Pub Date : 2022-02-07DOI: 10.1080/13567888.2022.2073082
Less than a week after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) announced that it was opening an investigation into whether war crimes had been committed. The fact that the Russian armed forces in Ukraine are operating within a clearly defined chain of command leading to the Kremlin removes one important obstacle to a prosecution that has served as a stumbling block in other investigations by the court. The chief prosecutor will probably attempt to indict senior Russian officials on charges of war crimes or crimes against humanity by the end of 2022, but at that point the ICC would face a familiar problem: there is no mechanism to compel Russia to extradite suspects so that they may be brought to trial.
{"title":"The International Criminal Court’s investigation in Ukraine","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/13567888.2022.2073082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13567888.2022.2073082","url":null,"abstract":"Less than a week after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) announced that it was opening an investigation into whether war crimes had been committed. The fact that the Russian armed forces in Ukraine are operating within a clearly defined chain of command leading to the Kremlin removes one important obstacle to a prosecution that has served as a stumbling block in other investigations by the court. The chief prosecutor will probably attempt to indict senior Russian officials on charges of war crimes or crimes against humanity by the end of 2022, but at that point the ICC would face a familiar problem: there is no mechanism to compel Russia to extradite suspects so that they may be brought to trial.","PeriodicalId":38903,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Comments","volume":" ","pages":"x - xii"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47293858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-07DOI: 10.1080/13567888.2022.2056996
In September 2021, India greeted the news that Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States had formed ‘AUKUS’ – a security partnership focusing on the Indo-Pacific – coolly. This is despite it improving its diplomatic and security engagements with each of these countries since 2017, when Sino-India relations soured after an armed stand-off over a long-standing border dispute. New Delhi is particularly concerned that AUKUS may cause an increase in the number of nuclear-powered attack submarines operating in the eastern Indian Ocean from the 2030s onwards, an issue aggravated by the fact that the Indian Navy would like to acquire these types of vessels but currently does not have a clear plan to do so.
{"title":"The effect of AUKUS on India’s foreign and defence policies","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/13567888.2022.2056996","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13567888.2022.2056996","url":null,"abstract":"In September 2021, India greeted the news that Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States had formed ‘AUKUS’ – a security partnership focusing on the Indo-Pacific – coolly. This is despite it improving its diplomatic and security engagements with each of these countries since 2017, when Sino-India relations soured after an armed stand-off over a long-standing border dispute. New Delhi is particularly concerned that AUKUS may cause an increase in the number of nuclear-powered attack submarines operating in the eastern Indian Ocean from the 2030s onwards, an issue aggravated by the fact that the Indian Navy would like to acquire these types of vessels but currently does not have a clear plan to do so.","PeriodicalId":38903,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Comments","volume":" ","pages":"iv - vi"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49484594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-07DOI: 10.1080/13567888.2022.2060477
Libya’s failure to hold elections as scheduled on 24 December 2021 marked the failure of a second peace process led by the United Nations Special Mission in Libya. The country’s rival political coalitions remain divided geographically, with one based in Tripoli in the west and another based in Tobruk in the east. These groups show no sign that they will agree to hold elections in the near term and seem to be preparing for a long-term power struggle. Meanwhile, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has prompted the Western powers to view Libya with renewed interest, given that they are keen to secure oil and gas to supply global energy markets thrown off balance by the war.
{"title":"Libya’s new period of uncertainty","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/13567888.2022.2060477","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13567888.2022.2060477","url":null,"abstract":"Libya’s failure to hold elections as scheduled on 24 December 2021 marked the failure of a second peace process led by the United Nations Special Mission in Libya. The country’s rival political coalitions remain divided geographically, with one based in Tripoli in the west and another based in Tobruk in the east. These groups show no sign that they will agree to hold elections in the near term and seem to be preparing for a long-term power struggle. Meanwhile, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has prompted the Western powers to view Libya with renewed interest, given that they are keen to secure oil and gas to supply global energy markets thrown off balance by the war.","PeriodicalId":38903,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Comments","volume":"28 1","pages":"vii - ix"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43960622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-07DOI: 10.1080/13567888.2022.2051315
The major oil-producing states of the Persian Gulf are now grappling with the fact that they must reshape their economies in light of the long-term global transition away from carbon-based sources of energy. Historically, oil has played a critical role in supporting the region’s political systems and underwriting its relatively high standards of living. In the years ahead, the Gulf states will attempt to remain in good standing internationally as oil and gas are managed out of the global economy through multilateral climate diplomacy. Several states have launched ambitious plans to expand the region’s renewable-energy sector, but for the foreseeable future they will continue to rely on revenues from selling oil abroad – particularly in Asia, where demand is rising.
{"title":"The Arab Gulf states and the geopolitics of the energy transition","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/13567888.2022.2051315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13567888.2022.2051315","url":null,"abstract":"The major oil-producing states of the Persian Gulf are now grappling with the fact that they must reshape their economies in light of the long-term global transition away from carbon-based sources of energy. Historically, oil has played a critical role in supporting the region’s political systems and underwriting its relatively high standards of living. In the years ahead, the Gulf states will attempt to remain in good standing internationally as oil and gas are managed out of the global economy through multilateral climate diplomacy. Several states have launched ambitious plans to expand the region’s renewable-energy sector, but for the foreseeable future they will continue to rely on revenues from selling oil abroad – particularly in Asia, where demand is rising.","PeriodicalId":38903,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Comments","volume":" ","pages":"i - iii"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41503675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13567888.2022.2031079
Lebanon is experiencing an unprecedented economic crisis that has caused inflation to rise and basic public services to be cut dramatically. This has led to social unrest and worsened the country’s governance problem. The economic model that arose after Lebanon’s civil war, which relies on debt held by domestic banks and the Central Bank of Lebanon, is no longer sustainable, and the country’s political elite have shunned reforms urged by the World Bank and the IMF. The current government, led by Najib Mikati, is facing elections scheduled for May 2022 and will probably prove unable to improve the country’s dire economic circumstances before then, with poverty and unemployment rates expected to rise even further.
{"title":"Lebanon’s governance crisis","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/13567888.2022.2031079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13567888.2022.2031079","url":null,"abstract":"Lebanon is experiencing an unprecedented economic crisis that has caused inflation to rise and basic public services to be cut dramatically. This has led to social unrest and worsened the country’s governance problem. The economic model that arose after Lebanon’s civil war, which relies on debt held by domestic banks and the Central Bank of Lebanon, is no longer sustainable, and the country’s political elite have shunned reforms urged by the World Bank and the IMF. The current government, led by Najib Mikati, is facing elections scheduled for May 2022 and will probably prove unable to improve the country’s dire economic circumstances before then, with poverty and unemployment rates expected to rise even further.","PeriodicalId":38903,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Comments","volume":" ","pages":"i - iii"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43990197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13567888.2022.2034344
Negotiations are under way in Vienna on a deal that would bring Iran and the United States back into compliance with the 2015 nuclear agreement called the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. But Iran’s fast-advancing nuclear programme is undermining some of the non-proliferation benefits of the nuclear agreement. Even if Iran agrees to eliminate its current stockpile of enriched uranium, the knowledge Iranian scientists have acquired through this research cannot be erased. Iran, Israel and the US are each preparing plan-B strategies in case negotiations stall or collapse, and indeed, the complexity and risks associated with this scenario have served to underscore the high stakes involved in reviving the nuclear agreement in some form.
{"title":"The status of negotiations over Iran’s nuclear programme","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/13567888.2022.2034344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13567888.2022.2034344","url":null,"abstract":"Negotiations are under way in Vienna on a deal that would bring Iran and the United States back into compliance with the 2015 nuclear agreement called the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. But Iran’s fast-advancing nuclear programme is undermining some of the non-proliferation benefits of the nuclear agreement. Even if Iran agrees to eliminate its current stockpile of enriched uranium, the knowledge Iranian scientists have acquired through this research cannot be erased. Iran, Israel and the US are each preparing plan-B strategies in case negotiations stall or collapse, and indeed, the complexity and risks associated with this scenario have served to underscore the high stakes involved in reviving the nuclear agreement in some form.","PeriodicalId":38903,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Comments","volume":" ","pages":"iv - vi"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44349983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13567888.2022.2045079
The security situation in Nagorno-Karabakh has remained tense since the end of a six-week war between Armenia and Azerbaijan that ended with a Russian-brokered ceasefire in November 2020. Azerbaijan regained control of territories that it had lost in the 1990s, and continued during much of 2021 to assert itself with regard to other territorial claims along its border with Armenia and to push diplomatically for the reopening of cross-border transport links. Turkey’s involvement in the war on the side of Azerbaijan was significant, and the outcome resolved issues that in the past had prevented Turkey from normalising relations with Armenia. Negotiations between Ankara and Yerevan over normalisation are now under way.
{"title":"The uneasy new status quo in Nagorno-Karabakh","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/13567888.2022.2045079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13567888.2022.2045079","url":null,"abstract":"The security situation in Nagorno-Karabakh has remained tense since the end of a six-week war between Armenia and Azerbaijan that ended with a Russian-brokered ceasefire in November 2020. Azerbaijan regained control of territories that it had lost in the 1990s, and continued during much of 2021 to assert itself with regard to other territorial claims along its border with Armenia and to push diplomatically for the reopening of cross-border transport links. Turkey’s involvement in the war on the side of Azerbaijan was significant, and the outcome resolved issues that in the past had prevented Turkey from normalising relations with Armenia. Negotiations between Ankara and Yerevan over normalisation are now under way.","PeriodicalId":38903,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Comments","volume":" ","pages":"x - xii"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42313444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13567888.2022.2044662
In mid-2021, China launched two unprecedented test weapons that travelled long distances in low-Earth orbit before releasing hypersonic gliders into the atmosphere, which hit targets on Chinese territory. Much is unknown about these tests, but this ‘orbital glider-release system’ is a new technology that could substantially increase China’s nuclear second-strike capabilities against the United States and serve as a hedge against the deployment by the US of new missile-defence systems.
{"title":"China’s 2021 orbital-weapon tests","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/13567888.2022.2044662","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13567888.2022.2044662","url":null,"abstract":"In mid-2021, China launched two unprecedented test weapons that travelled long distances in low-Earth orbit before releasing hypersonic gliders into the atmosphere, which hit targets on Chinese territory. Much is unknown about these tests, but this ‘orbital glider-release system’ is a new technology that could substantially increase China’s nuclear second-strike capabilities against the United States and serve as a hedge against the deployment by the US of new missile-defence systems.","PeriodicalId":38903,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Comments","volume":" ","pages":"vii - ix"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46403120","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-26DOI: 10.1080/13567888.2021.2021685
China has been pursuing an ambitious foreign policy towards the six member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) for the last two decades. It has drawn closer to these countries in the areas of economic and security policy, while at the same time refusing to be drawn into regional rivalries or debates over strategic issues in the Middle East. The GCC states, for their part, see the countries of Asia – not only China, but also India, Japan and others – as key to their economic future, even as they continue to rely on the United States and other Western powers on matters related to security and defence.
{"title":"Relations between China and the Arab Gulf states","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/13567888.2021.2021685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13567888.2021.2021685","url":null,"abstract":"China has been pursuing an ambitious foreign policy towards the six member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) for the last two decades. It has drawn closer to these countries in the areas of economic and security policy, while at the same time refusing to be drawn into regional rivalries or debates over strategic issues in the Middle East. The GCC states, for their part, see the countries of Asia – not only China, but also India, Japan and others – as key to their economic future, even as they continue to rely on the United States and other Western powers on matters related to security and defence.","PeriodicalId":38903,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Comments","volume":" ","pages":"iv - vi"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48964074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-26DOI: 10.1080/13567888.2021.2022365
Naftali Bennett, Israel’s prime minister since June 2021, is leading a national-unity coalition that brings together parties from the far left to the far right. His government has held together longer – and accomplished more – than many initially predicted. This is despite the fact that it took power at a time when Israel was facing serious, and in some cases unprecedented, challenges domestically and internationally. Bennett is focused on implementing overdue, politically controversial domestic reforms and responding to Iran, which is advancing its nuclear programme and attempting to establish a military presence in Syria.
{"title":"The national-unity government in Israel","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/13567888.2021.2022365","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13567888.2021.2022365","url":null,"abstract":"Naftali Bennett, Israel’s prime minister since June 2021, is leading a national-unity coalition that brings together parties from the far left to the far right. His government has held together longer – and accomplished more – than many initially predicted. This is despite the fact that it took power at a time when Israel was facing serious, and in some cases unprecedented, challenges domestically and internationally. Bennett is focused on implementing overdue, politically controversial domestic reforms and responding to Iran, which is advancing its nuclear programme and attempting to establish a military presence in Syria.","PeriodicalId":38903,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Comments","volume":"27 1","pages":"vii - ix"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44407285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：