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In the shadow of war: Public opinion in the Baltic states, 2014 and 2021 战争阴影下:波罗的海国家的公众舆论,2014 年和 2021 年
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-08-09 DOI: 10.1177/18793665241270812
Joakim Ekman
Drawing on research on political culture and research on geopolitical orientations, this article analyses public opinion in the three Baltic states (2014 and 2021), focusing on political support, inter-ethnic relations and geopolitical attitudes. In the first section, the empirical analysis demonstrates widespread public support for the national communities in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Most respondents feel a sense of attachment to or pride in their respective homeland, and a relative majority of all respondents feel that their contemporary political systems are preferable to other systems in the past. At the same time, the analysis alert us to distinct ethnic differences: the Russian-speakers in the three countries tend to be decidedly more nostalgic about the Soviet past and less satisfied with the present regimes. Confirming and updating findings familiar from previous studies, this article also notes that the population groups in the three Baltic states were growing more or less accustomed to the domestic situation, up until the escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian war in 2022. In the second part of the article, we turn to geopolitical belonging and security perceptions in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.
本文借鉴政治文化研究和地缘政治取向研究,分析了波罗的海三国的民意(2014 年和 2021 年),重点关注政治支持、族群间关系和地缘政治态度。在第一部分中,实证分析表明公众普遍支持爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚和立陶宛的民族社区。大多数受访者都对各自的祖国有一种依恋感或自豪感,所有受访者中相对大多数都认为他们当代的政治制度优于过去的其他制度。同时,分析还提醒我们注意明显的民族差异:三国中的俄语使用者明显更怀念苏联的过去,而对现政权的满意度较低。本文还指出,直到 2022 年俄乌战争升级之前,波罗的海三国的人口群体或多或少都在逐渐适应国内局势,这证实并更新了以往研究中熟悉的结论。在文章的第二部分,我们将讨论爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚和立陶宛的地缘政治归属和安全观念。
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引用次数: 0
The curious case of Aistija: Sidelights on Latvian–Lithuanian rapprochement during the 20th century 艾斯提亚奇案:20 世纪拉脱维亚与立陶宛和睦关系侧影
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-08-09 DOI: 10.1177/18793665241270854
J. M. Baxenfield
The nascent Aistijan movement centred around the idea of establishing a Latvian–Lithuanian state following the Second World War. This article surveys the background of the idea, with particular attention to the public diplomacy of Lithuanian American émigrés, demonstrating its prevalence during the First World War. The activities of interwar Latvian and Lithuanian rapprochement societies are outlined, noting the prominence of the Aestii – the earliest recorded inhabitants of the eastern littoral of the Baltic Sea – in both academic and popular history, in addition to the emergence of the Aistijan movement following the Second World War. Examining the initial successes and rapid decline of the movement, the article also charts developments and material circumstances of language learning practices in connection with the idea of a Latvian–Lithuanian state.
新生的 "爱斯基摩人运动 "围绕着在第二次世界大战后建立一个拉脱维亚-立陶宛国家的想法展开。本文对这一想法的背景进行了调查,特别关注了美籍立陶宛移民的公共外交,展示了这一想法在第一次世界大战期间的盛行。文章概述了战时拉脱维亚和立陶宛和解协会的活动,并指出艾斯提人--波罗的海东部沿岸最早有记载的居民--在学术史和通俗史上的突出地位,以及第二次世界大战后出现的艾斯提人运动。文章考察了该运动最初的成功和迅速衰落,还描绘了与拉脱维亚-立陶宛国家理念相关的语言学习实践的发展和物质环境。
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引用次数: 0
Images of care: Marriage, family making, and the reproduction of the social order in Tajikistan 关爱的形象:塔吉克斯坦的婚姻、组建家庭和社会秩序的再现
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-06-07 DOI: 10.1177/18793665241256969
Elena Borisova, Swetlana Torno
Marriage is a central event in all Central Asian societies and is particularly important for the lives of individuals, kinship groups, and society more broadly. Within the regional scholarship, it serves as an entry point for the study of a wide range of topics and the exploration of social, political, economic, and religious dynamics. This article aims to shift the perspective on Central Asian marriages from questions of political economy and identity to the circulation of care by scrutinising its role in social reproduction across the scales of the individual body, family, community, and the state. Drawing on the ethnographic material collected by the authors during extensive fieldwork in two localities in Tajikistan, this article analyzes care practices in several domains: organising the daughter’s dowry, assembling the bride’s fashions, preparing food and serving the guests, maintaining family’s reputation and status, caring for the reproduction of tradition, and the state’s care for families. We argue that feminist and anthropological studies that draw attention to care’s productive as well as disruptive sides are helpful for understanding how these practices contribute to reproducing old and forging new types of relatedness and maintaining complex social worlds. Working with care practices visually, alongside textual representations, allows us to convey people’s enormous affective, material, and labour investments in marriages and to draw attention to the visible and invisible aspects of these practices.
婚姻是所有中亚社会的中心事件,对个人、亲属群体和整个社会的生活尤为重要。在该地区的学术研究中,婚姻是研究广泛主题和探索社会、政治、经济和宗教动态的切入点。本文旨在将中亚婚姻的视角从政治经济和身份认同问题转移到关爱的循环上,仔细研究关爱在个人身体、家庭、社区和国家范围内的社会再生产中的作用。作者在塔吉克斯坦的两个地方进行了广泛的实地考察,并收集了大量的民族志资料,本文利用这些资料分析了多个领域的关爱实践:为女儿准备嫁妆、为新娘搭配服装、为客人准备食物和服务、维护家庭的声誉和地位、关爱传统的再生产以及国家对家庭的关爱。我们认为,女性主义研究和人类学研究关注照料的生产性和破坏性两方面,有助于理解这些实践如何有助于复制旧的和建立新的关系类型,以及维护复杂的社会世界。除了文字表述之外,我们还可以通过视觉方式来处理照料实践,从而传达人们在婚姻中的巨大情感、物质和劳动投入,并提请人们注意这些实践中可见和不可见的方面。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding the impact of social and academic factors on sense of belonging in higher education: A study from the Georgian educational landscape 了解社会和学术因素对高等教育归属感的影响:格鲁吉亚教育环境研究
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-06-06 DOI: 10.1177/18793665241261728
Lasha Khojanashvili, M. Tsereteli, Lasha Labadze
This study examines the link between students’ sense of belonging (SSB) in higher education and their socioeconomic characteristics. Using data from the 2019 EUROSTUDENT VII survey, we analyze 5,266 bachelor’s degree students across 50 Georgian higher education institutions. Our findings indicate: (1) Nontraditional students report lower SSB compared to their traditional peers. (2) Underrepresented students from low-income or first-generation backgrounds experience heightened SSB, while those from ethnic minority groups exhibit decreased SSB. (3) SSB correlates positively with lecturer satisfaction and negatively with study program intensity. (4) Private university attendees demonstrate higher SSB than their public university.
本研究探讨了学生在高等教育中的归属感(SSB)与其社会经济特征之间的联系。我们利用 2019 年第七届欧洲大学生调查(EUROSTUDENT VII)的数据,对格鲁吉亚 50 所高等教育机构的 5266 名学士学位学生进行了分析。我们的研究结果表明:(1)与传统学生相比,非传统学生的 SSB 较低。(2) 低收入或第一代学生的 SSB 增加,而少数民族学生的 SSB 减少。(3) SSB 与讲师满意度呈正相关,与学习计划强度呈负相关。(4) 私立大学学生的 SSB 比公立大学学生高。
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引用次数: 0
The effect of migration on economic and productivity growth in Russia 移民对俄罗斯经济和生产力增长的影响
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-17 DOI: 10.1177/18793665241255385
Han-Sol Lee, A. Kurbatskii
This research endeavors to delve into the impact of migration flows on the nation’s economic and productivity growth based on panel data from 80 Russian states for the period of 2015–2021. Our research aims to induce migration policies for the sustainable income and productivity growth of Russia. From the baseline regression analysis with state fixed effects and additional analysis with state random effects and the two-step system GMM, we found a positive impact of migration growth rate on per capita and TFP and the heterogeneity of its effects depending on the Russian regions. It indicates that migration outflows negatively influence the regional economies of Russia and suppress regional economic growth and the positive effects of migration inflows are the strongest shown in less populated states in the Siberian and Far Eastern Federal Districts. This is evidence of the negative effects of migration outflows, which are summarized by the exodus of labor and the loss of tax revenues. The Russian government should implement migration policies both in international and domestic contexts to attract migrants, considering that Russia suffers from outflows of skilled workers to other countries and unbalanced domestic migration flows to west Russia. To reduce migration outflows of workers to other countries, quality jobs should be created (through an increase in R&D), and other incentives and subsidies can be provided to encourage emigrants to return to Russia. For the migration inflows of small regions in Russia, domestic and foreign investment should be promoted to create jobs and establish infrastructure, which can also help slow down immigration from these regions.
本研究基于 2015-2021 年期间俄罗斯 80 个州的面板数据,努力探讨移民潮对国家经济和生产率增长的影响。我们的研究旨在引导移民政策,促进俄罗斯收入和生产率的可持续增长。通过使用各州固定效应进行基线回归分析,以及使用各州随机效应和两步系统 GMM 进行附加分析,我们发现移民增长率对人均收入和全要素生产率有正向影响,并且其影响因俄罗斯地区而异。这表明,移民外流对俄罗斯地区经济产生了负面影响,抑制了地区经济增长,而移民流入的积极影响在西伯利亚和远东联邦区人口较少的州表现得最为明显。这也证明了移民外流的负面影响,概括起来就是劳动力外流和税收流失。考虑到俄罗斯技术工人外流到其他国家以及国内移民流向俄罗斯西部的不平衡,俄罗斯政府应在国际和国内范围内实施移民政策以吸引移民。为减少向其他国家的移民外流,应创造高质量的工作岗位(通过增加研发),并提供其他奖励和补贴,以鼓励移民返回俄罗斯。对于俄罗斯小地区的移民流入,应促进国内外投资,以创造就业机会和建立基础设施,这也有助于减缓这些地区的移民速度。
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引用次数: 0
Age-related differences in Russian and Hungarian linguistic pictures of the world 俄语和匈牙利语世界语言图景中与年龄有关的差异
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1177/18793665231221551
I. Lénárt, Irina Markovina, Orsolya Endrődy
This cross-cultural, interdisciplinary study aims to investigate how the linguistic picture of the world differs in various age groups from kindergarten years to adulthood. In this paper, linguistic picture of the world is referred to as a technical term introduced into linguistics by Leo Weisgerber (Weltbild der Sprache). In order to trace the differences in Russian and Hungarian language users’ linguistic picture of the world in different age groups, thus obtaining a more precise picture of the linguistic development of the individual from a cross-cultural perspective, a research was conducted and data were collected with the aid of the association experiment, a foundational research method of Russian psycholinguistics. Respondents from three age groups (4–5 years, 10–12 years, and 18–26 years) were investigated via the collection of word associations to 10 stimulus words. As the research results suggest, culturally bound traits of linguistic development were identified, including the Russian linguistic consciousness changing its orientation from being self- and family-oriented in early childhood to being people-oriented (man-oriented) as an adult. The study also revealed common characteristics of the age-related development of the Russian and Hungarian linguistic pictures of the world, for instance, toys and games moving from the center of the linguistic image of the world to the periphery to be replaced by love. Results can be utilized not only for theoretical psycholinguistic purposes including a better description of the presumed age-related changes in the mental lexicon but also in the practical realm of education for curriculum development or the fine-tuning of pedagogical methods, as well as in intercultural studies for gaining a more precise picture of the linguistic consciousness of representatives of different cultures.
这项跨文化、跨学科的研究旨在探讨从幼儿园到成年的各个年龄段的人对世界的语言认识有何不同。在本文中,世界的语言图景是由 Leo Weisgerber(Weltbild der Sprache)引入语言学的一个专业术语。为了追踪俄语和匈牙利语使用者在不同年龄段对世界的语言描绘的差异,从而从跨文化的角度更准确地了解个人的语言发展情况,我们开展了一项研究,并借助俄罗斯心理语言学的基础研究方法--联想实验来收集数据。通过收集 10 个刺激词的词汇联想,对三个年龄组(4-5 岁、10-12 岁和 18-26 岁)的受访者进行了调查。研究结果表明,研究人员发现了语言发展的文化约束特征,包括俄罗斯人的语言意识从幼儿时期的自我和家庭导向转变为成年后的以人为本(以男人为本)。研究还揭示了俄语和匈牙利语世界语言图景与年龄相关发展的共同特点,例如,玩具和游戏从世界语言图景的中心移到边缘,被爱所取代。研究结果不仅可用于心理语言学理论研究,包括更好地描述心理词典中与年龄相关的假定变化,还可用于教育实践领域的课程开发或教学方法的微调,以及跨文化研究,以更准确地了解不同文化代表的语言意识。
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引用次数: 0
The national consensus formation at the first stage of Russia’s Special military operation against Ukraine (February–August 2022) 俄罗斯对乌克兰特别军事行动第一阶段(2022年2月—8月)的全国共识形成
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1177/18793665231212233
Ivan Krivushin, Marina Glaser
The article begins with a definition of some contesting views about the reality of Russian support for the “Special military operation” (SMO), hypotheses, and research approach. Then we present the substantive arguments about the attitude of Russian residents to the SMO and the reliability of public opinion polls results. After this we provide suggestive analyzes of three key understandings of the “West” in Russian public opinion. The article ends with arguing that a national consensus in Russia on the necessity and legitimacy of the SMO has really been achieved. The polarization of opinions is increasing but it is not reflected in the public sphere because of the fears that this could cause negative uncontrolled consequences for the economic situation, social and political stability in the country. As for Anti-Western sentiments, they depended and continue to depend on two groups of factors: foreign policy ones, which provoked the strengthening of these sentiments, and internal ones, which contributed to their weakening.
本文首先对俄罗斯支持“特殊军事行动”(SMO)的现实、假设和研究方法的一些有争议的观点进行了定义。然后,我们对俄罗斯居民对SMO的态度和民意调查结果的可靠性提出了实质性的论点。在此之后,我们对俄罗斯公众舆论中对“西方”的三个关键理解进行了暗示性分析。文章最后认为,俄罗斯已经就SMO的必要性和合法性达成了全国共识。意见的两极分化正在增加,但没有反映在公共领域,因为人们担心这可能对该国的经济状况、社会和政治稳定造成无法控制的消极后果。至于反西方情绪,它们过去依赖并将继续依赖两组因素:外交政策因素,它激发了这些情绪的加强;内部因素,它促成了这些情绪的削弱。
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引用次数: 0
Sino-Russian partnership in the ‘Asian Supercomplex’: choices and challenges for India “亚洲超级综合体”中的中俄伙伴关系:印度的选择和挑战
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1177/18793665231212573
Nivedita Kapoor
China’s relationship with Russia has been on an upward trajectory since the late Soviet period, with the strategic partnership growing steadily since the end of the Cold War. Built on political-economic-strategic convergences, the two sides benefit from their cordial engagement, both at the bilateral and multilateral level, without the obligations associated with an alliance relationship. This alignment has ensured that despite the asymmetric nature of this relationship characterised by China’s rise, the partnership has gone from strength-to-strength. This has particular implications for Indian foreign policy, which has been dealing with an increasingly aggressive China that is now considered a leading security challenge. The development of the Asian supercomplex has accelerated India’s already growing engagement within a regional security complex that is critical for its own security and its future positioning in the international system. Due to implications for India-China ties under conditions of Asian supercomplex, as the Sino-Russian partnership continues to gain strength, its ramifications will reverberate across the whole spectrum of Indo-Russian ties. The article will track the development of Sino-Russian relationship and how it reflects in the emergent regional security complex, before examining the challenges and choices for Indian policymaking in the context of its ‘special and privileged strategic partnership’ with Russia.
自苏联后期以来,中俄关系一直处于上升轨道,冷战结束以来,中俄战略伙伴关系稳步发展。建立在政治-经济-战略融合的基础上,双方从双边和多边层面的友好接触中受益,而无需承担与联盟关系相关的义务。这种结盟确保了,尽管以中国崛起为特征的这种关系具有不对称性质,但这种伙伴关系一直在不断加强。这对印度的外交政策有着特殊的影响,印度一直在与日益咄咄逼人的中国打交道,中国现在被视为一个主要的安全挑战。亚洲超级综合体的发展加速了印度在地区安全综合体中日益增长的参与,这对印度自身的安全和未来在国际体系中的定位至关重要。由于在亚洲超级复杂的条件下对印中关系的影响,随着中俄伙伴关系的不断加强,其后果将在印俄关系的整个范围内产生反响。本文将追踪中俄关系的发展及其在新兴地区安全综合体中的反映,然后研究印度在其与俄罗斯的“特殊和特权战略伙伴关系”背景下的政策制定所面临的挑战和选择。
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引用次数: 0
Kazakhstan’s January 2022 crisis: Representations by national experts via social media 哈萨克斯坦2022年1月的危机:国家专家通过社交媒体的陈述
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/18793665231212575
Evgeny F Troitskiy, Anastasia M Pogorelskaya, Sergey M Yun, Darya O Dunaeva, Alexey L Blaginin
This article aims at reconstructing the representations of the 2022 January crisis developed by Kazakhstani political analysts via social media. The research methodology seeks to combine quantitative and qualitative methods by assessing these representations by use of critical discourse analysis of social media posts by Kazakhstani political analysts extracted and processed by the use of API and PolyAnalysts based on marker words. The research significance lies in the unique situation of regime instability potentially providing the expert community with the chance to speak up openly. However, it is concluded that most analysts reproduced the official discourse that is in line with the discourses developed in non-democratic context. Thus, the dominant expert discourse of the January crisis is rather homogenous and relies on the dichotomies of “the old” versus “the new” as well as “the weak” versus “the strong.” As a result, the general picture by Kazakhstani political analysts looks more like a political myth about the birth of a “new Kazakhstan” than a reconstruction of the causes, actors and consequences of the January crisis. It implies that the expert community prefers controlled evolution of the state regime rather than grass roots initiated changes.
本文旨在重建哈萨克斯坦政治分析人士通过社交媒体对2022年1月危机的再现。研究方法旨在结合定量和定性方法,通过使用API和PolyAnalysts基于标记词提取和处理的哈萨克斯坦政治分析师对社交媒体帖子的批判性话语分析来评估这些表征。这项研究的意义在于,政权不稳定的独特情况可能为专家群体提供公开发言的机会。然而,结论是,大多数分析人士复制的官方话语与非民主语境中发展起来的话语一致。因此,1月危机的主要专家话语相当同质化,并依赖于“旧”与“新”以及“弱”与“强”的二分法。因此,哈萨克斯坦政治分析人士的总体看法,看起来更像是一个关于“新哈萨克斯坦”诞生的政治神话,而不是对1月危机的起因、行动者和后果的重建。这意味着专家团体更喜欢国家政权的受控演变,而不是基层发起的变革。
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引用次数: 0
The Dragoman Renaissance, Diplomatic Interpreters and the Routes of Orientalism, written by E. Natalie Rothman 《文艺复兴时期的Dragoman,外交口译员和东方主义路线》,作者:E. Natalie Rothman
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1163/24685623-20220138
Marie Bossaert
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Eurasian Studies
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