The tale of Scylla in Metamorphoses Books 13 and 14 and the stories which branch off from it are a well-known case of Ovid's tendency to digress from his so-called main storyünes. As Aeneas approaches the region of Scylla and Charybdis, Ovid tells the readers about Scylla's history, and within this history tells several other episodes.1 The problem of die relationship between frame and inset stories is complicated by Ovid's wide use of internal narrators, sometimes on several levels of subordination,2 and by his habit of interrupting one story with a seemingly unrelated one, especially during long continuous episodes, such as that of Aeneas. The Scylla story raises questions about Ovid's pacing of his episodes and of his shrinking of some of his inherited material, questions of what G. Genette calls narrative "duration."3
{"title":"Chronology and Anachrony in Ovid's Story of Scylla (Metamorphoses 13.730-14.74)","authors":"M. Musgrove","doi":"10.1353/SYL.1998.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.1998.0003","url":null,"abstract":"The tale of Scylla in Metamorphoses Books 13 and 14 and the stories which branch off from it are a well-known case of Ovid's tendency to digress from his so-called main storyünes. As Aeneas approaches the region of Scylla and Charybdis, Ovid tells the readers about Scylla's history, and within this history tells several other episodes.1 The problem of die relationship between frame and inset stories is complicated by Ovid's wide use of internal narrators, sometimes on several levels of subordination,2 and by his habit of interrupting one story with a seemingly unrelated one, especially during long continuous episodes, such as that of Aeneas. The Scylla story raises questions about Ovid's pacing of his episodes and of his shrinking of some of his inherited material, questions of what G. Genette calls narrative \"duration.\"3","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131646425","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Maecenas as discoverer and supporter of the literary luminaries of his day achieved a name virtually synonymous with patronage. Less well known, however, even to many students of Augustan literature is Maecenas, prose stylist and poet. Explicably, the obscurity ofhis reputation as a writer is due in large part to the failure ofmost of his writing to survive, but fortunately the handful of fragments still extant is enough to afford an intriguing glimpse into one of the most colorful and contradictory figures of the Augustan Age.1 Though scanty, the nine fragments of prose and eight of poetry provide a coherent picture ofMaecenas' literary output, and several are of importance to students of Vergil and Horace because they reveal the mutual influence from patron to poet and poet to patron. Furthermore, interesting as the fragments are in themselves, they are also valuable for the judgments passed upon them by Maecenas' own contemporaries and by ancient literary critics. Thus, the comments of contemporaries like Agrippa, Horace, and Augustus and the considered judgments of Seneca, Quintilian, and Tacitus form a significant page in the history of Roman literary criticism. This paper, besides aiming to provide an introduction to the fragments of Maecenas, will also suggest that many ofthe quotations, though dissected by grammarians and philologists into their syntactical and lexical components, stand in need of further illumination as to their tone and purpose. It will be argued that Maecenas' language, admittedly vexing and obscure, is in the main such because of the author's intentional efforts at humor and, in several instances, at self-parody. The fragments themselves and the testimonia of commentators attest that Maecenas worked in a number of genres both in prose and in verse. In these
{"title":"Iocosus Maecenas: Patron As Writer","authors":"John F. Makowski","doi":"10.1353/SYL.1992.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.1992.0006","url":null,"abstract":"Maecenas as discoverer and supporter of the literary luminaries of his day achieved a name virtually synonymous with patronage. Less well known, however, even to many students of Augustan literature is Maecenas, prose stylist and poet. Explicably, the obscurity ofhis reputation as a writer is due in large part to the failure ofmost of his writing to survive, but fortunately the handful of fragments still extant is enough to afford an intriguing glimpse into one of the most colorful and contradictory figures of the Augustan Age.1 Though scanty, the nine fragments of prose and eight of poetry provide a coherent picture ofMaecenas' literary output, and several are of importance to students of Vergil and Horace because they reveal the mutual influence from patron to poet and poet to patron. Furthermore, interesting as the fragments are in themselves, they are also valuable for the judgments passed upon them by Maecenas' own contemporaries and by ancient literary critics. Thus, the comments of contemporaries like Agrippa, Horace, and Augustus and the considered judgments of Seneca, Quintilian, and Tacitus form a significant page in the history of Roman literary criticism. This paper, besides aiming to provide an introduction to the fragments of Maecenas, will also suggest that many ofthe quotations, though dissected by grammarians and philologists into their syntactical and lexical components, stand in need of further illumination as to their tone and purpose. It will be argued that Maecenas' language, admittedly vexing and obscure, is in the main such because of the author's intentional efforts at humor and, in several instances, at self-parody. The fragments themselves and the testimonia of commentators attest that Maecenas worked in a number of genres both in prose and in verse. In these","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128050857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Intellect and Common Sense in Aristotle's De Anima III.7","authors":"J. Finamore","doi":"10.1353/SYL.1989.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.1989.0005","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128123086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Towards the end of Euripides’ play The Children of Heracles (Heraclidae), the Argive ruler Eurystheus, once persecutor of Heracles’ children and now himself a captive, is led on stage. After defending his conduct in an exchange with the vengeful Alcmene, he expresses his willingness to die. He will not entreat Athens to block his impending execution, but rather accepts his fate and makes a promise to the chorus of Athenian citizens (The Children of Heracles 1030–37):1
{"title":"ϵὔνους καὶ πóλϵι σωτήριος / μϵ́τοικος: Metics, Tragedy, and Civic Ideology","authors":"Geoff Bakewell","doi":"10.1353/SYL.1999.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.1999.0000","url":null,"abstract":"Towards the end of Euripides’ play The Children of Heracles (Heraclidae), the Argive ruler Eurystheus, once persecutor of Heracles’ children and now himself a captive, is led on stage. After defending his conduct in an exchange with the vengeful Alcmene, he expresses his willingness to die. He will not entreat Athens to block his impending execution, but rather accepts his fate and makes a promise to the chorus of Athenian citizens (The Children of Heracles 1030–37):1","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132761353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
1 My text of Horace is quoted from Horatius, Opera, ed. F. Klingner, 3rd ed. (Leipzig 1959), translation from G. Williams, The Third Book ofHorace's Odes (Oxford 1969). Except as noted, other translations are my own. I offer no general interpretation of the Ode because I find myself in overall agreement with J.S. Clay's recent article ÇProvidus Auspex: Horace, Ode 3.27," CJ 88.2 [1992/1993] 167-77), in which she argues that Galatea is not an ex-lover of Horace, but a "young girl on the brink of womanhood," and her voyage "a metaphorical voyage into adulthood" (177). On Clay's interpretation, the warning in these lines is far from serious, and rather teasingly than threateningly vivid. However, I mention this only here since my main point is not affected by acceptance or rejection of her interpretation, except insofar as it makes the reference of 21-24 more vivid and thus more hyperbolic, which perhaps better fits a teasing warning than a serious curse.
{"title":"Seneca, St. Paul, Synesius, and the Text of the Europa Ode","authors":"M. Hendry","doi":"10.1353/SYL.1994.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.1994.0008","url":null,"abstract":"1 My text of Horace is quoted from Horatius, Opera, ed. F. Klingner, 3rd ed. (Leipzig 1959), translation from G. Williams, The Third Book ofHorace's Odes (Oxford 1969). Except as noted, other translations are my own. I offer no general interpretation of the Ode because I find myself in overall agreement with J.S. Clay's recent article ÇProvidus Auspex: Horace, Ode 3.27,\" CJ 88.2 [1992/1993] 167-77), in which she argues that Galatea is not an ex-lover of Horace, but a \"young girl on the brink of womanhood,\" and her voyage \"a metaphorical voyage into adulthood\" (177). On Clay's interpretation, the warning in these lines is far from serious, and rather teasingly than threateningly vivid. However, I mention this only here since my main point is not affected by acceptance or rejection of her interpretation, except insofar as it makes the reference of 21-24 more vivid and thus more hyperbolic, which perhaps better fits a teasing warning than a serious curse.","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133771959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The First and Last of Catullus","authors":"H. Dettmer","doi":"10.1353/SYL.1994.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.1994.0003","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133106594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Book 1 1 of the Institutio Oratoria, Quintilian warns that an orator should avoid boasting, as this might offend his listeners (1 1.1.15-16). He notes that Cicero, despite his reputation for boasting, generally speaks of his achievements in his orations only when he must do so, either to help clients who assisted him in suppressing the conspiracy, or to respond to his own critics, and so in these cases he is defending rather than glorifying himself (11.1.17-18). Later Quintilian states, evidendy as an example of how one successful orator tried to avoid the appearance of boasting, that Cicero often speaks of the suppression of the Catilinarian conspiracy, but attributes it to the senate or the gods (11.1.23 EtM. Tullius saepe dicit de oppressa coniuratione Catilinae, sed modo id virtuti senatus, modo providentiae deorum immortalium adsignat).1 It is when he must defend himself from his enemies and detractors, Quintilian claims, that the orator takes more credit for these actions (Plerumque contra mimicos atque obtrectatores plus vindicat sibi: erant enim ilia tuenda cum obicerentur). A study of Cicero's orations after 63 B.C., however, indicates that Quintilian is mistaken in this last statement; in fact, the reverse is true. It is precisely when he is defending himself from the attacks of his adversaries— particulary Clodius, Piso, and Antony-that the orator seems most eager to assign responsibility for the suppression of the conspiracy to others. In the orations after his consulship, and especially in those after his exile, Cicero often states or implies that the senate or others were responsible for putting down the conspiracy, and omits or minimizes his own part in this action. No modem
在《演讲学院》的第11卷中，昆提连警告说，演说家应该避免吹嘘，因为这可能会冒犯他的听众(1 1.1.15-16)。他注意到，尽管西塞罗以自夸著称，但他通常只在必要时才会在演讲中谈到自己的成就，要么是为了帮助帮助他镇压阴谋的客户，要么是为了回应他自己的批评者，所以在这些情况下，他是在为自己辩护，而不是美化自己(11.1.17-18)。后来的昆提利安人说，西塞罗经常谈到镇压卡提利安阴谋，但把它归因于元老院或众神，这显然是一个成功的演说家如何试图避免出现吹嘘的例子。[1][图利奥斯·塞普勒斯·卡蒂林纳斯·卡蒂林纳斯·维托勒斯·维托勒斯·维托勒斯·莫托勒斯·莫托勒斯·莫托勒斯·莫托勒斯]昆提连声称，只有当他必须为自己的敌人和诋毁者辩护时，演说家才会为这些行为获得更多的信任(pleerumque contra mimicos atque obrectatores plus vinindicat sibi: erant enim ilia tuenda cum obicerentur)。然而，对西塞罗公元前63年之后演讲的研究表明，昆提连在最后这句话上是错误的;事实上，情况正好相反。正是在他为自己辩护，免受对手——尤其是克劳狄乌斯、皮索和安东尼——的攻击时，这位演说家似乎最急于把镇压阴谋的责任推给别人。在他担任执政官之后的演讲中，特别是在他被流放之后的演讲中，西塞罗经常陈述或暗示元老院或其他人对镇压阴谋负有责任，而忽略或最小化了他自己在这一行动中的作用。没有现代
{"title":"Avoiding the Responsibility: Cicero and the Suppression of Catiline's Conspiracy","authors":"Arthur Robinson","doi":"10.1353/SYL.1994.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.1994.0005","url":null,"abstract":"In Book 1 1 of the Institutio Oratoria, Quintilian warns that an orator should avoid boasting, as this might offend his listeners (1 1.1.15-16). He notes that Cicero, despite his reputation for boasting, generally speaks of his achievements in his orations only when he must do so, either to help clients who assisted him in suppressing the conspiracy, or to respond to his own critics, and so in these cases he is defending rather than glorifying himself (11.1.17-18). Later Quintilian states, evidendy as an example of how one successful orator tried to avoid the appearance of boasting, that Cicero often speaks of the suppression of the Catilinarian conspiracy, but attributes it to the senate or the gods (11.1.23 EtM. Tullius saepe dicit de oppressa coniuratione Catilinae, sed modo id virtuti senatus, modo providentiae deorum immortalium adsignat).1 It is when he must defend himself from his enemies and detractors, Quintilian claims, that the orator takes more credit for these actions (Plerumque contra mimicos atque obtrectatores plus vindicat sibi: erant enim ilia tuenda cum obicerentur). A study of Cicero's orations after 63 B.C., however, indicates that Quintilian is mistaken in this last statement; in fact, the reverse is true. It is precisely when he is defending himself from the attacks of his adversaries— particulary Clodius, Piso, and Antony-that the orator seems most eager to assign responsibility for the suppression of the conspiracy to others. In the orations after his consulship, and especially in those after his exile, Cicero often states or implies that the senate or others were responsible for putting down the conspiracy, and omits or minimizes his own part in this action. No modem","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115209719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Performing Ideology: Classicism, Modernity, and Social Context An APA / Camp Three-Year Colloquium","authors":"G. Manuwald, H. Marshall","doi":"10.1353/syl.2008.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/syl.2008.0006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114810410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In his portrayal of Tissaphernes in Book Eight, Thucydides addresses a major problem of Athenian politics in the late fifth and early fourth centuries, the hope for alliance with Achaemenid Persia. Tissaphernes’ quarrels with his Spartan allies during the early phase of Persian intervention in the Peloponnesian War led to a wide-spread Greek belief, encouraged by Alkibiades, that Persia might transfer its support to the Athenians. Thucydides, while agreeing with contemporary theories of Tissaphernes’ secret hostility to the Spartan war effort, reconstructs Tissaphernes’ motives in order to challenge Alkibiadean ideas of Persian friendship for Athens.
{"title":"Waiting for Tissaphernes: Athens and Persia in Thucydides VIII","authors":"John O. Hyland","doi":"10.1353/SYL.2004.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.2004.0007","url":null,"abstract":"In his portrayal of Tissaphernes in Book Eight, Thucydides addresses a major problem of Athenian politics in the late fifth and early fourth centuries, the hope for alliance with Achaemenid Persia. Tissaphernes’ quarrels with his Spartan allies during the early phase of Persian intervention in the Peloponnesian War led to a wide-spread Greek belief, encouraged by Alkibiades, that Persia might transfer its support to the Athenians. Thucydides, while agreeing with contemporary theories of Tissaphernes’ secret hostility to the Spartan war effort, reconstructs Tissaphernes’ motives in order to challenge Alkibiadean ideas of Persian friendship for Athens.","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114407915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Plautus’ Menaechmi consists of a two-part structure, built of parallel and balanced scenes, which emphasises the contrast between the two eponymous brothers. This contrast is shown by their relative acting ability, which directly contributes to their respective success and failure within the context of the play. Through his cunning and increasingly elaborate performances, Menaechmus of Syracuse comes over the course of the play to embody the festival spirit, and hence achieves his goal and finds his long lost brother. Menaechmus of Epidamnus in contrast fails to succeed at all until he also shows cunning, whereupon he achieves his own dream of escaping from the burdens of married life and duty in Epidamnus.
{"title":"A Calculated Comedy of Errors: The Structure of Plautus’ Menaechmi","authors":"Lisa Maurice","doi":"10.1353/SYL.2005.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SYL.2005.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Plautus’ Menaechmi consists of a two-part structure, built of parallel and balanced scenes, which emphasises the contrast between the two eponymous brothers. This contrast is shown by their relative acting ability, which directly contributes to their respective success and failure within the context of the play. Through his cunning and increasingly elaborate performances, Menaechmus of Syracuse comes over the course of the play to embody the festival spirit, and hence achieves his goal and finds his long lost brother. Menaechmus of Epidamnus in contrast fails to succeed at all until he also shows cunning, whereupon he achieves his own dream of escaping from the burdens of married life and duty in Epidamnus.","PeriodicalId":402432,"journal":{"name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114541611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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