation; the increasing diversity of economic actors and the rise of interest groups with clearly defined and oftentimes competing agendas; and the impact of economic globalization on the domestic regulatory system and the pushback from domestic actors, including foreign businesses, when it comes to international policies and practices that are not in their interests.
这是一本专门探讨在中国经商的监管影响的书的介绍。引言部分总结了牛津法律、正义与社会基金会在香港和北京主办的会议的结果。与会者讨论了广泛的议题,包括最近颁布和尚未颁布的破产、反垄断、房地产和劳工等领域的法律法规草案;以及并购、电信、企业社会责任、争议解决、知识产权、银行和金融治理等领域的发展,以及中国加入世贸组织对法律和经济改革的影响。主要主题和题目包括改革的方法和不同监管方法的适用性;政治、社会和经济因素对法律改革的影响,反之亦然;官僚竞争对执行的影响;经济行为体的日益多样化和利益集团的崛起,这些利益集团的议程定义明确,往往相互竞争;以及经济全球化对国内监管体系的影响,以及包括外国企业在内的国内行为体在涉及不符合其利益的国际政策和做法时的抵制。
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引用次数: 0
Law and Development in China and India: The Advantages and Disadvantages of Front-Loading the Costs of Political Reform 中国和印度的法律与发展:政治改革成本前置的利与弊
Pub Date : 2008-09-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1283209
R. Peerenboom
At first glance, China and India seem to contradict the basic premise of the law and development movement that law plays a key causal role in economic growth. According to the standard view, China has enjoyed high growth rates despite weak legal institutions and the lack of rule of law, while India's growth rates have lagged far behind China's despite a reputation for rule of law and stronger legal institutions. Closer examination however reveals that the experiences of China and India are not as inconsistent with the prevailing wisdom regarding the relationship between law and development as often suggested. China and India also offer contrasting paths to development, with India being the world's largest developing country democracy, and China being the world's largest authoritarian regime. Direct comparisons between China and India are thus inevitable, albeit problematic. Data is often unreliable, available for different years or collected in different ways. There is also considerable regional variation within both countries. Moreover, each country does better in some respects than others. By selecting particular measures, one can present either a positive or negative image of either. Accordingly, across the board generalizations about the superiority of one or the other are dubious. Generalizations are difficult even within a particular area such as rule of law or economic development.Nevertheless, some general observations are possible: China does better in terms of economic measures, poverty reduction, and most measures of human development. India does better in terms of political freedoms and income equality. Both have poor environmental records, low public health spending and repress minorities with secessionist tendencies. Both do relatively well compared to the average country in their income class on good governance measures.The revisionist view sees India's democracy as a great asset in overcoming the middle-income blues. Conversely, although China is also experiencing the middle-income blues, it is following the path of other East Asian countries that were able to make the transition from middle to upper income countries, from weak institutions and rule of law to strong institutions and rule of law, and from authoritarianism to democracy. They did so by postponing democratization until a higher level of wealth was obtained and institutions had time to develop.At this point, the jury is still out as to whether China and India will join the ranks of upper income countries whose citizens enjoy rule of law, good governance and high standards of living and human development, and in China's case, democracy. Thus, it is too early to determine whether front-loading or postponing the costs of political reform will prove to have been the better approach.
乍一看,中国和印度似乎违背了法律与发展运动的基本前提,即法律在经济增长中起着关键的因果作用。根据标准观点,中国在法律制度薄弱、缺乏法治的情况下实现了高增长率,而印度尽管享有法治和更强大的法律制度的声誉,但其增长率远远落后于中国。然而,更仔细的研究表明,中国和印度的经验并不像人们经常认为的那样,与法律与发展之间关系的主流智慧不一致。中国和印度也提供了截然不同的发展道路,印度是世界上最大的发展中民主国家,而中国是世界上最大的专制政权。因此,中国和印度之间的直接比较是不可避免的,尽管存在问题。数据通常是不可靠的,可以获得不同年份的数据或以不同的方式收集。两国内部也存在相当大的地区差异。此外,每个国家在某些方面都比其他国家做得更好。通过选择特定的措施,人们可以呈现出积极或消极的形象。因此,关于其中一个或另一个的优越性的全面概括是可疑的。即使在法治或经济发展等特定领域也很难进行概括。然而,一些一般性的观察是可能的:中国在经济指标、减贫和大多数人类发展指标方面做得更好。印度在政治自由和收入平等方面做得更好。这两个国家的环境记录都很差,公共卫生支出低,并压制有分离主义倾向的少数民族。与同收入阶层的平均国家相比,这两个国家在良好治理措施方面做得相对较好。修正主义的观点认为,印度的民主是克服中等收入忧郁的巨大财富。相反,尽管中国也在经历中等收入的忧郁,但它正在遵循其他东亚国家的道路,这些国家能够从中等收入国家过渡到高收入国家,从薄弱的制度和法治过渡到强大的制度和法治,从威权主义过渡到民主主义。他们的做法是推迟民主化,直到获得更高水平的财富和制度有时间发展。在这一点上,中国和印度是否会加入高收入国家的行列仍然没有定论,这些国家的公民享有法治、良好的治理、高标准的生活和人类发展,在中国的情况下,是民主的。因此,现在判断提前或推迟政治改革的成本是更好的办法还为时过早。
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引用次数: 3
Exploring Explanations of State Agency Budgets: Institutional Budget Actors or Exogenous Environment? 国家机构预算解释探析:制度预算主体还是外生环境?
Pub Date : 2008-09-01 DOI: 10.1111/j.1540-5850.2008.00909.x
J. E. Ryu, Cynthia J. Bowling, Chung-lae Cho, D. S. Wright
Budgetary incrementalism argues that three institutional actors—agencies, executive budget offices, and legislative committees—dominate budget outcomes. The complexity and interdependency of public programs expands this expectation to include the influence of exogenous budget factors. Findings from a survey of state agency heads reveal that budget environments do influence state agency budget outcomes. However, the institutional budgetary participants, especially governors and legislatures, envisioned in classical incrementalism retain their principal and primary influence on state agency budgets. A significant departure from classical incrementalism is that agencies are not as influential as previously depicted.
预算渐进主义认为,三个机构行为体——政府机构、预算执行办公室和立法委员会——主导了预算结果。公共项目的复杂性和相互依赖性扩大了这一预期,包括外生预算因素的影响。对国家机构负责人的调查结果显示,预算环境确实影响国家机构的预算结果。然而,传统渐进主义所设想的机构预算参与者,特别是州长和立法机构,仍然对州机构预算具有主要和主要的影响。与经典渐进主义的一个重大背离是,机构并不像以前描述的那样有影响力。
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引用次数: 23
The Need for a Decentralized Dispute Resolution Mechanism: To Preserve the Convenience of E-Commerce 需要一个分散的争议解决机制:保持电子商务的便利性
Pub Date : 2008-09-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1261763
Shubham Yogi
Internet and telecommunication services are now available all over the world, and emphatically penetrating, still. Such growth in infrastructure invites interest of consumers and producers into foreign markets, which are not physically approachable, but virtually penetrable. Internet trade has grown in leaps and bounds; however, it has not reached the levels it can with the technology available today and the number of consumers and producers willing to trade. The primary reason for the situation is half-belief and distrust towards a foreign land and its products or its investors and consumers. Any dispute between transacting parties is still not resolved at party-to-party level and may reach the highest Appellate Adjudication levels of either region. Dispute resolution has become a part of State policy and the attitude towards it is also driven by national or domestic ideologies. Consequently, resolution of similar disputes in different societies becomes a hindrance to intended interaction over trade and commerce. Although, there have been attempts to create common resolution institutions and uniform laws, private disputes are either not resolved because of geographical differences or are lumped for the same reason.The convenience that electronic commerce offered and by which it lured the .dot com era has negligently been ignored. Any trader worth his salt will ensure enforceability of contractual obligations before raising hopes on attainable profits. Since the resolution practices adopted by international e-traders prove to be difficult to execute by the aggrieved party, many prospective transactions are not even considered. A system of decentralized resolution mechanism will conserve the convenience offered by e-commerce and will attract many more prospective traders. A system which can make the geographical differences inconsequential for fair enforcement of contractual obligations will bring back the convenience of trading across the seas.An ODR System could be an obvious choice for such a suggestion. However, a step-resolution mechanism, inclusive of party participation in decision making and guided negotiations and final adjudicatory options, will prove to be more viable than an ODR System. An organisation to ensure that conflicts are dissolved before they become disputes is required. Trading time and costs of resolution will be some of the starting few profits this system could offer immediately.The paper is an attempt to conceptualise such an organisation by identifying the various factors involved in the functioning and operations of this organisation.
互联网和电信服务现在在世界各地都可以使用,而且仍然具有很强的渗透性。基础设施的这种增长吸引了消费者和生产商对外国市场的兴趣,这些市场在物理上是无法接近的,但实际上是可以渗透的。互联网贸易突飞猛进;然而,以现有的技术和愿意进行贸易的消费者和生产者的数量,它还没有达到它所能达到的水平。造成这种情况的主要原因是对外国土地及其产品或投资者和消费者的半信半疑。交易双方之间的任何争议仍未在当事方之间得到解决,并可能达到任何地区的最高上诉裁决级别。争端解决已成为国家政策的一部分,对它的态度也受到国家或国内意识形态的驱动。因此,在不同的社会中解决类似的争端成为贸易和商业方面的预期互动的障碍。虽然曾试图建立共同的解决机构和统一的法律,但私人纠纷要么因地域差异而得不到解决,要么因同样的原因而被集中处理。电子商务所提供的便利,以及它吸引了。com时代,却被疏忽地忽视了。任何称职的交易员在提高可获得利润的希望之前,都会确保合同义务的可执行性。由于国际电子贸易商采用的解决办法被证明很难被受害方执行,许多潜在的交易甚至没有被考虑。一个分散的解决机制系统将保留电子商务提供的便利,并将吸引更多的潜在交易者。一种能够使地域差异对公平执行合同义务无关紧要的制度,将为跨洋贸易带来便利。对于这种建议,ODR系统可能是一个明显的选择。但是,包括当事方参与决策和有指导的谈判以及最后裁决选择在内的分步解决机制将证明比正式申诉制度更可行。需要一个组织来确保冲突在演变成争端之前得到解决。交易时间和解决方案的成本将是该系统能够立即提供的少数利润之一。本文试图通过确定该组织的运作和运作所涉及的各种因素来概念化这样一个组织。
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引用次数: 0
Evolving Concepts of Self-Determination and Autonomy in International Law: The Legal Status of Tibet 国际法中自决与自治概念的演变:西藏的法律地位
Pub Date : 2008-09-01 DOI: 10.14330/jeail.2008.1.2.01
Valerie Epps
This article traces the evolution of the concept of self-determination from the end of World War I, through the era of decolonization, to the present day when it has become embedded in the human rights framework and, in limited circumstances, is used to justify secession. Various national and international cases are examined in analyzing the jurisprudence of self-determination, as well as the new European standards for State recognition after secession. The concept of autonomy is also examined as possibly providing a solution for disaffected minority groups within a greater territorial unit. The article then applies the self-determination and autonomy frameworks to Tibet and examines possible solutions for assessing Tibet's international status.
本文追溯了自第一次世界大战结束以来自决概念的演变,经过非殖民化时代,直到今天它已成为人权框架的一部分,并在有限的情况下被用来为分离辩护。在分析自决的法理以及在分离后承认国家的新欧洲标准时,审查了各种国内和国际案例。还审查了自治的概念,认为它可能为更大的领土单位内不满的少数群体提供解决办法。然后,本文将自决和自治框架应用于西藏,并探讨了评估西藏国际地位的可能解决方案。
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引用次数: 2
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New Institutional Economics
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