Pub Date : 2021-12-01DOI: 10.1215/00358118-9377318
Myriam Dufour-Maître
L’article propose une réflexion sur la construction des querelles galantes, en leur temps puis dans l’histoire littéraire, du point de vue de la place qu’y occupent les femmes et les autrices. Dans la plupart des cas, leur accès à l’autorité ne passe pas par la querelle, ce qui les rend invisibles dans une historiographie littéraire étroitement focalisée sur l’affrontement des corps constitués (XVIIIe siècle), ou animée par le paradigme épique (XIXe siècle et début du XXe siècle). La valorisation exclusive du rôle de protagoniste empêche de mesurer l’efficacité de postures féminines plus discrètes d’instigation, d’observation, d’arbitrage, d’esquive, de surélévation « au-dessus de la mêlée », voire d’ironie dissolvante. La vitalité sur trois siècles des violents repoussoirs que sont la harangère, la pédante et la précieuse éclaire ces stratégies « obliques », et permet d’apprécier le prix très élevé qu’ont dû payer celles qui osèrent entrer dans la lice.
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Pub Date : 2021-12-01DOI: 10.1215/00358118-9377374
Gemma Tidman
This article explores the women’s interventions in an overlooked eighteenth-century quarrel about how to reform literary teaching in the boys’ collèges. It begins by introducing this quarrel, here called the querelle des collèges, that involved more than 120 actors, just 3 of whom are known to be women. After presenting the quarrel texts written by Adelaïde d’Espinassy; Joséphine de Monbart; and Anne d’Aubourg de La Bove, comtesse de Miremont; the article explores why and how these women engaged in such a highly publicized, male-dominated quarrel. They intervened, the article shows, to redirect public interest in reforming boys’ schools toward reforming girls’ education. And they employed creative strategies to minimize the risk they ran, as women, by quarreling. By embedding their texts in other, existing disputes concerning women, and by engaging creatively with agonistic discursive practices usually reserved for men, these women destabilized this masculine dispute. In so doing, they reclaimed some room in this quarrel (and others like it) for women.
本文探讨了18世纪一场被忽视的关于如何改革男校文学教学的争论中女性的介入。它首先介绍了这场争吵，这里被称为“争吵”，涉及120多名演员，其中只有3名是女性。在展示了Adelaïde d 'Espinassy写的争吵文本后;乔斯芬·德·蒙巴特;还有米雷蒙伯爵夫人安妮·德·奥堡·德·拉博夫;这篇文章探讨了这些女性为什么以及如何卷入这样一场高度公开的、男性主导的争吵。文章显示，他们的干预是为了将公众对改革男校的兴趣转向改革女校。她们采用了创造性的策略，将她们作为女性争吵的风险降到最低。通过将她们的文本嵌入其他关于女性的现有争议中，并创造性地参与通常为男性保留的激烈话语实践，这些女性破坏了这种男性争议的稳定性。通过这样做，他们在这场争吵(以及其他类似的争吵)中为女性争取了一些空间。
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Pub Date : 2021-12-01DOI: 10.1215/00358118-9377326
Emma Herdman
A Renaissance querelle was primarily litigious. As such, it was heavily gendered: women, who were culturally expected to be conciliatory, not argumentative, were excluded from the law courts. This article uses the example of Madeleine des Roches—a widow, and so legally “capable,” like her unmarried daughter, Catherine—to consider how women negotiated the challenges of legal quarreling. It analyzes the strategies des Roches employed, in her poetry and in her published correspondence, to avoid being perceived as quarrelsome, to bind her judicially influential addressees in obligation to her, and to object to women’s exclusion from the law. It thus shows how des Roches’s references to the court cases that plagued her widowhood actively engaged both with the individual quarrels of these specific cases and with a more general quarrel with the injustices of an exclusive and often obstructive process of law. Des Roches’s rejection of overtly agonistic writing in favor of discreetly powerful methods of persuasion reflects her objection to quarreling—as an unwelcome distraction from the literary self-expression that she maintains is a woman’s intellectual right—even as she engaged with both the law courts and the querelle des femmes.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1215/00358118-9091109
A. Wettlaufer
This essay considers the ways in which Honoré de Balzac and George Sand, an influential pair of “public writers” who were committed to diametrically opposing sociopolitical discourses, constructed aspects of their authorial identities and indeed the social import of their oeuvres in a self-conscious exchange with, and about, one another. In letters, novels, memoirs, and paratexts from their first encounter in the early 1830s to the end of their careers, Balzac and Sand portrayed, parodied, quoted, misquoted, alluded to, wrote, and rewrote each other in ways that their contemporary readers would doubtless have recognized. In considering some of these various invocations in terms of a larger dialogue between this pair of influential authors, surprising intersections emerge that complicate our current conceptions of the relationship between Balzac’s and Sand’s works. Reflecting on the dialogical generation of meaning, I trace the ways in which reading Balzac and Sand together reveals a complex and continuing conversation between the two authors about similarity, difference, and the dialectical nature of identity. This ongoing intertextual exchange, I argue, helps us see how their literary, social, and political positions as “public writers” were to some extent dependent on constructions of each other.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1215/00358118-9091157
P. Wadhera
In Word of Mouth: What We Talk about When We Talk about Food (2014), Priscilla Parkhurst Ferguson discusses “food fears,” recognizing how food can be both a source of sustenance and pleasure and, at the same time, a site of danger and death. In this article, I endeavor to show how Ferguson’s “food fears” can elucidate Perec’s rewriting of Proust’s madeleine episode. I sketch this out in La Disparition (1969) and W ou le souvenir d’enfance (1975), before focusing on La Vie mode d’emploi (1978). While Proust’s madeleine episode concerns both the evocative power of food and its capacity to conjure memories in the protagonist, in Perec, food and memories are often missing altogether. Certain artistic projects in La Vie mode d’emploi also fail or falter, with the notable exception of Perec’s own book. Thus, whereas food conjures abundance, pleasure, and memories in Proust, in Perec it has no such power, standing instead as a marker of loss, trauma, and forgetting. If the madeleine is a kind of comfort food, Perec’s anti-madeleine is a site of discomfort, a surrogate for all the other losses Perec is trying to account for, and through his insistence on the absence of food, he evokes the personal and collective trauma of the Holocaust.
在《口碑:当我们谈论食物时我们谈论什么》(2014)一书中，普里西拉·帕克赫斯特·弗格森讨论了“食物恐惧”，认识到食物既是维持和快乐的来源，同时也是危险和死亡的场所。在这篇文章中，我试图展示弗格森的“食物恐惧”如何能够解释佩莱克对普鲁斯特的玛德琳情节的改写。我在1969年的《差别》(La Disparition)和1975年的《童年纪念品》(W ou le souvenir d’enance)中勾勒出了这一概念，然后专注于1978年的《就业生活》(La Vie mode d’emploi)。普鲁斯特的玛德琳情节既涉及食物的唤起力量，也涉及它在主人公身上唤起回忆的能力，但在佩莱克身上，食物和记忆往往完全消失了。在“就业生活模式”中，某些艺术项目也会失败或踌躇不前，但佩莱克自己的书是个明显的例外。因此，在普鲁斯特的作品中，食物让人联想到丰富、快乐和回忆，而在佩雷克的作品中，食物却没有这种力量，而是作为失去、创伤和遗忘的标志。如果说玛德琳是一种安慰食物，那么佩莱克的反玛德琳则是一种不适的场所，是佩莱克试图解释的所有其他损失的替代品，通过他坚持不吃东西，他唤起了大屠杀的个人和集体创伤。
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1215/00358118-9091165
John L. Westbrook
Ferguson’s Accounting for Taste reveals a gap in our understanding: How did French culinary discourse move beyond the bourgeois sphere in which it emerged in the nineteenth century? Picking up on her comparison of the Proustian synthesis of regional and national culinary culture in the Recherche to the project of national identity creation in the Third Republic’s best-selling textbook, Le Tour de la France par deux enfants, this essay argues that the culinary model Ferguson describes was in fact widely disseminated through mass primary education under the Third Republic. Examining an overlooked corpus of primary school readers and textbooks, I show that food and cooking provided object lessons imparting practical and scientific knowledge to enlighten the masses, and textbooks canonized regional specialties as part of a new national geographic consciousness. At the same time, I underscore the limits of this consensual image of a national culinary culture, which collided with the class habits and horizons of the urban and rural masses attending l’école républicaine.
弗格森的《味觉解释》揭示了我们理解上的一个缺口:法国烹饪话语是如何超越19世纪出现的资产阶级领域的?她将《研究》中普鲁斯特式的地区和国家烹饪文化的综合与第三共和国最畅销的教科书《法国之旅》(Le Tour de la France par deux enfants)中的国家身份创造项目进行了比较，这篇文章认为，弗格森所描述的烹饪模式实际上在第三共和国时期通过大众初等教育得到了广泛传播。通过研究被忽视的小学读者和教科书，我发现食物和烹饪提供了传授实用和科学知识的实物课程，以启发大众，教科书将地方特色奉为新的国家地理意识的一部分。与此同时，我强调了这种国家烹饪文化的共识形象的局限性，它与参加l ' samcole resampublicaine的城乡群众的阶级习惯和视野相冲突。
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1215/00358118-9091117
Geoffrey Turnovsky
Régis Sauder’s touching 2011 documentary, Nous, Princesses de Clèves, which follows a group of Marseille high school students over the course of a year as they read La Fayette’s novel while preparing for the Baccalauréat exams, juxtaposes two distinct types of reading: a reading in which the students are able to see themselves in the characters of the novel and a more difficult classroom-based reading that seeks to instill in the students, through conventional pedagogical exercises such as the explication de texte, an appreciation for the literary art and importance of the text. This essay explores the tensions between these two literacies, which become manifest in the film, especially in scenes where the students, who so easily relate to the novel’s characters, struggle with the more formal analysis. In a second part, inspired by the writings of Priscilla Ferguson, the essay explores the sociological and pedagogical implications of what seems, in the film, the incompatibility of these distinct appropriations of the text, as it pertains to the students in the documentary and to US-based French programs built on the literary curricula developed by pedagogues such as Gustave Lanson in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
2011年，萨达拍摄了一部感人的纪录片《Nous, Princesses de cl》，讲述了一群马赛高中生在准备毕业考试时阅读拉费耶特的小说的一年历程，并将两种截然不同的阅读方式并列在一起:这是一种让学生能够从小说人物身上看到自己的阅读方式，也是一种更难的课堂阅读方式，旨在通过传统的教学练习，如文本解释，向学生灌输对文学艺术和文本重要性的欣赏。这篇文章探讨了这两种文化之间的紧张关系，这种紧张关系在电影中变得明显，尤其是在学生们很容易与小说人物产生共鸣的场景中，他们在更正式的分析中挣扎。在第二部分，受普丽西拉·弗格森作品的启发，本文探讨了电影中这些不同文本的不兼容的社会学和教育学含义，因为它与纪录片中的学生和美国的法国课程有关，这些课程建立在19世纪末和20世纪初由古斯塔夫·兰森等教育家开发的文学课程基础上。
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1215/00358118-9091125
C. A. Morgan
This article examines the urban fiction of Jeanne Marni’s 1898 Fiacres, a collection of twenty-five stories that first appeared in the daily newspaper Le Temps. The stories are presented in the form of dialogues transcribed by an invisible spectator from within the horse drawn carriages for hire, the fiacres, the fin de siècle taxi cabs. Training her eye on and lending her ear to Belle Époque Paris, Marni registers the conversations of Parisians as they move about the city. In these feminocentric, and by turns humorous or ironic texts, Marni hones an “urban comic” that merges two nineteenth-century figures: the “invisible” flâneuse and the “inaudible” rieuse, or funny woman. Focusing on the intersection of the representation of urban experience and the humorous in Fiacres, this article situates Marni’s sound bites within a genealogy of women writers and the city that looks back to Delphine Gay de Girardin’s witty chronicles of July Monarchy Paris, the “Courrier de Paris” (1836–1848), and ahead to Annie Ernaux’s ironic journal of urban selfhood in transit, Journal du dehors (1993).
本文考察了让娜·玛尼1898年出版的《Fiacres》中的都市小说，这是一本由25个故事组成的小说集，最初发表在《时代》日报上。这些故事以对话的形式呈现，由一个看不见的观众从出租的马车、马车、最后的出租车里抄录下来。她的眼睛和耳朵都放在Belle Époque Paris上，Marni记录了巴黎人在城市里走动时的谈话。在这些以女性为中心，时而幽默时而讽刺的文本中，Marni塑造了一种“都市喜剧”，融合了两个19世纪的人物:“看不见的”fl和“听不见的”rieuse，即有趣的女人。本文聚焦于《费拉克斯》中城市经验的表现与幽默的交叉点，将玛尼的声音片段置于女性作家和城市的家谱中，回顾戴尔芬·盖·德·吉拉丹(Delphine Gay de Girardin)关于巴黎七月君主制的诙谐编年史《巴黎信使》(Courrier de Paris, 1836-1848)，以及安妮·埃诺(Annie Ernaux)关于城市自我的讽刺杂志《journal du dehors》(1993)。
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1215/00358118-9091141
Janet L. Beizer
This article explores the concept of the arlequin, the plate of used food collected piecemeal from the tables of the rich to sell to the poor, as it was popularized by Eugène Sue in 1842 in his blockbuster novel Les Mystères de Paris. I show how this alimentary genre functions in this text not only to reflect a socioeconomic reality of the nineteenth-century politics of eating, but also to introduce a budding aesthetic principle. The harlequin meal, composed of bits and pieces of various origins reassembled as a patchwork whole, inaugurates in Sue’s novel a reappearing pattern that comes to characterize not only food but also bodies, clothing, décor, narrative form, and modes of attention and belief. I argue that the aesthetics of patchwork and collage extend as well to Sue’s self-fashioning as a political and moral opportunist.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1215/00358118-9091149
Cary Hollinshead-Strick
If the idea of cuisine invites readers to an elite place of appreciation, as Priscilla Ferguson has shown, comparing newspapers to leftovers and subsistence food is a move designed to generate suspicion. Nineteenth-century authors wary of press innovations compared periodicals to arlequins and marronniers—or the bouillie de marrons sometimes made from chestnuts. Associating newspapers with such cheap foods implies that the composition of these publications has been expedient. July Monarchy writers who were concerned about the forty-franc press’s tendency to decontextualize and fragment information communicated their anxiety through their uses of the arlequin metaphor. By the Second Empire, a growing market for reliable inoffensive information encouraged the publication of recurrent general-interest articles that would come to be known as marronniers. Neither term was flattering, but their overlap with culinary discourse helps reveal the contours of nineteenth-century writers’ concerns about newspaper format and press consumption.
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