In Book 1 1 of the Institutio Oratoria, Quintilian warns that an orator should avoid boasting, as this might offend his listeners (1 1.1.15-16). He notes that Cicero, despite his reputation for boasting, generally speaks of his achievements in his orations only when he must do so, either to help clients who assisted him in suppressing the conspiracy, or to respond to his own critics, and so in these cases he is defending rather than glorifying himself (11.1.17-18). Later Quintilian states, evidendy as an example of how one successful orator tried to avoid the appearance of boasting, that Cicero often speaks of the suppression of the Catilinarian conspiracy, but attributes it to the senate or the gods (11.1.23 EtM. Tullius saepe dicit de oppressa coniuratione Catilinae, sed modo id virtuti senatus, modo providentiae deorum immortalium adsignat).1 It is when he must defend himself from his enemies and detractors, Quintilian claims, that the orator takes more credit for these actions (Plerumque contra mimicos atque obtrectatores plus vindicat sibi: erant enim ilia tuenda cum obicerentur). A study of Cicero's orations after 63 B.C., however, indicates that Quintilian is mistaken in this last statement; in fact, the reverse is true. It is precisely when he is defending himself from the attacks of his adversaries— particulary Clodius, Piso, and Antony-that the orator seems most eager to assign responsibility for the suppression of the conspiracy to others. In the orations after his consulship, and especially in those after his exile, Cicero often states or implies that the senate or others were responsible for putting down the conspiracy, and omits or minimizes his own part in this action. No modem
在《演讲学院》的第11卷中，昆提连警告说，演说家应该避免吹嘘，因为这可能会冒犯他的听众(1 1.1.15-16)。他注意到，尽管西塞罗以自夸著称，但他通常只在必要时才会在演讲中谈到自己的成就，要么是为了帮助帮助他镇压阴谋的客户，要么是为了回应他自己的批评者，所以在这些情况下，他是在为自己辩护，而不是美化自己(11.1.17-18)。后来的昆提利安人说，西塞罗经常谈到镇压卡提利安阴谋，但把它归因于元老院或众神，这显然是一个成功的演说家如何试图避免出现吹嘘的例子。[1][图利奥斯·塞普勒斯·卡蒂林纳斯·卡蒂林纳斯·维托勒斯·维托勒斯·维托勒斯·莫托勒斯·莫托勒斯·莫托勒斯·莫托勒斯]昆提连声称，只有当他必须为自己的敌人和诋毁者辩护时，演说家才会为这些行为获得更多的信任(pleerumque contra mimicos atque obrectatores plus vinindicat sibi: erant enim ilia tuenda cum obicerentur)。然而，对西塞罗公元前63年之后演讲的研究表明，昆提连在最后这句话上是错误的;事实上，情况正好相反。正是在他为自己辩护，免受对手——尤其是克劳狄乌斯、皮索和安东尼——的攻击时，这位演说家似乎最急于把镇压阴谋的责任推给别人。在他担任执政官之后的演讲中，特别是在他被流放之后的演讲中，西塞罗经常陈述或暗示元老院或其他人对镇压阴谋负有责任，而忽略或最小化了他自己在这一行动中的作用。没有现代
{"title":"Avoiding the Responsibility: Cicero and the Suppression of Catiline's Conspiracy","authors":"Arthur Robinson","doi":"10.1353/SYL.1994.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.1994.0005","url":null,"abstract":"In Book 1 1 of the Institutio Oratoria, Quintilian warns that an orator should avoid boasting, as this might offend his listeners (1 1.1.15-16). He notes that Cicero, despite his reputation for boasting, generally speaks of his achievements in his orations only when he must do so, either to help clients who assisted him in suppressing the conspiracy, or to respond to his own critics, and so in these cases he is defending rather than glorifying himself (11.1.17-18). Later Quintilian states, evidendy as an example of how one successful orator tried to avoid the appearance of boasting, that Cicero often speaks of the suppression of the Catilinarian conspiracy, but attributes it to the senate or the gods (11.1.23 EtM. Tullius saepe dicit de oppressa coniuratione Catilinae, sed modo id virtuti senatus, modo providentiae deorum immortalium adsignat).1 It is when he must defend himself from his enemies and detractors, Quintilian claims, that the orator takes more credit for these actions (Plerumque contra mimicos atque obtrectatores plus vindicat sibi: erant enim ilia tuenda cum obicerentur). A study of Cicero's orations after 63 B.C., however, indicates that Quintilian is mistaken in this last statement; in fact, the reverse is true. It is precisely when he is defending himself from the attacks of his adversaries— particulary Clodius, Piso, and Antony-that the orator seems most eager to assign responsibility for the suppression of the conspiracy to others. In the orations after his consulship, and especially in those after his exile, Cicero often states or implies that the senate or others were responsible for putting down the conspiracy, and omits or minimizes his own part in this action. No modem","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115209719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay examines relations between Greeks and non-Greeks in the eastern Mediterranean in three case studies. A Geometric clay pyxis from Athens is compared to an older Egyptian granary, to consider how shapes, images, and beliefs might travel across time and place. In the second case, a famous image of Artemis from Ephesus is traced to Anatolian traditions of the second millennium. Finally, the role of myth, or the narrative behind such images, is examined in the figure of Midas, whose asses’ ears could harbor royal Anatolian attributes. Details of these connections are explored elsewhere; this essay asks how and why we pursue them in classical art and myth, and what the results accomplish for our purposes as teachers and scholars of classical antiquity.
{"title":"Frogs around the Pond? Cultural Diversity in the Ancient World and the New Millennium","authors":"Sarah P. Morris","doi":"10.1353/SYL.2003.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.2003.0008","url":null,"abstract":"This essay examines relations between Greeks and non-Greeks in the eastern Mediterranean in three case studies. A Geometric clay pyxis from Athens is compared to an older Egyptian granary, to consider how shapes, images, and beliefs might travel across time and place. In the second case, a famous image of Artemis from Ephesus is traced to Anatolian traditions of the second millennium. Finally, the role of myth, or the narrative behind such images, is examined in the figure of Midas, whose asses’ ears could harbor royal Anatolian attributes. Details of these connections are explored elsewhere; this essay asks how and why we pursue them in classical art and myth, and what the results accomplish for our purposes as teachers and scholars of classical antiquity.","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"299 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123920513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Thucydides’ claim that most Athenians were ignorant of the size and inhabitants of Sicily before the Sicilian Expedition is demonstrably false. He is keenly aware that Athens has a great deal of information about Sicily, but its main sources are hearsay, gossip, and the poetic topoi that have been circulating on the dramatic stages. The historian uses this claim of ignorance as a rhetorical device to recreate in his readers, and thereby comment upon, the dangerously democratic epistemological conditions under which the Expedition was discussed and launched.
{"title":"Thucydides’ Ignorant Athenians and the Drama of the Sicilian Expedition","authors":"David G. Smith","doi":"10.1353/SYL.2004.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.2004.0005","url":null,"abstract":"Thucydides’ claim that most Athenians were ignorant of the size and inhabitants of Sicily before the Sicilian Expedition is demonstrably false. He is keenly aware that Athens has a great deal of information about Sicily, but its main sources are hearsay, gossip, and the poetic topoi that have been circulating on the dramatic stages. The historian uses this claim of ignorance as a rhetorical device to recreate in his readers, and thereby comment upon, the dangerously democratic epistemological conditions under which the Expedition was discussed and launched.","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122327233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Analogue of the Hero of Heliodorus' Aethiopica","authors":"Edmund P. Cueva","doi":"10.1353/SYL.1998.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.1998.0004","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"104 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122371352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recently, the question of Corinna’s date has been raised yet again by Andrew Stewart, who observes that Tatian’s list of statues of the female poets, including one of Corinna by the fourthcentury sculptor Silanion, is supported by archaeological evidence. In his Oratio ad Graecos (33–4), the Christian apologist Tatian provides a list of thirty-six statues and their sculptors that, in his opinion, demonstrates the moral inferiority of the pagan Greeks. Art historians have long suspected that these statues, especially the fourteen female subjects whom Tatian groups together at the beginning of chapter 33, once stood in the area of Pompey’s theater at Rome. Literary historians, on the other hand, have followed Kalkmann’s 1887 essay in arguing that Tatian’s list is a complete fabrication, in spite of his claim to have seen the statues first-hand.1 In 1972, however, Coarelli published a statue base from the theater complex, inscribed with the title “Mystis” and the name of the artist, Aristodotos. This corresponded exactly to one of Tatian’s statues. But because neither Mystis nor her sculptor were known from other sources, editors of Tatian, including Whittaker (1982) and Marcovich (1995), have emended the manuscript reading of Mystis to Nossis, ignoring Coarelli’s discovery. They
最近，安德鲁·斯图尔特(Andrew Stewart)再次提出了科琳娜的创作年代问题，他注意到塔提安(Tatian)列出的女性诗人雕像清单，包括四世纪雕塑家西拉尼翁(Silanion)为科琳娜创作的雕像，都有考古证据支持。基督教护教家塔提安在他的《希腊论》(Oratio and Graecos, 33-4)中列出了36座雕像及其雕刻家的名单，在他看来，这些雕像证明了希腊异教徒的道德低下。艺术史学家长期以来一直怀疑这些雕像，尤其是塔天在第33章开始时聚集在一起的14个女性主题，曾经矗立在罗马庞培剧院的区域。另一方面，文学史学家追随卡尔克曼1887年的文章，认为塔提安的名单完全是捏造的，尽管他声称自己亲眼看到了这些雕像然而，在1972年，科雷利从剧院建筑群中出版了一个雕像底座，上面刻有“神秘主义者”的标题和艺术家亚里士多德的名字。这恰好与塔提安的一尊雕像相符。但是由于《神秘主义者》和她的雕刻家都没有从其他资料中得知，《塔蒂安》的编辑，包括惠特克(Whittaker, 1982)和马科维奇(Marcovich, 1995)，修改了《从神秘主义者到神秘主义者》的手稿，忽略了科雷利的发现。他们
{"title":"Corinna and the Daughters of Asopus","authors":"Jennifer Larson","doi":"10.1353/SYL.2002.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.2002.0006","url":null,"abstract":"Recently, the question of Corinna’s date has been raised yet again by Andrew Stewart, who observes that Tatian’s list of statues of the female poets, including one of Corinna by the fourthcentury sculptor Silanion, is supported by archaeological evidence. In his Oratio ad Graecos (33–4), the Christian apologist Tatian provides a list of thirty-six statues and their sculptors that, in his opinion, demonstrates the moral inferiority of the pagan Greeks. Art historians have long suspected that these statues, especially the fourteen female subjects whom Tatian groups together at the beginning of chapter 33, once stood in the area of Pompey’s theater at Rome. Literary historians, on the other hand, have followed Kalkmann’s 1887 essay in arguing that Tatian’s list is a complete fabrication, in spite of his claim to have seen the statues first-hand.1 In 1972, however, Coarelli published a statue base from the theater complex, inscribed with the title “Mystis” and the name of the artist, Aristodotos. This corresponded exactly to one of Tatian’s statues. But because neither Mystis nor her sculptor were known from other sources, editors of Tatian, including Whittaker (1982) and Marcovich (1995), have emended the manuscript reading of Mystis to Nossis, ignoring Coarelli’s discovery. They","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128997580","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Latin sēnī crīnēs and the Hair Style of Roman Brides","authors":"L. LaFollette, Rex E. Wallace","doi":"10.1353/SYL.1993.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.1993.0001","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130264576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The phrase, ????a d' est? t?? f???a, taken fromAristode's .£«¿¿S7#¿Z» Ethics (1242a.26), defines the subject, or rather the problem, that I address in this paper. What didAristode mean by this apparendy straightforward claim, and how may we best translate it? Does it in fact encapsulate in some important sense the essence of the ????? in classical Athens, and, if so, is it informative about the emotional bonds that united the Greek family? Historians of the family commonly speak of the difficulties of recapturing the quality of sentiment among kin in earlier societies. Sarah Pomeroy, for example, has recendy written (1997, 3): "I am pessimistic about our ability to discover very much about the emotional experiences ofthe past, andwhether they changed over time."1 The difficulties A version ofthis paper was presented in November 1998 to the History Seminar at Cambridge University at the invitation of Paul Cartledge, Lene Rubinstein, and Dorothy Thompson. I should like to thank them, and all those who participated in the seminar, for stimulating discussion and commentary. Alan Boegehold read the present version, and was generous with advice and encouragement.
{"title":"οἰκίαδ' ϵστί τις Φιλία: Love and the Greek Family","authors":"David Konstan","doi":"10.1353/SYL.2000.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.2000.0008","url":null,"abstract":"The phrase, ????a d' est? t?? f???a, taken fromAristode's .£«¿¿S7#¿Z» Ethics (1242a.26), defines the subject, or rather the problem, that I address in this paper. What didAristode mean by this apparendy straightforward claim, and how may we best translate it? Does it in fact encapsulate in some important sense the essence of the ????? in classical Athens, and, if so, is it informative about the emotional bonds that united the Greek family? Historians of the family commonly speak of the difficulties of recapturing the quality of sentiment among kin in earlier societies. Sarah Pomeroy, for example, has recendy written (1997, 3): \"I am pessimistic about our ability to discover very much about the emotional experiences ofthe past, andwhether they changed over time.\"1 The difficulties A version ofthis paper was presented in November 1998 to the History Seminar at Cambridge University at the invitation of Paul Cartledge, Lene Rubinstein, and Dorothy Thompson. I should like to thank them, and all those who participated in the seminar, for stimulating discussion and commentary. Alan Boegehold read the present version, and was generous with advice and encouragement.","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128056285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Plautus’ Menaechmi consists of a two-part structure, built of parallel and balanced scenes, which emphasises the contrast between the two eponymous brothers. This contrast is shown by their relative acting ability, which directly contributes to their respective success and failure within the context of the play. Through his cunning and increasingly elaborate performances, Menaechmus of Syracuse comes over the course of the play to embody the festival spirit, and hence achieves his goal and finds his long lost brother. Menaechmus of Epidamnus in contrast fails to succeed at all until he also shows cunning, whereupon he achieves his own dream of escaping from the burdens of married life and duty in Epidamnus.
{"title":"A Calculated Comedy of Errors: The Structure of Plautus’ Menaechmi","authors":"Lisa Maurice","doi":"10.1353/SYL.2005.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.2005.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Plautus’ Menaechmi consists of a two-part structure, built of parallel and balanced scenes, which emphasises the contrast between the two eponymous brothers. This contrast is shown by their relative acting ability, which directly contributes to their respective success and failure within the context of the play. Through his cunning and increasingly elaborate performances, Menaechmus of Syracuse comes over the course of the play to embody the festival spirit, and hence achieves his goal and finds his long lost brother. Menaechmus of Epidamnus in contrast fails to succeed at all until he also shows cunning, whereupon he achieves his own dream of escaping from the burdens of married life and duty in Epidamnus.","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114541611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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