The speech itself did not so much lay out a coherent foreign policy vision for the future as much as it sought to secure Romney’s credentials as a critic of President Barack Obama and true believer in the infallibility of U.S. foreign policy and the U.S. military. Lines like “If you do not want America to be the strongest nation on Earth, I am not your president. You have that president today,” or “In an American Century, America has the strongest economy and the strongest military in the world. In an American Century, America leads the free world and the free world leads the entire world,” are either simply right-wing rhetoric, the former, or platitudes, the latter. Coming from Rick Perry or Michele Bachmann, these lines might be true representations of the depth of their thinking on foreign policy. Coming from Romney these remarks seem, at least to some degree, like true representations of what he thinks he needs to say to win the Republican nomination.
{"title":"Romney Still Trying to Have It Both Ways on Foreign Policy","authors":"Lincoln A. Mitchell","doi":"10.7916/D88D05G0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D88D05G0","url":null,"abstract":"The speech itself did not so much lay out a coherent foreign policy vision for the future as much as it sought to secure Romney’s credentials as a critic of President Barack Obama and true believer in the infallibility of U.S. foreign policy and the U.S. military. Lines like “If you do not want America to be the strongest nation on Earth, I am not your president. You have that president today,” or “In an American Century, America has the strongest economy and the strongest military in the world. In an American Century, America leads the free world and the free world leads the entire world,” are either simply right-wing rhetoric, the former, or platitudes, the latter. Coming from Rick Perry or Michele Bachmann, these lines might be true representations of the depth of their thinking on foreign policy. Coming from Romney these remarks seem, at least to some degree, like true representations of what he thinks he needs to say to win the Republican nomination.","PeriodicalId":389468,"journal":{"name":"Faster Times","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114993869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On September 11th, 2001 during the long walk from the office a few blocks from Ground Zero where I had begun my day to my home in Northern Manhattan, it was obvious that the attacks in Lower Manhattan and, as we later learned, Washington DC, had changed the world and the U.S. During those first weeks and months when much of Lower Manhattan was inaccessible and the paper kept printing the names of the dead, everybody in New York was aware that the world, and our city, was not going to ever be the same.
{"title":"How the World Changed and Who Changed It After September 11th","authors":"Lincoln A. Mitchell","doi":"10.7916/D86Q26NW","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D86Q26NW","url":null,"abstract":"On September 11th, 2001 during the long walk from the office a few blocks from Ground Zero where I had begun my day to my home in Northern Manhattan, it was obvious that the attacks in Lower Manhattan and, as we later learned, Washington DC, had changed the world and the U.S. During those first weeks and months when much of Lower Manhattan was inaccessible and the paper kept printing the names of the dead, everybody in New York was aware that the world, and our city, was not going to ever be the same.","PeriodicalId":389468,"journal":{"name":"Faster Times","volume":"103 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114032542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is something of an unusual development that the opposition party in a major economic power put the global economy at risk and contributes to downgrading their own country’s credit rating for little reason other than their desire to make the incumbent chief executive look bad and modestly improve their own party’s chances in the national elections which are still 15 months away. The story of one of that party’s leading candidates reacting to all this by holding a rally to call upon divine intervention to help his country and to mobilize his party’s fundamentalist religious base, is also notable. This is, of course, the state of political affairs in the U.S. as it might be seen from Moscow, Brussels, or from Beijing, America’s biggest creditor.
{"title":"American Partisan Fighting in the Global Context","authors":"Lincoln A. Mitchell","doi":"10.7916/D8SJ1W0T","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D8SJ1W0T","url":null,"abstract":"It is something of an unusual development that the opposition party in a major economic power put the global economy at risk and contributes to downgrading their own country’s credit rating for little reason other than their desire to make the incumbent chief executive look bad and modestly improve their own party’s chances in the national elections which are still 15 months away. The story of one of that party’s leading candidates reacting to all this by holding a rally to call upon divine intervention to help his country and to mobilize his party’s fundamentalist religious base, is also notable. This is, of course, the state of political affairs in the U.S. as it might be seen from Moscow, Brussels, or from Beijing, America’s biggest creditor.","PeriodicalId":389468,"journal":{"name":"Faster Times","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131285967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Because the U.S. is still the most powerful state in the world, decisions and policies pursued by the U.S. can have impacts in almost every corner of the planet. Not surprisingly policy makers, journalists, diplomats and ordinary people in every country are often concerned about American policies which affect them. One of the most difficult aspects of American foreign policy to explain to people outside the U.S. is the tremendous role of domestic politics in foreign policy. Many people understand this to mean simply the power of ethnic lobbies and often overstate the role of these lobbies in determining U.S. foreign policy, but the relationship between domestic and foreign policy is much deeper and more complex than that.
{"title":"The Debt Ceiling and America's Role in the World","authors":"Lincoln A. Mitchell","doi":"10.7916/D87M0JCZ","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D87M0JCZ","url":null,"abstract":"Because the U.S. is still the most powerful state in the world, decisions and policies pursued by the U.S. can have impacts in almost every corner of the planet. Not surprisingly policy makers, journalists, diplomats and ordinary people in every country are often concerned about American policies which affect them. One of the most difficult aspects of American foreign policy to explain to people outside the U.S. is the tremendous role of domestic politics in foreign policy. Many people understand this to mean simply the power of ethnic lobbies and often overstate the role of these lobbies in determining U.S. foreign policy, but the relationship between domestic and foreign policy is much deeper and more complex than that.","PeriodicalId":389468,"journal":{"name":"Faster Times","volume":"90 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123346491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s recent comments that Syrian President Bashar alAssad as has “lost legitimacy” suggest that the U.S. may pursue a more aggressive policy in Syria. Assad has presided over a repressive and authoritarian regime since coming to power in 2000, following almost 30 years of a similarly repressive regime in Syria led by al-Assad’s father, Hafez al-Assad. In the last few weeks and months, al-Assad has become even more brutal as his regime cracks down on demonstrations and demands for more freedom following similar movements in other North African countries.
{"title":"Losing Legitimacy in Syria","authors":"Lincoln A. Mitchell","doi":"10.7916/D8TH8X36","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D8TH8X36","url":null,"abstract":"Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s recent comments that Syrian President Bashar alAssad as has “lost legitimacy” suggest that the U.S. may pursue a more aggressive policy in Syria. Assad has presided over a repressive and authoritarian regime since coming to power in 2000, following almost 30 years of a similarly repressive regime in Syria led by al-Assad’s father, Hafez al-Assad. In the last few weeks and months, al-Assad has become even more brutal as his regime cracks down on demonstrations and demands for more freedom following similar movements in other North African countries.","PeriodicalId":389468,"journal":{"name":"Faster Times","volume":"141 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131410499","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the Cold War, both the Soviet Union and the U.S. sought to create and use multilateral organizations to serve their interests and to use the language of universal values and goods to frame the pursuit of their national goals. The United Nations was, for example, in many cases a diplomatic battleground between the two superpowers. Organizations like NATO were multi-lateral, but largely served the interest of the U.S. Similarly, ideas like freedom and democracy were used by the U.S. to put a more palatable face on what were otherwise proxy fights with the USSR, while the USSR used the language of peace and cooperation between nations for the same purpose.
{"title":"U.S. Interests and Universal Goods","authors":"Lincoln A. Mitchell","doi":"10.7916/D8G73Q4D","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D8G73Q4D","url":null,"abstract":"During the Cold War, both the Soviet Union and the U.S. sought to create and use multilateral organizations to serve their interests and to use the language of universal values and goods to frame the pursuit of their national goals. The United Nations was, for example, in many cases a diplomatic battleground between the two superpowers. Organizations like NATO were multi-lateral, but largely served the interest of the U.S. Similarly, ideas like freedom and democracy were used by the U.S. to put a more palatable face on what were otherwise proxy fights with the USSR, while the USSR used the language of peace and cooperation between nations for the same purpose.","PeriodicalId":389468,"journal":{"name":"Faster Times","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130472909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Last week President Obama gave a major policy speech on the Middle East which sought to present American policy and priorities to the world at a time of great change in the region. A wave of demonstrations has overthrown undemocratic regimes in some countries, contributed to civil conflict in others and been met by harsh government crackdowns in still others. Similarly, the killing of Osama Bin Laden, although not in the region, also is expected to have an impact on U.S. policy in the Muslim world more broadly.
{"title":"Obama's New Old Middle East Policy","authors":"Lincoln A. Mitchell","doi":"10.7916/D8VH5Z81","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D8VH5Z81","url":null,"abstract":"Last week President Obama gave a major policy speech on the Middle East which sought to present American policy and priorities to the world at a time of great change in the region. A wave of demonstrations has overthrown undemocratic regimes in some countries, contributed to civil conflict in others and been met by harsh government crackdowns in still others. Similarly, the killing of Osama Bin Laden, although not in the region, also is expected to have an impact on U.S. policy in the Muslim world more broadly.","PeriodicalId":389468,"journal":{"name":"Faster Times","volume":"97 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132993132","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The celebrations of Bin Laden’s death have been described by some as potentially contributing to greater anti-American sentiment, or even further acts of terrorism against. While this is a possibility the U.S. It seems unlikely that Bin Laden’s death, or the American reaction to it, will inspire a rash of anti-American feeling. Those who find American celebration of the death Bin Laden unseemly or who are driven into paroxysms of anti-American hatred because the U.S. succeeded in tracking down and killing a sworn enemy are probably already pretty far down the Jihadist road anyway.
{"title":"Bin Laden's Death and the War on Terrorism","authors":"Lincoln A. Mitchell","doi":"10.7916/D83X8H1Z","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D83X8H1Z","url":null,"abstract":"The celebrations of Bin Laden’s death have been described by some as potentially contributing to greater anti-American sentiment, or even further acts of terrorism against. While this is a possibility the U.S. It seems unlikely that Bin Laden’s death, or the American reaction to it, will inspire a rash of anti-American feeling. Those who find American celebration of the death Bin Laden unseemly or who are driven into paroxysms of anti-American hatred because the U.S. succeeded in tracking down and killing a sworn enemy are probably already pretty far down the Jihadist road anyway.","PeriodicalId":389468,"journal":{"name":"Faster Times","volume":"239 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123280086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The NATO involvement in Libya continues characterized by an anticipated ambiguity about next steps, overall goals and methods of reaching those goals as well as the real possibility that this timely intervention may, in fact, have saved thousands of lives. The decision to intervene in Libya, while first resisted by the Obama administration has been generally accepted by both Democrats and Republicans in Washington who have disagreed about the timing and methods, but less about the decision itself. While there has been some dissent and criticism of the Obama administration for this decision, most of that has come from the ideological extremes or from ordinary citizens.
{"title":"Libya and the Strength of the American Foreign Policy Establishment","authors":"Lincoln A. Mitchell","doi":"10.7916/D8HD852T","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D8HD852T","url":null,"abstract":"The NATO involvement in Libya continues characterized by an anticipated ambiguity about next steps, overall goals and methods of reaching those goals as well as the real possibility that this timely intervention may, in fact, have saved thousands of lives. The decision to intervene in Libya, while first resisted by the Obama administration has been generally accepted by both Democrats and Republicans in Washington who have disagreed about the timing and methods, but less about the decision itself. While there has been some dissent and criticism of the Obama administration for this decision, most of that has come from the ideological extremes or from ordinary citizens.","PeriodicalId":389468,"journal":{"name":"Faster Times","volume":"142 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-04-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124891050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Obama administration’s decision to intervene militarily in Libya has been largely justified on the grounds that the U.S. and its allies were compelled to do this because if left on his own Libyan leader Moammar Gaddafi would have killed many innocent Libyans guilty of nothing more than wanting a better life and more freedom. The general outline of this explanation is almost certainly true, but it is not entirely sufficient and leaves too many questions unanswered. Answering these questions is essential for winning enduring public support for this action, developing a strategy for winding down this intervention and for ensuring that it sets a positive precedent for the future.
{"title":"More Questions on Libya","authors":"Lincoln A. Mitchell","doi":"10.7916/D84X5J5B","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D84X5J5B","url":null,"abstract":"The Obama administration’s decision to intervene militarily in Libya has been largely justified on the grounds that the U.S. and its allies were compelled to do this because if left on his own Libyan leader Moammar Gaddafi would have killed many innocent Libyans guilty of nothing more than wanting a better life and more freedom. The general outline of this explanation is almost certainly true, but it is not entirely sufficient and leaves too many questions unanswered. Answering these questions is essential for winning enduring public support for this action, developing a strategy for winding down this intervention and for ensuring that it sets a positive precedent for the future.","PeriodicalId":389468,"journal":{"name":"Faster Times","volume":"79 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120841129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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