Pub Date : 2023-09-04DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2023.2253445
Tomislav Pavlović
{"title":"Should activism be treated as an indicator of attitudes towards political violence?","authors":"Tomislav Pavlović","doi":"10.1080/17467586.2023.2253445","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2023.2253445","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":38896,"journal":{"name":"Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48311290","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-31DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2023.2219703
Dale Pankhurst
Polarization, populism, and animosity amongst political parties, movements, and societies across Europe and North America has led to an increase in violent extremism in recent years. Groups and individuals motivated by extremist ideology have launched violent attacks against democratic institutions, murdered elected represen- tatives, and bombed government buildings. Militia organizations with a pro-state orientation have also been involved in anti-government extremist violence and terrorism against their own governments. Despite being pro-nation-state, some of these militias now have an anti-government agenda leading to an awkward relationship with the state as a diverse actor encompassing both the government and other state institutions. How can we explain the shift in pro-nation-state militias from pro to anti-government extremism? Using contemporary case studies from both the United States of America and Ukraine, this article will propose that ideological de-alignment between the government and the militia group leads to pro-state militias becoming anti-government. Furthermore, the article will argue that bargaining processes relating to power and control between pro-state militias and governments can lead to these militias exhibiting anti-government extremist behaviour.
{"title":"‘When militias go ‘rogue’: explaining anti-government extremism in so-called ‘pro-nation-state’ militias in the United States of America and Ukraine","authors":"Dale Pankhurst","doi":"10.1080/17467586.2023.2219703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2023.2219703","url":null,"abstract":"Polarization, populism, and animosity amongst political parties, movements, and societies across Europe and North America has led to an increase in violent extremism in recent years. Groups and individuals motivated by extremist ideology have launched violent attacks against democratic institutions, murdered elected represen- tatives, and bombed government buildings. Militia organizations with a pro-state orientation have also been involved in anti-government extremist violence and terrorism against their own governments. Despite being pro-nation-state, some of these militias now have an anti-government agenda leading to an awkward relationship with the state as a diverse actor encompassing both the government and other state institutions. How can we explain the shift in pro-nation-state militias from pro to anti-government extremism? Using contemporary case studies from both the United States of America and Ukraine, this article will propose that ideological de-alignment between the government and the militia group leads to pro-state militias becoming anti-government. Furthermore, the article will argue that bargaining processes relating to power and control between pro-state militias and governments can lead to these militias exhibiting anti-government extremist behaviour.","PeriodicalId":38896,"journal":{"name":"Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48853371","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2023.2218914
Nabil Bill Julkif
ABSTRACTThis paper seeks to understand how subjective perceptions of human rights influence the justifiability of terrorism at the individual level, net of individual and country-level controls. Utilizing the seventh wave of World Values Survey data and 65,668 respondents from 52 countries, this study finds those who report greater interference in their lives from security agents and those who see the country as being run more democratically are more likely to find terrorism justified, while those who perceive less respect for human rights are less likely to do so. The effect of state terror on the justifiability of terrorism is moderated by perceived democracy, with those perceiving the country as being run more democratically being more likely to find terrorism justified when state terror is high.KEYWORDS: Terrorismhuman rightssocial psychologyCross-National researchquantitative multilevel models AcknowledgementThe author thanks The Editor of this journal, the two anonymous peer reviewers, the anonymous peer reviewer in an earlier version of this manuscript and Ms. Merit Goddard Martens for her help in copyediting this paper.Disclosure statementThere are no conflicts of interests.Notes1. For fundraising of WVS see https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSContents.jsp;fieldwork and sampling: https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSContents.jsp;questionnaire development: https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSContents.jsp2. Puerto Rico (PR) was surveyed in 2018 but in this study, PR & US are treated as one country.3. An example of what kind of state terror leads to a particular PTS score: is https://www.politicalterrorscale.org/Data/CodingExamples.html4. Taiwan’s HDI was found on Taiwan’s national Statistics website (Not UNDP): https://eng.stat.gov.tw/ct.asp?xItem=25280&ctNode=6032&mp=5Additional informationNotes on contributorsNabil Bill JulkifThe author is a PhD student at SIU Carbondale
{"title":"Perception of human rights, law enforcement interference and justifiability of terrorism: a Cross-National Analysis","authors":"Nabil Bill Julkif","doi":"10.1080/17467586.2023.2218914","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2023.2218914","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis paper seeks to understand how subjective perceptions of human rights influence the justifiability of terrorism at the individual level, net of individual and country-level controls. Utilizing the seventh wave of World Values Survey data and 65,668 respondents from 52 countries, this study finds those who report greater interference in their lives from security agents and those who see the country as being run more democratically are more likely to find terrorism justified, while those who perceive less respect for human rights are less likely to do so. The effect of state terror on the justifiability of terrorism is moderated by perceived democracy, with those perceiving the country as being run more democratically being more likely to find terrorism justified when state terror is high.KEYWORDS: Terrorismhuman rightssocial psychologyCross-National researchquantitative multilevel models AcknowledgementThe author thanks The Editor of this journal, the two anonymous peer reviewers, the anonymous peer reviewer in an earlier version of this manuscript and Ms. Merit Goddard Martens for her help in copyediting this paper.Disclosure statementThere are no conflicts of interests.Notes1. For fundraising of WVS see https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSContents.jsp;fieldwork and sampling: https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSContents.jsp;questionnaire development: https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSContents.jsp2. Puerto Rico (PR) was surveyed in 2018 but in this study, PR & US are treated as one country.3. An example of what kind of state terror leads to a particular PTS score: is https://www.politicalterrorscale.org/Data/CodingExamples.html4. Taiwan’s HDI was found on Taiwan’s national Statistics website (Not UNDP): https://eng.stat.gov.tw/ct.asp?xItem=25280&ctNode=6032&mp=5Additional informationNotes on contributorsNabil Bill JulkifThe author is a PhD student at SIU Carbondale","PeriodicalId":38896,"journal":{"name":"Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135641651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2023.2218894
Y. Yang
ABSTRACT Existing research on child soldiering has largely neglected whether external support affects the decision of child soldiering by rebel groups. This paper shows that rebel groups’ levels of engagement in child soldiering depends on the types of support that rebel groups receive. I argue that territorial support is associated with increased child recruitment, while troop and monetary support are associated with less child soldiering. This research has crucial implications for our understanding of the relationship between rebel groups’ engagement in human rights violations and support from external actors. Furthermore, this research highlights previously overlooked roots of the use of child soldiers, so policy makers can pay more attention to these issues in the future.
{"title":"Vicious gift? Types of external support and child recruitment by rebel groups","authors":"Y. Yang","doi":"10.1080/17467586.2023.2218894","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2023.2218894","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Existing research on child soldiering has largely neglected whether external support affects the decision of child soldiering by rebel groups. This paper shows that rebel groups’ levels of engagement in child soldiering depends on the types of support that rebel groups receive. I argue that territorial support is associated with increased child recruitment, while troop and monetary support are associated with less child soldiering. This research has crucial implications for our understanding of the relationship between rebel groups’ engagement in human rights violations and support from external actors. Furthermore, this research highlights previously overlooked roots of the use of child soldiers, so policy makers can pay more attention to these issues in the future.","PeriodicalId":38896,"journal":{"name":"Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide","volume":"16 1","pages":"97 - 123"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46156434","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2023.2218899
Daisy Muibu
ABSTRACT Why do citizens living under conditions of protracted conflict empower the police with greater discretionary authority? Relying on survey data of community perceptions, this study compares the relative impact that normative and instrumental judgements of policing have on the public’s willingness to empower the police with greater discretionary authority in a context of protracted conflict located in sub-Saharan Africa. Results from this study of 323 residents living in Kismayo city in southern Somalia suggest that both normative and instrumental judgements matter for empowering police to fight crime. Moreover, the perception that the police are representative of local clans is also significantly associated with police empowerment. Accordingly, these findings suggest support for the notion that there does not always exist a “zero-sum game” between normative and instrumental judgements, particularly in a sociopolitical context little studied within the policing literature.
{"title":"Normative and instrumental judgements of policing and their relative impacts on police empowerment during protracted conflict","authors":"Daisy Muibu","doi":"10.1080/17467586.2023.2218899","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2023.2218899","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Why do citizens living under conditions of protracted conflict empower the police with greater discretionary authority? Relying on survey data of community perceptions, this study compares the relative impact that normative and instrumental judgements of policing have on the public’s willingness to empower the police with greater discretionary authority in a context of protracted conflict located in sub-Saharan Africa. Results from this study of 323 residents living in Kismayo city in southern Somalia suggest that both normative and instrumental judgements matter for empowering police to fight crime. Moreover, the perception that the police are representative of local clans is also significantly associated with police empowerment. Accordingly, these findings suggest support for the notion that there does not always exist a “zero-sum game” between normative and instrumental judgements, particularly in a sociopolitical context little studied within the policing literature.","PeriodicalId":38896,"journal":{"name":"Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide","volume":"16 1","pages":"124 - 147"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47534934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2023.2218900
Suranjan Weeraratne
ABSTRACT Given their deeply deviant nature, suicide terror attacks are highly newsworthy events and in theory, should attract high levels of media coverage. However, this is not the case and some suicide bombings tend to be covered more extensively than others. Through a detailed case study of Boko Haram, this research delineates the conditions under which suicide attacks are more likely to be covered across national, regional and international media outlets. The analysis relied on a dataset of 473 suicide attacks carried out by Boko Haram since 2011. Drawing on a news media distortion analysis, this study finds multiple attributes of suicide terrorism can entice heightened levels of reporting. Suicide attacks entailing higher fatalities, female perpetrators and civilian targets all lead to greater media attention while ambiguity in terms of perpetrator gender identity significantly diminishes coverage. Moreover, all of these factors are robust across national, regional and international media outlets, though the effect of gender is strongest for international media sources. Suicide attacks on Nigerian soil are generally more likely to be covered compared to attacks elsewhere in West Africa where Boko Haram is also active and this effect is especially strong for international media coverage.
{"title":"Why are some suicide terror attacks more newsworthy than others?","authors":"Suranjan Weeraratne","doi":"10.1080/17467586.2023.2218900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2023.2218900","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Given their deeply deviant nature, suicide terror attacks are highly newsworthy events and in theory, should attract high levels of media coverage. However, this is not the case and some suicide bombings tend to be covered more extensively than others. Through a detailed case study of Boko Haram, this research delineates the conditions under which suicide attacks are more likely to be covered across national, regional and international media outlets. The analysis relied on a dataset of 473 suicide attacks carried out by Boko Haram since 2011. Drawing on a news media distortion analysis, this study finds multiple attributes of suicide terrorism can entice heightened levels of reporting. Suicide attacks entailing higher fatalities, female perpetrators and civilian targets all lead to greater media attention while ambiguity in terms of perpetrator gender identity significantly diminishes coverage. Moreover, all of these factors are robust across national, regional and international media outlets, though the effect of gender is strongest for international media sources. Suicide attacks on Nigerian soil are generally more likely to be covered compared to attacks elsewhere in West Africa where Boko Haram is also active and this effect is especially strong for international media coverage.","PeriodicalId":38896,"journal":{"name":"Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide","volume":"16 1","pages":"148 - 178"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44790046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2023.2218888
Kyle M. Schwing, Jason A. Spitaletta, Jonathan Pitt
ABSTRACT We introduce a method to measure the socially constituted strength of an insurgency and its state opponent as they compete for recognition as a governing body, based upon the four flows theory of the communicative constitution of organizations. We validate our method using a RAND data set of 30 recently concluded insurgencies, and find that our method not only predicts the ultimate victor in all 30 conflicts, but also refines previous analyses of the pattern of conflict by reducing the number of parameters necessary to forecast outcomes and grounding these observed trends in the intersection of organization and communication theories. Our results reveal the criticality of an organization maintaining an aura of cohesive structuring while avoiding to appear more oppressive than its opponent.
{"title":"Measuring the competitive communicative constitution of insurgencies and their opponents","authors":"Kyle M. Schwing, Jason A. Spitaletta, Jonathan Pitt","doi":"10.1080/17467586.2023.2218888","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2023.2218888","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT We introduce a method to measure the socially constituted strength of an insurgency and its state opponent as they compete for recognition as a governing body, based upon the four flows theory of the communicative constitution of organizations. We validate our method using a RAND data set of 30 recently concluded insurgencies, and find that our method not only predicts the ultimate victor in all 30 conflicts, but also refines previous analyses of the pattern of conflict by reducing the number of parameters necessary to forecast outcomes and grounding these observed trends in the intersection of organization and communication theories. Our results reveal the criticality of an organization maintaining an aura of cohesive structuring while avoiding to appear more oppressive than its opponent.","PeriodicalId":38896,"journal":{"name":"Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide","volume":"16 1","pages":"71 - 96"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44861129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2023.2182446
Ibrahim Kocaman, Isa Haskologlu, Mustafa Kirisci
ABSTRACT The recent literature on antecedents of civil wars focuses primarily on the escalation of non-violent movements to civil wars. Still, it remains silent on why some terrorist campaigns manage to turn their violent campaign into a sustained insurgency. By filling this lacuna, we provide empirically supported explanations for this puzzle. Specifically, we explore the effects of three factors on a terror group’s chance to escalate the civil war, which are 1) how the state responds to the group’s terror campaign, 2) how the group responds to the state’s counterterrorism strategies, 3) and the state’s relations with other states. By testing our theory with recently released data on terrorist groups, we find that a terror group’s campaign is more likely to escalate to a civil war when 1) the state uses more repression against the terror group and 2) the group diversifies its attack portfolio. In addition, we also find that a terror group is less likely to escalate its campaign to a civil war if the state engages in an interstate rivalry, and the state responds to the group with higher spending on public goods, specifically social welfare goods. The results provide implications for future studies on terrorism and civil war.
{"title":"Why do some terrorist campaigns escalate to civil wars but others do not?","authors":"Ibrahim Kocaman, Isa Haskologlu, Mustafa Kirisci","doi":"10.1080/17467586.2023.2182446","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2023.2182446","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The recent literature on antecedents of civil wars focuses primarily on the escalation of non-violent movements to civil wars. Still, it remains silent on why some terrorist campaigns manage to turn their violent campaign into a sustained insurgency. By filling this lacuna, we provide empirically supported explanations for this puzzle. Specifically, we explore the effects of three factors on a terror group’s chance to escalate the civil war, which are 1) how the state responds to the group’s terror campaign, 2) how the group responds to the state’s counterterrorism strategies, 3) and the state’s relations with other states. By testing our theory with recently released data on terrorist groups, we find that a terror group’s campaign is more likely to escalate to a civil war when 1) the state uses more repression against the terror group and 2) the group diversifies its attack portfolio. In addition, we also find that a terror group is less likely to escalate its campaign to a civil war if the state engages in an interstate rivalry, and the state responds to the group with higher spending on public goods, specifically social welfare goods. The results provide implications for future studies on terrorism and civil war.","PeriodicalId":38896,"journal":{"name":"Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide","volume":"16 1","pages":"20 - 43"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41675462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2023.2201519
A. Lemieux
{"title":"Letter From the Editor","authors":"A. Lemieux","doi":"10.1080/17467586.2023.2201519","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2023.2201519","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":38896,"journal":{"name":"Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide","volume":"16 1","pages":"1 - 1"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47005810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2023.2182445
Michelle Black, Rula Jabbour
ABSTRACT Activities of insurgent and terrorist groups generally end in military defeat, victory, or negotiated settlement. However, what if there is another option beyond these three choices that could help explain strategies among modern-day insurgencies or terrorist organizations? Specifically, what if groups officially and legitimately renounced violence and joined the political process they initially fought? The fear, many would argue, is a return to violence and conflict if the members are provoked while in office. Our study specifically addresses these concerns by asking: under which conditions do insurgent and terrorist groups reduce their use of violence? We investigate this question by performing a comparative case study on a collection of groups, empirically testing the hypothesis that upon entering the political process, insurgent or terrorist groups are more likely to reduce their use of violence. Essentially, we argue that violent groups that enter the political process are more likely to reduce violence than groups that do not enter the political process.
{"title":"Insurgent and terrorist groups’ participation in politics reduces violence","authors":"Michelle Black, Rula Jabbour","doi":"10.1080/17467586.2023.2182445","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2023.2182445","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Activities of insurgent and terrorist groups generally end in military defeat, victory, or negotiated settlement. However, what if there is another option beyond these three choices that could help explain strategies among modern-day insurgencies or terrorist organizations? Specifically, what if groups officially and legitimately renounced violence and joined the political process they initially fought? The fear, many would argue, is a return to violence and conflict if the members are provoked while in office. Our study specifically addresses these concerns by asking: under which conditions do insurgent and terrorist groups reduce their use of violence? We investigate this question by performing a comparative case study on a collection of groups, empirically testing the hypothesis that upon entering the political process, insurgent or terrorist groups are more likely to reduce their use of violence. Essentially, we argue that violent groups that enter the political process are more likely to reduce violence than groups that do not enter the political process.","PeriodicalId":38896,"journal":{"name":"Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide","volume":"16 1","pages":"2 - 19"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49566863","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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