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Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide最新文献

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The Capitol breach: perspective from the Sociology of Collective Action 国会大厦被攻破:集体行动社会学的视角
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2021.1913507
David Schweingruber
ABSTRACT The breach of the Capitol Building on 6 January 2021 was an unprecedented event in United States history, but the behaviour of the people on the Capitol grounds and inside the Capitol Building was consistent with the findings of sociological research on behaviour in riots and other temporary gatherings. This article describes key sociological findings and illustrates these with examples from the January 6 event. Myths about behaviour in temporary gatherings are also addressed.
2021年1月6日的国会大厦闯入事件是美国历史上前所未有的事件,但国会大厦场地和国会大厦内人们的行为与骚乱和其他临时集会行为的社会学研究结果一致。本文描述了主要的社会学发现,并用1月6日事件中的例子来说明这些发现。关于临时聚会行为的误解也得到了解决。
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引用次数: 0
Fear of the angry mob 害怕愤怒的暴徒
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2021.1913506
J. Jasper
ABSTRACT The Capitol breach that occurred on 6 January 2021 immediately revived images of protest crowds as irrational, emotional, violent, and out of control. This frame had flourished for millennia, but had been displaced by more sympathetic ideas about protest in recent decades. Inspired by the civil rights and feminist movements, scholars had come to see street protest as politics by extraordinary means for those closed off from more mainstream channels of influence. Journalists, politicians, and police did not entirely change their minds along with researchers, but they had softened their views somewhat: protestors are not necessarily criminals to be attacked. In a society where protest is common, Americans had developed more nuanced thinking and feelings about crowds – all of which went out the window on January 6th. In this paper I trace some of the history of European and American ideas about crowds in order to show how easy – and how mistaken – it is to see a crowd of protestors as “a hostile crowd” or “a violent crowd,” or simply “the mob.”
摘要2021年1月6日发生的国会大厦被攻破事件立即再现了抗议人群非理性、情绪化、暴力和失控的画面。这一框架繁荣了数千年,但在近几十年中被更具同情心的抗议思想所取代。受民权和女权运动的启发,学者们开始将街头抗议视为政治,对那些被更主流的影响力渠道拒之门外的人来说,这是一种非同寻常的手段。记者、政客和警察并没有和研究人员一起完全改变主意,但他们的观点有所软化:抗议者不一定是要受到攻击的罪犯。在一个抗议活动普遍存在的社会里,美国人对人群产生了更微妙的思考和感受——所有这些都在1月6日消失了。在这篇论文中,我追溯了欧洲和美国关于人群的一些思想的历史,以表明将一群抗议者视为“敌对人群”、“暴力人群”或简单的“暴徒”是多么容易,也是多么错误
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引用次数: 1
The visual and rhetorical styles of Atomwaffen Division and their implications 《Atomwaffen Division》的视觉和修辞风格及其含义
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2021.1913203
J. Hendry, A. Lemieux
ABSTRACT Atomwaffen Division (AWD) was an American neo-nazi extremist organization active between 2015 and 2020. Even after its disbanding, AWD’s influence can be felt in the symbols and media produced by other organizations in the white power space. This paper contributes to the ongoing study of violent extremism and media by categorizing, defining, and analysing AWD’s official video releases and visual/audio style. First, we explore the history and significance of AWD’s video media output, noting how AWD took advantage of existing internet aesthetics to connect their messaging to its target audience. Then, we analyse AWD’s official video releases, showing how they express white power ideology in ways which have continued to be influential after the group’s dissolution, along with ongoing implications.
Atomwaffen Division (AWD)是活跃于2015年至2020年的美国新纳粹极端组织。即使在AWD解散之后,在白人权力空间的其他组织所产生的符号和媒介中,仍然可以感受到AWD的影响。本文通过对AWD官方发布的视频和视听风格进行分类、定义和分析,有助于对暴力极端主义和媒体的持续研究。首先,我们探讨了AWD视频媒体输出的历史和意义,注意到AWD如何利用现有的互联网美学将他们的信息与目标受众联系起来。然后,我们分析了AWD的官方视频发布,展示了他们如何以在该组织解散后继续具有影响力的方式表达白人权力意识形态,以及正在进行的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Race war or culture war: the diversity in right-wing extremism 种族战争还是文化战争:右翼极端主义的多样性
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2021.1917771
Tom McCauley
ABSTRACT While it is common to refer to “the radical right,” I argue that there are in fact two distinct right-wing movements in the USA: one that fears loss of racial supremacy, and one that fears loss of cultural supremacy. It is the latter that drove the January 2021 Capitol riot, and without understanding the difference between the two, it will be impossible to make sense of that event, to understand contemporary trends, such as the increase in minority support for Donald Trump, and to frame effective policy initiatives against a new radical threat.
虽然人们经常提到“激进右翼”,但我认为美国实际上存在两种截然不同的右翼运动:一种是害怕失去种族至上主义,另一种是害怕失去文化至上主义。正是后者导致了2021年1月的国会大厦骚乱,如果不了解两者之间的区别,就不可能理解这一事件,不可能理解当代趋势,比如少数族裔对唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)的支持增加,也不可能制定有效的政策举措来应对新的激进威胁。
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引用次数: 2
On the brink: identifying psychological indicators of societal destabilization in Donetsk, Luhansk and Crimea 在边缘:识别顿涅茨克、卢甘斯克和克里米亚社会不稳定的心理指标
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-16 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2021.1895262
A. Hoyle, Helma van den Berg, B. Doosje, Martijn Kitzen
ABSTRACT Contemporary hostile actors are increasingly attempting to destabilize targeted states’ civilian domains via malign influence activities. With this civilian focus, societal destabilization is at least partly psychological. However, empirical evidence of a psychological dimension to societal destabilization is lacking. We assess the potential of five pertinent psychological factors to indicate societal destabilization using data captured about citizens living in the Ukrainian regions of Donetsk, Luhansk, and Crimea, prior to the outbreak of conflict in 2014. Analysts state that Russian influence activities contributed to societal destabilization in these regions. Using preregistered analyses, we contrast the self-reported levels of our selected psychological factors in these citizens against the self-reported levels of citizens from contextually and culturally similar societies. We confirmed that levels of political and social trust were significantly lower, and the perception of economic instability was significantly higher in citizens of Donetsk, Luhansk, and Crimea. Although observational, the results point to the relevance of these psychological factors for understanding societal destabilization provoked by influence activities.
当代敌对行为体越来越多地试图通过恶意影响活动破坏目标国家的民用领域的稳定。以平民为中心,社会的不稳定至少部分是心理上的。然而,缺乏社会不稳定的心理层面的经验证据。我们利用2014年冲突爆发前乌克兰顿涅茨克、卢甘斯克和克里米亚地区居民的数据,评估了表明社会不稳定的五个相关心理因素的潜力。分析人士指出,俄罗斯的影响活动助长了这些地区的社会不稳定。使用预先登记的分析,我们对比了这些公民中我们选择的心理因素的自我报告水平与来自背景和文化相似的社会的公民的自我报告水平。我们证实,顿涅茨克、卢甘斯克和克里米亚公民的政治和社会信任水平明显较低,对经济不稳定的看法明显较高。虽然是观察性的,但结果指出了这些心理因素与理解影响活动引起的社会不稳定的相关性。
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引用次数: 0
Intergroup images mediate the relationships between government abuse, sociopolitical orientations, and political action 群体间形象在政府滥用、社会政治取向和政治行为之间起到中介作用
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-16 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2021.1895261
Erin M. Kearns, Christopher M. Federico, Victor Asal, J. I. Walsh, Allison E. Betus, A. Lemieux
ABSTRACT What factors impact how people mobilize against state human rights abuses? Drawing on Image Theory, we examine how perceptions of an out-group, government abuse, and sociopolitical orientations impact political action. Using an online survey-embedded experiment with a sample of 2,932 U.S. adults, we manipulated two factors: (1) the level of government abuse and (2) the risk of punishment for taking action against the state, while also including social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) as covariates. Participants indicated their propensity to engage in and justify both protest and violence. Participants rated the out-group as oppressive and evil. State abuse of human rights was associated with more oppressive and evil out-group images. Oppressive out-group images increased protest engagement and justification, whereas evil out-group images increased violence engagement and justification. Abuse increased all forms of action and justifications for them. Oppressive and evil images mediated many of the relationships between abuse, SDO, and RWA on one hand and political action on the other.
什么因素影响人们如何动员起来反对国家侵犯人权?利用形象理论,我们研究了对外群体、政府滥用和社会政治取向的看法如何影响政治行动。通过对2,932名美国成年人的在线调查嵌入实验,我们操纵了两个因素:(1)政府滥用的程度和(2)对国家采取行动的惩罚风险,同时还将社会支配取向(SDO)和右翼威权主义(RWA)作为协变量。参与者表示,他们倾向于参与抗议和暴力,并为其辩护。参与者认为外群体是压迫和邪恶的。国家对人权的侵犯与更为压迫和邪恶的群体外形象联系在一起。压迫性的外群体形象增加了抗议参与和辩护,而邪恶的外群体形象增加了暴力参与和辩护。滥用职权增加了各种形式的行动和为这些行动辩解的理由。压迫和邪恶的图像调解了虐待、SDO和RWA与政治行动之间的许多关系。
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引用次数: 0
Fake news: the effects of social media disinformation on domestic terrorism 假新闻:社交媒体虚假信息对国内恐怖主义的影响
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-14 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2021.1895263
James A. Piazza
ABSTRACT This study tests whether social media disinformation contributes to domestic terrorism within countries. I theorize that disinformation disseminated by political actors online through social media heightens political polarization within countries and that this, in turn, produces an environment where domestic terrorism is more likely to occur. I test this theory using data from more than 150 countries for the period 2000–2017. I find that propagation of disinformation through social media drives domestic terrorism. Using mediation tests I also verify that disinformation disseminated through social media increases domestic terrorism by, among other processes, enhancing political polarization within society.
摘要本研究测试了社交媒体虚假信息是否助长了国内恐怖主义。我的理论是,政治行为者通过社交媒体在网上传播的虚假信息加剧了国家内部的政治两极分化,这反过来又产生了一种更容易发生国内恐怖主义的环境。我使用2000-2017年期间来自150多个国家的数据来检验这一理论。我发现,通过社交媒体传播虚假信息会引发国内恐怖主义。通过调解测试,我还证实,通过社交媒体传播的虚假信息通过加剧社会内部的政治两极分化等过程,加剧了国内恐怖主义。
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引用次数: 16
An exploration of right-wing extremist incidents in Atlantic Canada 加拿大大西洋地区右翼极端主义事件探析
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-27 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2021.1876900
David C. Hofmann, Brynn Trofimuk, Shayna Perry, Caitlin Hyslop-Margison
ABSTRACT The study of Canadian right-wing extremism from a security context is in its infancy, with only a handful of empirical and theoretical studies emerging on the topic within the last decade. With the increase of right-wing extremism violence in Canada such as the 2014 Moncton shooting and the 2017 Quebec City mosque attack, there is a pressing need to better understand the breadth, depth, and extent of Canadian right-wing extremism. The current paper presents the preliminary findings from a larger cross-Canadian research project on right-wing extremism and focuses exclusively on Atlantic Canada (New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland & Labrador, and Prince Edward Island). A comprehensive scoping of open-source documents of right-wing extremist incidents in Atlantic Canada from January 2000 to December 2019 and their related attributes were compiled into a dataset, and then used to explore the distribution, breadth, type, and extent of right-wing extremist activity in the Maritime provinces. Given the focus of previous research upon urban aspects of Canadian right-wing extremism, and that Atlantic Canada is more rural in comparison to the rest of Canada, the breakdown of occurrences of different types of right-wing extremist activities based upon rurality are also examined.
摘要:从安全角度对加拿大右翼极端主义的研究尚处于起步阶段,在过去十年中,只有少数实证和理论研究涉及这一主题。随着2014年蒙克顿枪击案和2017年魁北克市清真寺袭击案等加拿大右翼极端主义暴力事件的增加,迫切需要更好地了解加拿大右翼极端主义的广度、深度和程度。目前的论文介绍了一个更大的跨加拿大右翼极端主义研究项目的初步结果,专门关注加拿大大西洋地区(新不伦瑞克省、新斯科舍省、纽芬兰和拉布拉多省以及爱德华王子岛)。将2000年1月至2019年12月加拿大大西洋地区右翼极端主义事件的开源文件及其相关属性汇编成一个数据集,然后用于探索右翼极端主义活动在海事省份的分布、广度、类型和程度。鉴于先前研究的重点是加拿大右翼极端主义的城市方面,而且与加拿大其他地区相比,加拿大大西洋地区更为农村,因此还研究了基于农村的不同类型右翼极端主义活动的发生情况。
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引用次数: 1
Letter from the editor 编辑来信
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2021.1899375
G. Ligon, Lauren M. Zimmerman
Episodic ataxias (EA) include a group of autosomal dominant disorders characterized by paroxysmal attacks of imbalance and incoordination. Currently, there are nine recognized forms of episodic ataxia (EA1–EA9) [1,2], with causative genes known for 6 of them. Particularly, pathogenic variants in KCNA1, CACNA1A, CACNB4, SLC1A3, UBR4 and FGF14 genes have been described for EA1, EA2, EA5, EA6, EA8 and EA9 respectively. EA2 is the most common episodic ataxia syndrome, characterized by paroxysmal attacks of ataxia, vertigo and nausea, sometimes associated with dysarthria, diplopia, tinnitus, dystonia, headache and hemiplegia [3,4]. These symptoms may last from minutes to days. Onset is typically in childhood or early adolescence and frequency of attacks may range from once or twice a year to three or four times a week. Attacks can be provoked by psychological stress or exertion. Between attacks, patients are asymptomatic, but they commonly develop interictal signs that may include nystagmus and ataxia [3,4]. Patients with EA2 respond well to acetazolamide treatment [5]. In 2009, we evaluated a 17-years old Italian boy who presented, since childhood, recurrent episodes of ataxia, nausea and incoordination, induced by exertion and, sometimes, psychological stress. The episodes occurred with a mean frequency of five times per month and lasted for 30-45 minutes. Between attacks, he was asymptomatic. There was no family history of neurological disorders. Past history revealed only congenital nystagmus. In the interictal neurological examination, the patient presents nystagmus horizontally beating on lateral gaze. No other oculomotor findings could be observed. Brain MRI was unremarkable, particularly cerebellar atrophy was not present. Suspecting Episodic Ataxia type 2, a genetic test was proposed. Informed consent was obtained for genetic testing in accordance with the Institution’s ethics committee board requirements. DNA was extracted from peripheral blood by standard techniques. All exons and flanking introns of CACNA1A were amplified from the proband. We used denaturing high performance liquid chromatography (DHPLC) in combination with direct Sanger sequencing to identify specific nucleotide changes or small indels. In the proband, a single heterozygous nucleotide substitution was detected in exon 5 (c.758 A > G; reference transcript NM_001127221.1), substituting a histidine for an arginine (p. His253Arg; reference protein sequence NP_001120693.1) in the putative protein. This variant was not present in GnomAD. In addition, the variant was absent in the proband’s parents, suggesting a de novo origin, and it was classified as “likely pathogenic” according to ACMG criteria. The patient was started on acetazolamide 250 mg twice a day, with clinical improvement: attacks were less severe and their frequency decreased to one every six months. Since then, he has been evaluated regularly every year. After ten years of follow up, he still reports benefits from
发作性共济失调(EA)包括一组常染色体显性遗传疾病,其特征是发作性不平衡和不协调发作。目前,有九种公认的发作性共济失调(EA1–EA9)[1,2],其中6种是已知的致病基因。特别地,KCNA1、CACNA1A、CACNB4、SLC1A3、UBR4和FGF14基因中的致病性变体已分别针对EA1、EA2、EA5、EA6、EA8和EA9进行了描述。EA2是最常见的发作性共济失调综合征,以共济失调发作、眩晕和恶心为特征,有时伴有构音障碍、复视、耳鸣、肌张力障碍、头痛和偏瘫[3,4]。这些症状可能持续几分钟到几天。发作通常发生在儿童期或青春期早期,发作频率可能从每年一到两次到每周三到四次不等。攻击可能由心理压力或劳累引起。在发作之间,患者没有症状,但他们通常会出现发作间期体征,包括眼球震颤和共济失调[3,4]。EA2患者对乙酰唑胺治疗反应良好[5]。2009年,我们对一名17岁的意大利男孩进行了评估,该男孩从小就出现共济失调、恶心和不协调的反复发作,这些发作是由用力引起的,有时是心理压力引起的。发作的平均频率为每月5次,持续时间为30-45分钟。在两次发作之间,他没有症状。没有神经系统疾病家族史。既往病史仅显示先天性眼球震颤。在发作间期神经系统检查中,患者在侧视时出现水平跳动的眼球震颤。没有观察到其他动眼神经的发现。脑MRI表现不明显,尤其是小脑萎缩不明显。怀疑2型发作性共济失调,提出了一项基因测试。根据研究所伦理委员会委员会的要求,获得了基因检测的知情同意书。通过标准技术从外周血中提取DNA。CACNA1A的所有外显子和侧翼内含子均扩增自先证者。我们使用变性高效液相色谱法(DHPLC)与直接Sanger测序相结合来识别特定的核苷酸变化或小INDEL。在先证者中,在外显子5(c.758 a>G;参考转录本NM_001127221.1)中检测到一个单一的杂合核苷酸取代,用组氨酸代替推定蛋白中的精氨酸(p.His253Arg;参考蛋白序列NP_001120693.1)。GnomAD中不存在此变体。此外,该变体在先证者的父母中不存在,这表明它是新起源的,根据ACMG标准,它被归类为“可能致病”。患者开始服用250 mg乙酰唑胺,每天两次,临床症状有所改善:发作程度较轻,频率降至每六个月一次。从那时起,他每年都会定期接受评估。经过十年的随访,他仍然报告了乙酰唑胺治疗的益处,因为他的发作频率很低,发作症状也很轻微。与第一次相比,他的神经系统评估没有改变。最近进行的脑部核磁共振成像没有变化,没有小脑萎缩的迹象。EA2是一种罕见的由CACNA1A基因突变引起的疾病,该基因编码P/Q型电压门控Ca2+通道(CaV2.1)的α1亚基。α1亚单位有四个结构域(IIV),每个结构域由六个跨膜疏水段(S1-S6)形成。每个结构域的片段S5和S6排列在孔隙区域,并对离子选择性和Ca2+通道的渗透起着关键作用[6,7]。CACNA1A突变沿整个基因分布(图1),但错义突变通常涉及S5-S6片段及其边界[8]。对我们的先证者CACNA1A基因的分子分析发现,在杂合子状态下存在新的c.758G>A变体,并导致推定蛋白中的p.His253Arg取代。根据ACMG标准[9],这种以前未报告的序列变化满足一个强、两个中等和一个支持标准(PS2+PM1+PM5+PP3)[10]。总之,我们已经在典型的散发性EA2表型中表征了CACNA1A基因中的一种新的错义变体,该变体由运动引发共济失调和不协调发作,始于儿童时期,对乙酰唑胺有反应。长期治疗通过改善临床进程显示出有效性,没有任何不良反应。根据临床证据和美国医学遗传学与基因组学学院制定的标准[9],我们得出结论,这种新变种可以被归类为“可能致病”。EA2是一种罕见的疾病,但在未确诊的头晕、眩晕和共济失调发作中,即使没有家族史,也应考虑它,尤其是在发作期眼震患者中。
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引用次数: 0
Non-conventional anti-personnel landmines and sustainable livelihoods in Colombian rural areas 非常规杀伤人员地雷与哥伦比亚农村地区的可持续生计
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-10 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2020.1853192
Carlos Augusto Jaramillo- Gutierrez, A. Londoño-Pineda, Oscar Alonso Vélez Rojas
ABSTRACT The aim of this study is to explore how sustainable livelihoods are affected by the presence of non-conventional anti-personnel landmines placed in rural areas by understanding the impact of anti-personnel landmines on different types of capital (natural, physical, financial, social, and human) that sustain rural livelihoods. This study focuses on Colombia because most of the anti-personnel landmines that have been laid by Colombian guerrilla groups are non-conventional, which makes it difficult to detect them. To solve this situation, new protocols have been generated that have allowed 225 municipalities to be certified as free of suspicion of anti-personnel mines. However, it is necessary to ascertain whether these certifications have mitigated the uncertainty generated in those who inhabit these territories. For this reason, a conceptual model is proposed, which should be validated in future research.
本研究的目的是通过了解杀伤地雷对维持农村生计的不同类型资本(自然、物质、金融、社会和人力)的影响,探讨农村地区非常规杀伤地雷的存在对可持续生计的影响。这项研究的重点是哥伦比亚,因为哥伦比亚游击队埋设的大多数杀伤地雷都是非常规地雷,因此很难发现它们。为了解决这一情况,制定了新的议定书,使225个城市被证明没有杀伤地雷的嫌疑。然而,有必要确定这些证明是否减轻了居住在这些领土上的人所产生的不确定性。为此,本文提出了一个概念模型,并在未来的研究中进行验证。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide
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