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Chronology and Anachrony in Ovid's Story of Scylla (Metamorphoses 13.730-14.74) 奥维德《锡拉的故事》中的年表和年代错误(变形记13.730-14.74)
Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/SYL.1998.0003
M. Musgrove
The tale of Scylla in Metamorphoses Books 13 and 14 and the stories which branch off from it are a well-known case of Ovid's tendency to digress from his so-called main storyünes. As Aeneas approaches the region of Scylla and Charybdis, Ovid tells the readers about Scylla's history, and within this history tells several other episodes.1 The problem of die relationship between frame and inset stories is complicated by Ovid's wide use of internal narrators, sometimes on several levels of subordination,2 and by his habit of interrupting one story with a seemingly unrelated one, especially during long continuous episodes, such as that of Aeneas. The Scylla story raises questions about Ovid's pacing of his episodes and of his shrinking of some of his inherited material, questions of what G. Genette calls narrative "duration."3
《变形记》第13卷和第14卷中的锡拉的故事以及从它衍生出来的故事都是奥维德倾向于脱离他所谓的主要故事的一个众所周知的例子。当埃涅阿斯接近“锡拉”和“卡律布狄斯”地区时,奥维德向读者讲述了“锡拉”的历史,并在这段历史中讲述了其他几个情节奥维德广泛使用内部叙述者,有时在几个层次上是从属的,2他习惯用一个看似不相关的故事打断一个故事,特别是在长连续的情节中,比如埃涅阿斯的故事,使框架和插入故事之间的关系问题变得复杂。《锡拉》的故事让人质疑奥维德的情节节奏,质疑他对一些继承材料的缩减,质疑g·吉内特(G. Genette)所说的叙事“持续时间”。“3
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引用次数: 2
Iocosus Maecenas: Patron As Writer
Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/SYL.1992.0006
John F. Makowski
Maecenas as discoverer and supporter of the literary luminaries of his day achieved a name virtually synonymous with patronage. Less well known, however, even to many students of Augustan literature is Maecenas, prose stylist and poet. Explicably, the obscurity ofhis reputation as a writer is due in large part to the failure ofmost of his writing to survive, but fortunately the handful of fragments still extant is enough to afford an intriguing glimpse into one of the most colorful and contradictory figures of the Augustan Age.1 Though scanty, the nine fragments of prose and eight of poetry provide a coherent picture ofMaecenas' literary output, and several are of importance to students of Vergil and Horace because they reveal the mutual influence from patron to poet and poet to patron. Furthermore, interesting as the fragments are in themselves, they are also valuable for the judgments passed upon them by Maecenas' own contemporaries and by ancient literary critics. Thus, the comments of contemporaries like Agrippa, Horace, and Augustus and the considered judgments of Seneca, Quintilian, and Tacitus form a significant page in the history of Roman literary criticism. This paper, besides aiming to provide an introduction to the fragments of Maecenas, will also suggest that many ofthe quotations, though dissected by grammarians and philologists into their syntactical and lexical components, stand in need of further illumination as to their tone and purpose. It will be argued that Maecenas' language, admittedly vexing and obscure, is in the main such because of the author's intentional efforts at humor and, in several instances, at self-parody. The fragments themselves and the testimonia of commentators attest that Maecenas worked in a number of genres both in prose and in verse. In these
梅塞纳斯作为他那个时代文学名人的发现者和支持者,获得了一个几乎等同于赞助的名字。然而,即使对许多研究奥古斯都文学的学生来说,也不太为人所知的是梅塞纳斯,他是散文文体家和诗人。可以解释的是,他作为作家的名声不为人知,在很大程度上是由于他的大部分作品都没有保存下来,但幸运的是,他的一些片段仍然存在,足以让我们对奥古斯都时代最丰富多彩、最矛盾的人物之一有一个有趣的了解。1尽管很少,九篇散文片段和八篇诗歌片段提供了一个连贯的画面,展示了他的文学作品。其中一些对维吉尔和贺拉斯的学生很重要,因为它们揭示了赞助人对诗人和诗人对赞助人的相互影响。此外,尽管这些碎片本身很有趣,但它们对于梅塞纳斯同时代人和古代文学评论家对它们的判断也很有价值。因此,阿格里帕、贺拉斯和奥古斯都等同时代人的评论,以及塞内加、昆提连和塔西佗的深思熟虑的判断,构成了罗马文学批评史上重要的一页。本文除了旨在介绍《梅塞纳斯》的片段外,还将表明,尽管语法学家和语言学家对其中的许多引语进行了句法和词汇成分的剖析,但它们的语气和目的仍有待进一步阐明。有人会说,梅塞纳斯的语言虽然令人烦恼,晦涩难懂,但主要是因为作者有意的幽默,在一些情况下,是自我模仿。碎片本身和评论家的证词证明,梅塞纳斯在散文和诗歌中都有不同的体裁。在这些
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引用次数: 3
Intellect and Common Sense in Aristotle's De Anima III.7 亚里士多德《论动物》中的智力和常识
Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/SYL.1989.0005
J. Finamore
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引用次数: 0
ϵὔνους καὶ πóλϵι σωτήριος / μϵ́τοικος: Metics, Tragedy, and Civic Ideology
Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/SYL.1999.0000
Geoff Bakewell
Towards the end of Euripides’ play The Children of Heracles (Heraclidae), the Argive ruler Eurystheus, once persecutor of Heracles’ children and now himself a captive, is led on stage. After defending his conduct in an exchange with the vengeful Alcmene, he expresses his willingness to die. He will not entreat Athens to block his impending execution, but rather accepts his fate and makes a promise to the chorus of Athenian citizens (The Children of Heracles 1030–37):1
在欧里庇得斯的戏剧《赫拉克勒斯的孩子们》(《赫拉克勒斯》)接近尾声时,阿耳喀斯的统治者欧律斯透斯被带到舞台上,他曾经是赫拉克勒斯孩子们的迫害者,现在自己也成了俘虏。在与复仇心切的阿尔克墨涅交换意见后,他为自己的行为辩护,并表示愿意赴死。他不会恳求雅典阻止他即将到来的处决,而是接受他的命运,并向雅典公民的合唱做出承诺(赫拉克勒斯的孩子1030-37):1
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引用次数: 0
Seneca, St. Paul, Synesius, and the Text of the Europa Ode 塞内加、圣保罗、辛尼修斯和《欧罗巴颂》文本
Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/SYL.1994.0008
M. Hendry
1 My text of Horace is quoted from Horatius, Opera, ed. F. Klingner, 3rd ed. (Leipzig 1959), translation from G. Williams, The Third Book ofHorace's Odes (Oxford 1969). Except as noted, other translations are my own. I offer no general interpretation of the Ode because I find myself in overall agreement with J.S. Clay's recent article ÇProvidus Auspex: Horace, Ode 3.27," CJ 88.2 [1992/1993] 167-77), in which she argues that Galatea is not an ex-lover of Horace, but a "young girl on the brink of womanhood," and her voyage "a metaphorical voyage into adulthood" (177). On Clay's interpretation, the warning in these lines is far from serious, and rather teasingly than threateningly vivid. However, I mention this only here since my main point is not affected by acceptance or rejection of her interpretation, except insofar as it makes the reference of 21-24 more vivid and thus more hyperbolic, which perhaps better fits a teasing warning than a serious curse.
1我的贺拉斯文本引自贺拉斯,歌剧,F.克林纳编,第三版(莱比锡,1959),翻译自G.威廉姆斯,贺拉斯诗集第三部(牛津,1969)。除了特别说明外,其他翻译都是我自己的。我没有提供对颂歌的一般解释,因为我发现自己完全同意J.S.克莱最近的文章ÇProvidus Auspex:贺拉斯,颂歌3.27,“CJ 88.2[1992/1993] 167-77),她认为加拉蒂亚不是贺拉斯的前情人,而是一个“处于女性边缘的年轻女孩”,她的航行是“隐喻性的成年航行”(177)。按照克莱的解释,这几行诗中的警告一点也不严肃,与其说生动生动,不如说是戏谑。然而,我只在这里提到这一点,因为我的主要观点不受她的解释的接受或拒绝的影响,除非它使21-24的参考更生动,因此更夸张,这可能更适合挑逗的警告,而不是严肃的诅咒。
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引用次数: 1
The First and Last of Catullus 卡图勒斯的第一个和最后一个
Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/SYL.1994.0003
H. Dettmer
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引用次数: 0
Greek and Lydian Evidence of Diversity, Erasure, and Convergence in Western Asia Minor 希腊和吕底亚人在小西亚的多样性、抹除和融合的证据
Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/SYL.2003.0010
J. Kearns
After the Persian, Greek, and Roman conquests of Lydia, a separate Lydian culture and language gradually disappeared under the influence of the kind of socioeconomic and sociolinguistic forces that have more recently reduced the diversity of the world’s cultures and languages. There is evidence, however, that a convergence between Greek and Anatolian (particularly Lydian) cultures stretched back into the Bronze Age. This kind of convergence would explain Herodotus’ remarkable statement that Greeks and Lydians follow much the same customs.
在波斯人、希腊人和罗马人征服吕底亚之后,吕底亚的独立文化和语言在社会经济和社会语言力量的影响下逐渐消失,这种力量最近减少了世界文化和语言的多样性。然而,有证据表明,希腊和安纳托利亚(特别是吕底亚)文化之间的融合可以追溯到青铜时代。这种融合可以解释希罗多德关于希腊人和吕底亚人遵循相同习俗的论断。
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引用次数: 1
The Cultural Construction of Beer Among Greeks and Romans 希腊人和罗马人对啤酒的文化建构
Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/SYL.2003.0005
Max Nelson
Although beer was a common beverage in practically all ancient societies, the wine-drinking Greeks and Romans mysteriously excluded it from their diet. It is too simplistic to state that they simply disliked the drink, since those who ventured to try some beer did not necessarily find it so distasteful. Rather, the very fact that beer was the beverage of others was enough to condemn it.
尽管啤酒在几乎所有古代社会都是一种常见的饮料,但爱喝葡萄酒的希腊人和罗马人却神秘地将啤酒排除在他们的饮食之外。如果说他们只是不喜欢这种饮料,那就太简单了,因为那些冒险尝试啤酒的人并不一定觉得它那么令人讨厌。相反,啤酒是别人的饮料这一事实本身就足以谴责它。
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引用次数: 15
Performing Ideology: Classicism, Modernity, and Social Context An APA / Camp Three-Year Colloquium 表演意识形态:古典主义、现代性和社会背景。美国心理学会/坎普三年学术研讨会
Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/syl.2008.0006
G. Manuwald, H. Marshall
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引用次数: 0
The Teiresias Scene in Sophocles' Oedipus Tyrannus 索福克勒斯《俄狄浦斯·泰拉努斯》中的提雷西亚斯场景
Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/SYL.2000.0004
L. Edmunds
In the third of his "Lettres à M. de Genonville" (1719), Voltaire discussed several "fautes de vraisemblance" that he found in Sophocles' Oedipus Tyrannus. One of the worst was Oedipus' failure to make any connection between what Teiresias tells him and what he himself has earlier heard fromApollo. Voltaire's criticism, reaffirmed or challenged again and again up to the present, has dominated discussion of the Teiresias scene. In all of this discussion, so far as I know, the principle of verisimilitude has remained intact. But much in the scene suggests that this principle was not the correct one in the first place. The opening
在他的《热农维尔先生的书信》(1719)的第三篇中,伏尔泰讨论了他在索福克勒斯的《俄狄浦斯·泰拉努斯》中发现的几个“相似之处”。最糟糕的是俄狄浦斯没能把忒瑞西阿斯告诉他的和他自己早先从阿波罗那里听到的联系起来。伏尔泰的批评,一次又一次地重申或挑战,直到现在,已经主导了对泰雷西亚斯场景的讨论。在所有这些讨论中,据我所知,真实性原则一直保持不变。但现场的许多情况表明,这一原则一开始就不正确。开幕式
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引用次数: 7
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Syllecta Classica
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