Pub Date : 2023-01-07DOI: 10.1177/18793665221150656
Tigran Torosyan, A. Vardanyan
The article discusses the problems of the effectiveness of a comparative analysis method used for diaspora studies. Depending on their nature, diasporas can be either comparable or non-comparable. The article provides a methodology for studying diasporas as well as its paradigm and implementation algorithm. It relies on the approach that one of the key factors of comparative analysis is whether the cases compared are comparable or not. Thus, it becomes necessary to reveal the nature of diasporas and their communities. To ensure the effectiveness of the analysis of comparable diasporas, the article proposes to classify the variables defining diasporas into two groups: identity variables and institutional variables. Identity variables can be used when there is a need for more detailed assessment of the nature of diasporas. The comparative analysis of diasporas or communities with the same nature should be based on institutional variables. The article examines the cases of the Armenian community in Russia and Lebanon to test the proposed methodology. It argues that these communities have different nature and thus their comparative analysis for the purpose of disclosing the prerequisites for the preservation of identity and effective functioning of institutions is senseless.
{"title":"The modeling possibilities of the comparative analysis of heterogeneous diasporas: The case of Armenia","authors":"Tigran Torosyan, A. Vardanyan","doi":"10.1177/18793665221150656","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665221150656","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses the problems of the effectiveness of a comparative analysis method used for diaspora studies. Depending on their nature, diasporas can be either comparable or non-comparable. The article provides a methodology for studying diasporas as well as its paradigm and implementation algorithm. It relies on the approach that one of the key factors of comparative analysis is whether the cases compared are comparable or not. Thus, it becomes necessary to reveal the nature of diasporas and their communities. To ensure the effectiveness of the analysis of comparable diasporas, the article proposes to classify the variables defining diasporas into two groups: identity variables and institutional variables. Identity variables can be used when there is a need for more detailed assessment of the nature of diasporas. The comparative analysis of diasporas or communities with the same nature should be based on institutional variables. The article examines the cases of the Armenian community in Russia and Lebanon to test the proposed methodology. It argues that these communities have different nature and thus their comparative analysis for the purpose of disclosing the prerequisites for the preservation of identity and effective functioning of institutions is senseless.","PeriodicalId":39195,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83856773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/18793665231160889
S. Saxena
In the western world, we always acknowledge the role played by premier universities in shaping of state and national policy. There seems to be a significant presence of Harvard, Cambridge, Heidelberg or Stanford in the policy circles of their respective political spheres. The instruments of this influence tend to be the elites trained at these institutions who carry a certain network or school-of-thought with them to their professional practise. However, there does not seem to be a mechanism through which the universities or the institutes in the Western style set up can directly lobby or carry out representation in the government. It is the alumnus or ‘old-boys’ networks they rely on for both following the political trends and making subtle representation. In turn, political and state institutions never want to be seen as influencing the freedom of academia, but do their bidding behind the scenes as they not only ultimately hold the purse strings, but are also responsible for educational policy and its implementation. Such practice is embodied in a particular perception, both that of the academic institution itself and the political machinery it interacts with, that it is not the place of academia to get directly involved with the inner political workings. As the perception of both expertise and training evolves through the varying economic and political systems and as these systems start to strongly interact in a global sphere of quite different academic and political traditions, it has become essential to learn and evaluate the rules of engagement of the ‘nonwestern’ systems. Not the least because various educational aid and development initiatives together with aggressive marketing of Western education world over seek to displace the local educational practices with consequences broader than just in education itself (Kalra & Saxena, 2021). The general agenda relies on labelling local practises as backwards, inefficient, corrupt and even threatening, for example, in the case of the Islamic system. This seems ironic as the same Western policy makers and institutions seek to import highly trained, cheap and lucrative labour force as well as services which are products of these very systems they want to reform and expunge. This makes one wonder, could such dichotomies be understood by looking at the dynamics between policy institutions close to the governments and academia? One thing is clear, that no single template ormodel is sufficient for either understanding or engaging with this process. In an effort to look at particular regional scenarios we have chosen Eurasia/Central Asia as a case study. Despite their stellar performance, high degree achievement and impact, academic traditions and institutions of Central Asia have been largely misunderstood. This is mainly because this region has historically been ‘reconfigured’ to reflect the histories of the Islamic World, the Persian Empire or the Soviet Union, but not very often in its own right. E
{"title":"Introduction to Special Issue: Science, Diplomacy and a Case of Institutions in Eurasia","authors":"S. Saxena","doi":"10.1177/18793665231160889","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665231160889","url":null,"abstract":"In the western world, we always acknowledge the role played by premier universities in shaping of state and national policy. There seems to be a significant presence of Harvard, Cambridge, Heidelberg or Stanford in the policy circles of their respective political spheres. The instruments of this influence tend to be the elites trained at these institutions who carry a certain network or school-of-thought with them to their professional practise. However, there does not seem to be a mechanism through which the universities or the institutes in the Western style set up can directly lobby or carry out representation in the government. It is the alumnus or ‘old-boys’ networks they rely on for both following the political trends and making subtle representation. In turn, political and state institutions never want to be seen as influencing the freedom of academia, but do their bidding behind the scenes as they not only ultimately hold the purse strings, but are also responsible for educational policy and its implementation. Such practice is embodied in a particular perception, both that of the academic institution itself and the political machinery it interacts with, that it is not the place of academia to get directly involved with the inner political workings. As the perception of both expertise and training evolves through the varying economic and political systems and as these systems start to strongly interact in a global sphere of quite different academic and political traditions, it has become essential to learn and evaluate the rules of engagement of the ‘nonwestern’ systems. Not the least because various educational aid and development initiatives together with aggressive marketing of Western education world over seek to displace the local educational practices with consequences broader than just in education itself (Kalra & Saxena, 2021). The general agenda relies on labelling local practises as backwards, inefficient, corrupt and even threatening, for example, in the case of the Islamic system. This seems ironic as the same Western policy makers and institutions seek to import highly trained, cheap and lucrative labour force as well as services which are products of these very systems they want to reform and expunge. This makes one wonder, could such dichotomies be understood by looking at the dynamics between policy institutions close to the governments and academia? One thing is clear, that no single template ormodel is sufficient for either understanding or engaging with this process. In an effort to look at particular regional scenarios we have chosen Eurasia/Central Asia as a case study. Despite their stellar performance, high degree achievement and impact, academic traditions and institutions of Central Asia have been largely misunderstood. This is mainly because this region has historically been ‘reconfigured’ to reflect the histories of the Islamic World, the Persian Empire or the Soviet Union, but not very often in its own right. E","PeriodicalId":39195,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"34 1","pages":"3 - 7"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84113179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/18793665231160190
P. Kalra
This paper considers the concept of science diplomacy in the context of Eurasian history with a particular focus on the period of the Mongol Empire in the 13th century. The Mongol Empire held sway over much of Eurasia and thus participated in diplomatic activity within and outside of Mongol domains. Scientists and intellectuals routinely headed diplomatic embassies sent and received by the Mongol Empire. Diplomats were valued for their knowledge and skills and served as interlocutors and translators for the Mongol Khans. These scientist-diplomats were key figures in the court and were essential in facilitating exchanges, building connections and fostering relations. As polyglots and polymaths they were able to operate in a multi-cultural environment. They were part of the complex framework of the Mongol Empire that brought to bear a kind of Eurasian development model that relied on expertise, knowledge and resources that could be utilised across the empire. Set within this context, the paper describes the creation of a politico-science complex in Mongol Eurasia with a special emphasis on the relationship between the Mongol Khans and their partners, chief among them were scientists and intellectuals. The Mongol Empire as an empire built upon exchanges summarises how scientific exchanges were both a product of and a driver for diplomatic relations in this period. Thus, the historical connection between diplomacy and science in Eurasia is a necessary component in understanding the modern notion of science diplomacy beyond a European context and applied more globally both in terms of time and space.
{"title":"The Case for Science Diplomacy in Mongol Eurasia","authors":"P. Kalra","doi":"10.1177/18793665231160190","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665231160190","url":null,"abstract":"This paper considers the concept of science diplomacy in the context of Eurasian history with a particular focus on the period of the Mongol Empire in the 13th century. The Mongol Empire held sway over much of Eurasia and thus participated in diplomatic activity within and outside of Mongol domains. Scientists and intellectuals routinely headed diplomatic embassies sent and received by the Mongol Empire. Diplomats were valued for their knowledge and skills and served as interlocutors and translators for the Mongol Khans. These scientist-diplomats were key figures in the court and were essential in facilitating exchanges, building connections and fostering relations. As polyglots and polymaths they were able to operate in a multi-cultural environment. They were part of the complex framework of the Mongol Empire that brought to bear a kind of Eurasian development model that relied on expertise, knowledge and resources that could be utilised across the empire. Set within this context, the paper describes the creation of a politico-science complex in Mongol Eurasia with a special emphasis on the relationship between the Mongol Khans and their partners, chief among them were scientists and intellectuals. The Mongol Empire as an empire built upon exchanges summarises how scientific exchanges were both a product of and a driver for diplomatic relations in this period. Thus, the historical connection between diplomacy and science in Eurasia is a necessary component in understanding the modern notion of science diplomacy beyond a European context and applied more globally both in terms of time and space.","PeriodicalId":39195,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"8 - 18"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90363316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/18793665231159685
Boram Shin
The eradication of polio has often been portrayed as an “American story” since the heroes who invented the first polio vaccines, the primary weapon against the disease, were American medical scientists and health administrators. The main protagonists of the story are Jonas Salk and Albert Sabin, the developers of the IPV and oral poliovirus vaccine. This paper revisits the story of polio vaccine development from a Soviet perspective, focusing on an international collaboration initiated by Soviet scientists who crossed the Iron Curtain and visited the United States in the 1950s and 1960s. In 1955, Mikhail Chumakov, the head of the newly established Soviet Institute of Poliomyelitis, led a small group of Soviet medical scientists to the United States to learn about the Salk polio vaccine. The delegation gained more than just knowledge about American polio vaccine development, but they also established a regular channel for communication and collaboration between Soviet and American medical scientists that led to the national immunization program against polio in the USSR. The vaccine used for the Soviet mass immunization campaign was the Sabin live-attenuated polio vaccine that would ultimately be chosen as the weapon for global polio eradication. This paper suggests that the Soviet science diplomacy in the field of global medicine was shaped by the Soviet scientists’ experience of cooperating with their American counterparts for the Soviet polio vaccination campaign. In other words, the experience of international collaboration on the polio vaccination campaign influenced Soviet science diplomacy in the Cold War era.
{"title":"The East-West Collaboration across the Iron Curtain against Polio Epidemics: Soviet Engagement with Global Health and Poliomyelitis Vaccine Development in 1956-1964","authors":"Boram Shin","doi":"10.1177/18793665231159685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665231159685","url":null,"abstract":"The eradication of polio has often been portrayed as an “American story” since the heroes who invented the first polio vaccines, the primary weapon against the disease, were American medical scientists and health administrators. The main protagonists of the story are Jonas Salk and Albert Sabin, the developers of the IPV and oral poliovirus vaccine. This paper revisits the story of polio vaccine development from a Soviet perspective, focusing on an international collaboration initiated by Soviet scientists who crossed the Iron Curtain and visited the United States in the 1950s and 1960s. In 1955, Mikhail Chumakov, the head of the newly established Soviet Institute of Poliomyelitis, led a small group of Soviet medical scientists to the United States to learn about the Salk polio vaccine. The delegation gained more than just knowledge about American polio vaccine development, but they also established a regular channel for communication and collaboration between Soviet and American medical scientists that led to the national immunization program against polio in the USSR. The vaccine used for the Soviet mass immunization campaign was the Sabin live-attenuated polio vaccine that would ultimately be chosen as the weapon for global polio eradication. This paper suggests that the Soviet science diplomacy in the field of global medicine was shaped by the Soviet scientists’ experience of cooperating with their American counterparts for the Soviet polio vaccination campaign. In other words, the experience of international collaboration on the polio vaccination campaign influenced Soviet science diplomacy in the Cold War era.","PeriodicalId":39195,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"19 - 29"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79631509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/18793665231159684
A. Muratbekova
During the years of the Cold War, the opportunities for foreign scientific cooperation by Soviet scholars were limited. However, despite the impediments of the Soviet system, Central Asian science's cooperation with the outside world has continued. In virtue of being of Asian origin and Muslim and having profound knowledge and understanding of the language and civilizational processes of the East, Central Asian people had a special place in Soviet foreign policy. The Central Asians attracted the sympathy of the peoples of the East, which granted them access to their scientific and diplomatic connections. The paper examines how Central Asians used understanding of and ties to the East in diplomacy, for diplomacy, and with diplomacy. First, the paper unpacks the institutional and individual potential of Soviet Central Asian diplomacy and explains how it was used as a tool for Soviet strategy. The paper then examines Oriental studies as a knowledge basis that enabled improved and more in-depth Soviet diplomacy in the East given the pervasive and basic legacy of Oriental studies in studying the East. Further, Soviet involvement in UNESCO programmes in Asia provides insight into how Soviet policy used its soft power through international organisations. In conclusion, the author summarises how science diplomacy was used to further Soviet policy and evaluates the legacy of Soviet science diplomacy in light of recent developments.
{"title":"Soviet Science Diplomacy: How Central Asia was Instrumentalised in Soviet Foreign Policy","authors":"A. Muratbekova","doi":"10.1177/18793665231159684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665231159684","url":null,"abstract":"During the years of the Cold War, the opportunities for foreign scientific cooperation by Soviet scholars were limited. However, despite the impediments of the Soviet system, Central Asian science's cooperation with the outside world has continued. In virtue of being of Asian origin and Muslim and having profound knowledge and understanding of the language and civilizational processes of the East, Central Asian people had a special place in Soviet foreign policy. The Central Asians attracted the sympathy of the peoples of the East, which granted them access to their scientific and diplomatic connections. The paper examines how Central Asians used understanding of and ties to the East in diplomacy, for diplomacy, and with diplomacy. First, the paper unpacks the institutional and individual potential of Soviet Central Asian diplomacy and explains how it was used as a tool for Soviet strategy. The paper then examines Oriental studies as a knowledge basis that enabled improved and more in-depth Soviet diplomacy in the East given the pervasive and basic legacy of Oriental studies in studying the East. Further, Soviet involvement in UNESCO programmes in Asia provides insight into how Soviet policy used its soft power through international organisations. In conclusion, the author summarises how science diplomacy was used to further Soviet policy and evaluates the legacy of Soviet science diplomacy in light of recent developments.","PeriodicalId":39195,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"39 1","pages":"30 - 42"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81704914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/18793665231160567
M. Moon
This paper examines the highs and lows of Russian-South Korean collaboration in science and technology (S&T) during the first 10 years of diplomatic relations between the two countries (1988–1998). S&T collaboration served as a path to improve diplomacy in the absence of prior interaction and offered an opportunity for both countries to collaborate in their pursuit of technological advancement and economic growth. However, the history of this collaboration has been largely forgotten. The paper investigates the reasons for the decline of Russian-South Korean S&T collaboration and identifies potential obstacles to establishing a lasting and stable bilateral partnership in the field of science and technology.
{"title":"South Korea’s Detent with Soviet Russia: Building Diplomatic Relationship through Science and Technology Diplomacy, 1988–1998","authors":"M. Moon","doi":"10.1177/18793665231160567","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665231160567","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the highs and lows of Russian-South Korean collaboration in science and technology (S&T) during the first 10 years of diplomatic relations between the two countries (1988–1998). S&T collaboration served as a path to improve diplomacy in the absence of prior interaction and offered an opportunity for both countries to collaborate in their pursuit of technological advancement and economic growth. However, the history of this collaboration has been largely forgotten. The paper investigates the reasons for the decline of Russian-South Korean S&T collaboration and identifies potential obstacles to establishing a lasting and stable bilateral partnership in the field of science and technology.","PeriodicalId":39195,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"43 - 52"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82992163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-14DOI: 10.1177/18793665221145419
Mojtaba Abbasi Ghadi, M. Farhadi, Abolghasem Heydarabadi
In this article, the authors have sought to develop and present an optimal model of Iran’s countermeasures against the threats of the economic plans of the major powers in Central Asia. This qualitative research uses mixed-methods (i.e., thematic matrix and thematic network) to collect and analyze data. Since the thematic matrix was used as a data analysis method, an indirect observation study (analysis of textual material) was performed, data were collected through a purposeful sampling of existing textual materials, and finally, a comparison and an analysis were made to specify commonalities and differences. In addition, since the thematic network, research data were collected using a semi-structured interview with 10 experts, who were selected using theoretical sampling; the collected data were analyzed using the thematic network analysis method. Eventually, a conceptual network model was constructed and interpreted. Findings of qualitative research while identifying opportunities and threats revealed that the optimal model of Iran’s countermeasures against the economic plans of the major powers in Central Asia with three global themes, including the adoption of economic diplomacy by Iran, the adoption of soft diplomacy by Iran, and efforts to exit sanctions and remove sanction barriers, had reached theoretical saturation. The most appropriate strategy for Iran to confront the threats of the economic plans of the major powers in Central Asia is to adopt convergent diplomacy in the form of various kinds of diplomacy and the removal of the sanction barriers.
{"title":"Developing an optimal model of Iran’s countermeasures against the threats of economic plans of the major powers in Central Asia","authors":"Mojtaba Abbasi Ghadi, M. Farhadi, Abolghasem Heydarabadi","doi":"10.1177/18793665221145419","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665221145419","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, the authors have sought to develop and present an optimal model of Iran’s countermeasures against the threats of the economic plans of the major powers in Central Asia. This qualitative research uses mixed-methods (i.e., thematic matrix and thematic network) to collect and analyze data. Since the thematic matrix was used as a data analysis method, an indirect observation study (analysis of textual material) was performed, data were collected through a purposeful sampling of existing textual materials, and finally, a comparison and an analysis were made to specify commonalities and differences. In addition, since the thematic network, research data were collected using a semi-structured interview with 10 experts, who were selected using theoretical sampling; the collected data were analyzed using the thematic network analysis method. Eventually, a conceptual network model was constructed and interpreted. Findings of qualitative research while identifying opportunities and threats revealed that the optimal model of Iran’s countermeasures against the economic plans of the major powers in Central Asia with three global themes, including the adoption of economic diplomacy by Iran, the adoption of soft diplomacy by Iran, and efforts to exit sanctions and remove sanction barriers, had reached theoretical saturation. The most appropriate strategy for Iran to confront the threats of the economic plans of the major powers in Central Asia is to adopt convergent diplomacy in the form of various kinds of diplomacy and the removal of the sanction barriers.","PeriodicalId":39195,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85382112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.1177/18793665221138913
Kaia Keyser
{"title":"Book Review: Reviewed work: Russian nationalism: Imaginaries, doctrines and political battlefields by Marlene Laruelle","authors":"Kaia Keyser","doi":"10.1177/18793665221138913","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665221138913","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39195,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"79 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77520053","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-25DOI: 10.1177/18793665221136879
M. Karimi, Qasem Osuli Odlu
After the independence of the Central Asian (CA) republics, Iran has tried to develop its relations with these sates, especially with Tajikistan. The development of bilateral relations between Iran and Tajikistan has been very important for both sides. But after nearly 30 years of political relations between Iran and Tajikistan, bilateral relations have not developed much and have faced numerous limitations. By adopting Rosenau’s theory, the current study aims at investigating Iran’s foreign policy (FP) toward Tajikistan and the factors influencing the bilateral relations between the two countries. The present paper argues that societal, governmental, idiosyncratic, and role variables, respectively, have hindered the development of bilateral relations between Iran and Tajikistan. Finally, systemic variables have had the least influence on Iran’s relations with Tajikistan, and the results show that the U.S. and its sanctions have had insignificant effect on Iran–Tajikistan bilateral relations, and in terms of the systemic variables, Iran has faced more opposition from China than any other country in the development of relations with Tajikistan.
{"title":"Iran’s Foreign Policy toward Tajikistan: Exploring the Effective Factors","authors":"M. Karimi, Qasem Osuli Odlu","doi":"10.1177/18793665221136879","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665221136879","url":null,"abstract":"After the independence of the Central Asian (CA) republics, Iran has tried to develop its relations with these sates, especially with Tajikistan. The development of bilateral relations between Iran and Tajikistan has been very important for both sides. But after nearly 30 years of political relations between Iran and Tajikistan, bilateral relations have not developed much and have faced numerous limitations. By adopting Rosenau’s theory, the current study aims at investigating Iran’s foreign policy (FP) toward Tajikistan and the factors influencing the bilateral relations between the two countries. The present paper argues that societal, governmental, idiosyncratic, and role variables, respectively, have hindered the development of bilateral relations between Iran and Tajikistan. Finally, systemic variables have had the least influence on Iran’s relations with Tajikistan, and the results show that the U.S. and its sanctions have had insignificant effect on Iran–Tajikistan bilateral relations, and in terms of the systemic variables, Iran has faced more opposition from China than any other country in the development of relations with Tajikistan.","PeriodicalId":39195,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":"194 - 204"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90956632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper focuses on studying the liberal-democratic values in the general education of Georgia. Based on the social interaction approach of political socialization, the article assesses pupils’ and teachers’ positions towards the liberal and democratic principles and values that have been declared policy goals of Georgia since 2004. Using DAP (Democracy-Autocracy Preference), DPE (Democratic Performance Evolution), and initially tested Lib-Dem (Liberal-Democratic) scales, 297 students and 121 teachers were surveyed. Results show that teachers demonstrate more liberal-democratic positions than pupils. Also, girls tend to be less supportive of authoritarian governments and share more liberal approaches than boys. A similar trend is observed comparing students from private and public schools. The type of school correlates to teachers’ results in supporting liberal and democratic positions. However, the more liberal-democratic positions the respondents share, the more likely they believe that “Georgian” and “Liberal” are incompatible. Also, respondents who see Georgia as a democratic country and are more proud to be members of Georgian society share less liberal and democratic principles and vice versa. The study shows how liberal and democratic declared and policy ideas are supported among respondents and what it means to Georgia and its education system. Based on the results and discussion, new research questions are articulated dealing with gender, the generation gap, and the importance of the type of school that needs to be examined more carefully using the social interaction approach and qualitative methods and techniques, as well.
{"title":"Liberal‐democratic Values and Secondary School: The Case of Georgia","authors":"Sandro Tabatadze, Salome Dundua, Ketevan Chkuaseli","doi":"10.1177/18793665221134305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665221134305","url":null,"abstract":"The paper focuses on studying the liberal-democratic values in the general education of Georgia. Based on the social interaction approach of political socialization, the article assesses pupils’ and teachers’ positions towards the liberal and democratic principles and values that have been declared policy goals of Georgia since 2004. Using DAP (Democracy-Autocracy Preference), DPE (Democratic Performance Evolution), and initially tested Lib-Dem (Liberal-Democratic) scales, 297 students and 121 teachers were surveyed. Results show that teachers demonstrate more liberal-democratic positions than pupils. Also, girls tend to be less supportive of authoritarian governments and share more liberal approaches than boys. A similar trend is observed comparing students from private and public schools. The type of school correlates to teachers’ results in supporting liberal and democratic positions. However, the more liberal-democratic positions the respondents share, the more likely they believe that “Georgian” and “Liberal” are incompatible. Also, respondents who see Georgia as a democratic country and are more proud to be members of Georgian society share less liberal and democratic principles and vice versa. The study shows how liberal and democratic declared and policy ideas are supported among respondents and what it means to Georgia and its education system. Based on the results and discussion, new research questions are articulated dealing with gender, the generation gap, and the importance of the type of school that needs to be examined more carefully using the social interaction approach and qualitative methods and techniques, as well.","PeriodicalId":39195,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"61 1","pages":"67 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90728713","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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